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The article deals with the activities of an important fraternity of pastors from Spiš (Szepes, Zips) region founded in 1204 who resided in Levoča (Lőcse, Leutschau), especially with the work of one of its members, Christoph Petschmessingsloer. In addition to providing information on the life of the author of The Praise for the Art of Poetry (Laudes artis poeticae) from 1461, the study describes the circumstances of the origin of this work. The greatest attention is paid to an analysis of the text of this lecture on the art of poetry and an assessment of its rhetorical characteristics that represented an introduction to Satires by the Roman satirist Decimus Junius Juvenalis. For its first part, the poetic praise of art and poetry is characteristic; the second part speaks of rhetorical and poetic technique, verse forms together with terms of poetic expression. The work is concluded with a mythological story inspired by Ovid's Metamorphoses about nine muses that represent nine human activities and methods of the acquisition of knowledge.
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The author analyzes the Chronicle as an exceptionally important source for the study of the germs of ethnological thought among Croats. Although created in the remote 13th century, the Chronicle reveals some of its author’s preoccupations which have parallels in contemporary ethnology. Among other things, Toma Archdeacon was interested in the elthnogenesis of Croats. He attempted to solve the riddle with the help of Various written sources, oral traditions and partly by own speculations. His methods reveal a serious and honest approach to solving problems. An interesting part of the Chronicle contains an exhaustive description of the Tatars, being the oldest account on a foreign people in Croatian historical literary sources.
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Scottish sources suggest that the Scottish king, Robert I, left instructions to his commanders on his deathbed for how war with England should be fought in the years to follow. Although it is unclear as to whether this “testament” was based on any sort of reality, or was simply a literary creation of later years, it is referred to commonly in Scottish historiography as something of a manual for the Scots, based upon the lessons learned by their warrior king. In the years after Robert I’s death, however, the Scots lost three battles in fourteen years, and would go on to lose more examples in the decades to follow. Historians of medieval Scotland have, therefore, deduced that those Scottish military leaders who had gathered around their king’s deathbed either ignored or forgot the advice of their king. This article aims to challenge this dominant historiographical view of the military history of this period of conflict, with particular focus given to the Second Scottish War of Independence (1332–1357). It will reconsider the extent to which the Scots adhered to the testament of “Good King Robert”, and the degree to which they continued the type of war that their king had fought during his own time. It will re-examine the main battles of this second conflict with England and re-assess the extent to which the results of these set pieces should be seen as the dominant factors in relation to this period of war. Ultimately, this article will reconsider the extent to which lessons were indeed learned by Scottish commanders during the Second War of Independence, and the degree to which Scottish commanders, rather than abandoning hard-learned past lessons, instead prosecuted a style of war that aligned closely with the warfare advocated by Robert I.
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Uwagi na temat budownictwa warownego zakonu niemieckiego w późnośredniowiecznych Prusach
The article constitutes a collection of remarks concerning military aspects of the construction and functioning of the Teutonic castle in Bezławki (Bayselauken, Bäslack) in the last decades of the 14th century. Speculations included in the article refer to opinions expressed by the authors of the collective monograph about the late medieval settlement complex in Bäslack published in 2013. It presents the findings of archeological research in the castle and the village in the years 2008-2012. Remarks presented in the article concern three out of six problems which are considered the most essential. While it goes beyond doubt that the castle played an important defensive role, the hypothesis of it being a “fortified camp” for the army during military actions of the Teutonic Order against the Lithuanians and Ruthenians has been undermined. It is not possible to consider it to play a military role on a significant strategic level, as do the authors of the monograph of 2013. In the second part of the article the author undermines the hypothesis about the “systematic” character of the complex of fortifications situated on the eastern Prussian border. If the castle in Bäslack was indeed part of some defensive system, it could operate on the local level and consist of an insignificant number of elements including longitudinal fortifications constituting the so called “Landwehr”. The next issue addressed by the author was a problem of the typology of the term “wildhaus”. As in the 14th century the term connoted the location of the fortification on the border of the forest, the author shows a far-reaching morphological diversity of fortifications on the eastern outskirts of the Prussian state, which were or could be classified as “wildhauses”. Thus, a “wildhaus” cannot be classified as a morphological type of a fortification. The typology of fortifications based on the morphological criteria cannot be connected with the typology based on the administrative and terminological criteria. Archeological examination of the Bäslack fortification evinces its major cognitive potential and makes us aware of how little is known about the functioning of minor fortifications in late medieval Prussia. Further research in this field belongs to one of the most important elements of historical science in the Prussian regional dimension and related branches of science.
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In the 13th century Anatolian architecture, both the appearance and the decoration programs and the portals as important building elements that inform about the ornamentation characteristics of the period. The Anatolian Seljuk civilization continues its existence with its numerous architectural structures and elements of decoration. decorations which are generally independent or in the form of continuation of each other were used in 13th century. the architectural compositions of Anatolian Seljuk period. The part of the door, starting from the starting points of the corner pillars and forming the concave part, surrounding from outside, generally adorned areas are called siege arches. Various compositions that reflect the period features are used in the siege arches, which are a different architectural element with their massive appearances and decorative characteristics. The ornaments on the siege arches show differences in parallel to the number of the arch structure, shape and number of slices. In general, the siege arches which are suitable for the decoration program of the door are very attractive in some examples.
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With Malazgirt Victory in 1071 Turks migration began to Anatolia and Islam had found a new expansion field in the hands of Turks and spreading of Islam in Anatolia had accelerated in the period of Principalities and especially Seljuks, Anatolian Seljuks. But in the 13.centuries Mongolian influence which occurred in Central Asia and then affected to Anatolia, led to people different searches. Mongolians had vandalized where they gone through, therefore; a completely crisis period had began to in Anatolia. Especially in this period most of dervishes who got of Yesevi doctrines had immigrated to Anatolia and began to tell Islam with different ways to the people. This saints who came from Central Asia, dwelled upon to doctrines and emphasized that Islam is not a fear religion it is a love religion,and to fall for love to God rather than fear of God. In this way; this Yesevi dervishes who came from Central Asia, helped to people who fallen into crisis process and easily overcome from this process, also they exposed excellent and experienced human type with the help of advice which they gave to people in their works. In this study, in the century of 13 Religious-Sufism Folk Poetry ethical components were exposed and three great poets were examined who lived in the century of 13, such as Hacı Bektaş-ı Veli, Yunus Emre, Said Emre and also, common components which related with the ethical understandings were classified and commented on finding discoveries.
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Masnavis in Turkish literature has an important role in enabling independent rhyme and long narrating articles. Masnavis writers have not only written concerns of aesthetics but also on behalf of the community development process some messages are also in the works. Given the conditions of in the 14th century period it can be seen in many of the masnavis contain “scientific” and “moral” values. Masnavi, is the verse form in the literature of each couplet rhyming each other and it ranges two couplets to thousands of couplets. Being the rhyming couplets of Masnavi are independent it is suitable for writing a verse form long stories.
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In the 13th century Ottomans established the Turkish principalities in Anatolia, took power and were able to land on the basis of the Byzantine statehood. To be able to state the Ottomans at the same time also become neighbors with Byzantium.That work that complicated, but also intercultural exchange of the border easily and as often happened - one of the ends of the 14th century in the Ottoman Empire - tackles social life that took place in the Byzantine end. Our work in this context: a general assessment was made and the border - an entry dealt with the concept of the end; The arrival of the Ottomans in Anatolia and the Byzantine border settlement with 14 first part described the relationship with the political situation of the Ottoman Empire and the Byzantine Empire in the century; In the 14th century it is composed of Ottoman and Byzantine Lead happened in the second section summarizes results and recovered a section that described the social life also described in details.
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Kypchak Turkish was used in two different geographical regions. On one hand, It became the language of the Kypchak who lived in today’s Russia, Ukraine and Caucasian which had been in Golden Horde between 13th – 15th centuries, it was used to write Codex Cumanicus by the Italian and the German, on the other hand again in this area it created a written language developed with Armenian letters in long centuries, and also it continued as not only spoken language but also written language in Egypt and Syria and as the literary language of Muslim Memluk Kypchak from the middle of 13th century to the beginning of 16th language. There are some phonetic and stylistic differences among the languages of these three different societies. It is predicted that that the work was translated by Charles Fraser who had started to work as the assistant of H. Brunton in Karas in 1803. H. Burton who translated many religious books into Turkish and Tatar and his follower Charles Fraser adopted the natives writing tradition. Fraser based the Ottoman translation of Ali Bey by learning Karai language, Astrahan and Orenburg Kypcak and he produced the Creation work in other words “The First Book of Moses”.
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The presented data were collected on the occasion of the outer refurbishment of the church of Sâncrăieni. We did not have the opportunity to do archaeological research elsewhere, nevertheless we could form a comprehensive history of the main building periods. Sâncrăieni is situated int he eastern part of Transylvania, in the former Szekler seat Csík. The name refers to Saint Stephen I, the first king of Hungary as „Saint King" (Szentkirály), this village name and its church had therefore been created before 1192, the canonization of the second saint king of Hungary, László I. The Hungarian-speaking population of the Szeklers was settled in the region int he late 12th and early 13th centuries. Sâncrăieni and its church were probably founded by the new settlers, but they can as well be of an earlier origin. The walls of the nave preserve the remains of two medieval phases. The western gate and one fragment of a window can be identified as parts of a Romanic period Later the nave was elongated towards the east, on this part of the southern wall an early gothic window was discovered. None of the medieval periods of the chancel is known, as the present chancel was built to the nave in 1759. Like the most village churches of the region, the medieval church had no spire, nevertheless a bell from 1562 testifies to the existence of a wooden tower. Based on dendrochronological dating of the timbers, the present tower in the west was built in the early 18th century. The roof forms of the two medieval phases of the nave were reconstructed on the basis of the western gable remains.The presented data were collected on the occasion of the outer refurbishment of the church of Sâncrăieni. We did not have the opportunity to do archaeological research elsewhere, nevertheless we could form a comprehensive history of the main building periods. Sâncrăieni is situated in the Eastern part of Transylvania, in the former Szekler seat Csík. The name refers to Saint Stephen I, the first king of Hungary as „Saint King" (Szentkirály), this village name and its church had therefore been created before 1192, the canonization of the second saint king of Hungary, László I. The Hungarian-speaking population of the Szeklers was settled in the region in the late 12th and early 13th centuries. Sâncrăieni and its church were probably founded by the new settlers, but they can as well be of an earlier origin. The walls of the nave preserve the remains of two medieval phases. The western gate and one fragment of a window can be identified as parts of a Romanic period Later the nave was elongated towards the east, on this part of the southern wall an early gothic window was discovered. None of the medieval periods of the chancel is known, as the present chancel was built to the nave in 1759. Like the most village churches of the region, the medieval church had no spire, nevertheless a bell from 1562 testifies to the existence of a wooden tower. Based on dendrochronological dating of the timbers, the present tower in the west was built in the early 18th century. The roof forms of the two medieval phases of the nave were reconstructed on the basis of the western gable remains.
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Die mittelalterliche, heute evangelisch-lutherische Kirche in Durles (Dârlos/Darlac, RO) befindet sich im Norden des Landkreises Hermannstadt (Sibiu/Szeben, RO). Durles liegt 10 Kilometer westlich von Elisabethstadt (Dumbrăveni/Erzsébetváros, RO) und 6 Kilometer östlich von Mediasch (Media/Medgyes, RO). In einer Urkunde der päpstlichen Kurie aus dem Jahr 1332 erscheint der Ort unter dem Namen Dorlako. Die ältesten Dokumente, die Bezug auf die Wandgemälde der Kirche nehmen, verdanken sich dem französischen Schriftsteller Auguste De Gérando und stammen aus dem Jahr 1845. Die detaillierte Beschreibung umfasst Informationen über die Wandgemälde im Langhaus, im Chorraum und auf den Außenseiten des Kirchenbaus. Auf der Laibung trägt der Triumphbogen eine Aufschrift, die das Datum 1701 und den Vermerk enthält, dass im Jahr 1845 umfangreiche Renovierungsarbeiten am Kirchenbau vorgenommen worden sind. Während dieser Renovierungsarbeiten wurden die Wandgemälde in Chor und Langhaus mit Kalkfarbe überdeckt. Die Aufschrift gehört der ersten Kalkschicht an, die den Triumphbogen und die Wandgemälde der Chorwände bedeckt. Die letzten größeren Renovierungsarbeiten wurden im Jahr 1972 durchgeführt. Vermutlich sind mit dieser Gelegenheit auch die Wandgemälde auf den Wänden des Langhauses entfernt worden. Heute ist es nicht mehr möglich, Reste dieser Wandbemalung zu finden. Im Jahr 1975 wurden zufällig wenige Fragmente der Wandgemälde des Chorraums entdeckt. In den Jahren 2009–2011 führte der Restaurierungsfachbetrieb Imago Picta GmbH Rechercheund Konservierungsarbeiten in mehreren Etappen durch. Dabei trat auf der Nordwand des Chorraums eine Darstellung des Jüngsten Gerichts zutage; auf der gegenüberliegenden Südwand wurden Szenen aus dem Leben der Heiligen Katharina von Alexandrien und solche, auf denen Helena und Konstantin zu sehen sind, entdeckt. Die Fachliteratur hält keinen Aufschluss über den Fertigungsprozess von Wandgemälden in den mittelalterlichen Kirchen Siebenbürgens bereit. Der Großteil der verfügbaren Beschreibungen bezieht sich lediglich auf Maltechniken und Stilfragen. Die von mir durchgeführten Untersuchungen bieten neue Erkenntnisse über den aktuellen Zustand der Wandbilder, die Fertigungstechniken und die Abfolge der Malschichten, die verwendeten Materialien und Werkzeuge.
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This study reviews the history and the nature of the conflict between Andrew II of Hungary (1205-1235) and his oldest son, prince Béla, the later king Béla IV of Hungary (1235-1270). This conflict was not centred upon the throne, but on the reforms of Andrew, radically altering the way in which power was exercised. Béla was firmly confident that the restoration of the absolute power of the 11th and 12th century is only a matter of will and determination. Although their views were radically opposed, they did not lead to any bloody confrontation. Andrew did not have to fear his son's claims to the throne, and Béla could be certain that he will eventually come to exercise his power according to his preferences.
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On the medieval walls built in the 19th century church of Unirea (Felvinc) a significant Passion-cycle has been found. The frescoes found on the eastern and the southern walls of the sanctuary - in the area of the gallery supporting the organ - have been conserved between 2002 and 2007. The work will continue in the area beneath the gallery. The upper row of the south wall includes two fragmentary scenes before the Crucifixion: the Flagellation and the Trial of Christ. The Passion-cycle continues in the apex of the eastern wall with a large Crucifixion scene. The 19th century vault of the chancel covers the upper part of the scene. The two scenes of the second row - on either side of a window with the iconic representation of Kosmas and Damian - are the Deposition and the Entombment of Christ. The Resurrection and Anastasis of Christ are represented in the lower row, partly covered by the gallery. The scenes of the post-Resurrection incidents continue on the south wall with the Assumption. An apostle head depiction has been found under the Trial of Christ scene. The masterfully composed fresco full with emotions resembles the sparse compositions of the Middle Byzantine era, which lived throughout and influenced the art of the duecento. This is the heritage of the painters who fled Constantinople after 1204, and who found their new maecenas in the young Balkan and Crusade states, or further in Western Europe. It is interesting to note that at Unirea many depictions merge two scenes of the Holy History. The Deposition of Christ scene supports elements from the Lamentation of Christ, while the Anastasis Christ's victory pose refers more to the Resurrection. A Christ in victory is also represented a Resurrection. The scene blended this Western component with the Byzantine style: an angel points towards the empty grave and supposedly towards the three women, but that scene probably was covered by the 19 century structure. Other scenes prove the circulation of Franciscan patterns widespread in Italian painting from the middle of 13th century. The new images enhancing the sufferings like The Flagellum, the Trial shows the transformation process of the Byzantine imagery for Western use. We also find direct allusions to friars in the representation of the cord-bounded hands of Christ in the scene of the Trial, or the cord legged clothes of the holy personages in the Anastasis scene. The technique used is secco-fresco with sepia. The giornates follows the frame of the scenes. Considering the wall paintings, one can recognize the characteristics of the "Italo-Byzantine style". The figures with red haloes tend to fill out the red frames of the scenes. In the space between them, western architectural patterns were inserted. The "horror vacui" is proved by the preference for the numerous decorative patterns, mostly painted al secco. The almost sculptural forms of the figures are painted with different saturations of the same colours, creating a chiaroscuro effect. On the frescoes left, one can identify three masters. One of them, who painted mainly the women side figures and the medical saints, had also the characteristics of the "Linear Gothic Style". The interference of the two styles can be observed also at Cecejovce, Cserkút and Sânta Măria Orlea. Both styles have Byzantine features, but it appears that one should not necessarily search for a direct influence of either style. The discovery of the Unirea frescoes helped to reconsider the importance of the Italo-Byzantine style at the beginning of 14th century. Together with other new discoveries (Văleni de Mureş, Crăciunel) and the reanalysis of the ones which were already known (Sântimru, Cricău, Cecejovce, Cserkút,) the circle of the Italo-Byzantine wall paintings (mostly Sânta Măria Orlea, Spisská Kapitula, Dravce, Ghelniţa) became wider. One can find common features in almost all works of the style circle, but the Unirea fresco is closest to the fresco of Sântimbru, Criău and Sânta Măria Orlea. This is due to the relatively common painting technique and the common source of the iconography. The diversity and the high quality of both styles and composition are raising the question of a possible local mixing of styles.
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From the second half of the 13th century, the Franciscan Order had played an important role in missionary activities in the Mongol Empire. The present paper investigates the Franciscans’ role based on a letter written in 1287 by a Franciscan friar from the Crimea (frater Ladizlaus custos de Gazma) in which he described the events of recent years. For example, he reported on the baptism of a certain “Yaylaq”, identified as a wife of Noghay, in the Crimea. In this paper, the historical background of this letter will be analysed with an emphasis on the relationship between the Franciscan order and the Golden Horde and the role of Yaylak Khatun’s conversion in this process.
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The rebirth of the Greek culture is one of the unique characters of the renaissance humanism which makes it different from other renaissance movements. In that played the new Latin translations of the Greek classics crucial role which were pre-determined for the whole period by programming activity of Leonardo Bruni. This study analyses both the method (‘how?’) and motivation (‘why and what?’) of this revival. Firstly, the modern translation method of Bruni is interpreted which finds the essence of the text in its sense, presenting the historical-philological background of the method in the view of the contemporary intellectual schools and its complex linguistic aspects. Secondly, it discovers those literal motives, actual reasons and personal incitements according to that the Greek authors and works were chosen to be translated and purposefully ordered.
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The Jakcs family, which originated from the Szilágyság region, had belonged to the narrow political élite of the Hungarian kingdom between 1382 and 1441. After the middle of the 15th century, however, they definitively dropped from the ranks of the barons. During their presence in the court they had managed to build up a medium-sized landed wealth, which in 1423 consisted of one castle (Hadad [Hodod, Romania]), some 50 to 60 estates in perpetuity, and a further 30–35 by right of pledge. The majority lay around the ancient property of Kusaly (Coșeiu, Romania), in the counties of Közép-Szolnok and Kraszna, and the rest in that of Kraszna. This landed wealth was divided around 1425 between the two principal branches of the family, that is, the descendants of György I (†1415/1416) on the one hand, and those of István I († after 1418) on the other. As we have no comprehensive report about this division, the act itself can only be reconstructed by working backwards from later material after all the surviving charters of the family had been gathered, grouped and filtered. The emerging picture shows that in the case of 28 estates owned in perpetuity and 4 in pledge each settlement was divided by peasant plots, whereas the remaining ones were assigned undivided (and in roughly equal numbers) to one or the other branch. (In the wake of Pál Engel the former type is known as division by plots, while the latter as division by blocks.) The case analysed here nuances the model elaborated by Engel, according to which after 1360 division by plots became exclusively applied at the division of noble estates. It also makes evident the existence of a third type, that of mixed division, which was obviously a combination of the other two. Alongside that of the Jakcs, the division of the Bélteki in 1424 and that of the Dezsőfi of Losonc after 1405 offer examples of the mixed division. Apparently this kind of estate division was only applied in a narrow region (along the river Szamos), and even there perhaps only in the first half of the 15th century. Which among the two elements constituting this type of division was applied depended not on the time when the settlement in question was acquired, nor on the right by which it was held; nor, indeed, can any relationship be observed, at least directly, with the population numbers. On the other hand, a strong correlation exists with the ethnic-legal qualification of any given settlement, which was then strictly taken into account; namely, it appears that in all three cases listed above, the settlements of a dominantly Hungarian character were always divided by plots, while the Romanian and Ruthenian ones were allotted to either of the branches in blocks. The underlying reason may have been that the Hungarian villages were more stable, in average three times more populous than the others, and the Hungarian tenants roughly twice as profitable as the non-Hungarian villagers, and thus a more differentiated approach was needed to make division equitable.
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