Analysis of Japanese political analytic articles: Making face salient to explain actions in political interactions

Author(s): Yasuhisa Watanabe / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

In Japanese newspapers and web journal articles analysing political and international relations, the Japanese counterparts of the term “face”, for example kao, mentsu, taimen (Yabuuchi, 2004) as well as tachiba, considered as the key to describe interpersonal relationships (Haugh, 2005), are frequently used. The emic notion of Japanese face and its construals (Spencer-Oatey, 2007) are used to explain actions or the lack of actions by a politician and a government as a result of saving or claiming face. The face that each participant, be it a person or an organisation, claims is an image of itself, formed through ongoing relationships among participants and observers in the political arena. Facework among the participants unfolds in forms of decisionmaking, political power game and war. Goffman’s (1967) formulation of face and facework is still applicable in describing the face of a politician and a government in these articles.The aim of this chapter is to analyse the Japanese emic face on its own through the analysis of Japanese political analytic articles, which make direct references to emic notion of face as cultural insiders (Haugh, 2013). I will firstly demonstrate how Japanese emic face is applied to describe intra-national and international political relations in Japanese political analytic articles. I will then reaffirm the ongoing nature of face, both between participants and in public, and the role that non-participants play in maintaining one’s face.

OSVRT NA TRANSRODNOST

Author(s): Slobodanka Dekić / Language(s): Bosnian Publication Year: 0

Da bismo razumjeli transrodnost, potrebno je da sagledamo i definišemo pojam roda i spola iz jednog drugačijeg ugla. Većina definicija spola i roda – poput one koja postoji u „Zakonu o ravnopravnosti spolova BiH“ – rod posmatra kao društvenu kategoriju, koja podrazumijeva određene norme ponašanja i uloge karakteristične za muškarce i žene; spol je biološka kategorija sa kojom se ljudska bića rađaju, koju definišu muške i ženske spolne karakteristike i koja je nepromjenljiva. Ovo stanovište naglašava binarnost spola i roda, odnosno postojanje isključivo ženskog (F) i muškog (M) spola, odnosno ‘muškaraca’ i ‘žena’ kao dvije jedine moguće rodne kategorije.

ACTORS

Author(s): Saša Gavrić,Damir Banović,Mariña Barreiro / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

The Constitution of Bosnia and Herzegovina does not address the question of political parties, nor does a specific law exist regarding this matter. Therefore, political parties do not have particular authority in the constitutional system. The only legal basis so far is the state-level Law on Party Financing from 2000 and the Electoral Law of 2001. Political parties must have fifty founding members before registering as an association with the relevant municipal court. All political parties undergo a strict and complicated registration and investigation process to be able to stand for election for any political office (Art. 4.1-4.25 Election Law of Bosnia and Herzegovina). A political party needs 3000 signatures to enrol in elections for the Presidency or state-level House of Representatives.

ROMI U MEDIJIMA BOSNI I HERCEGOVINI

Author(s): Mladen Lakić / Language(s): Bosnian Publication Year: 0

Kako ustavno uređenje BiH u povlašten položaj stavlja pripadnike konstitutivnih naroda, onda se često opisuje kao zemlja većina. S druge strane, oni koji su u manjini, bilo da su ustavna kategorija Ostalih ili zakonom priznate nacionalne manjine ili faktičke manjine, trpe različite vrste diskriminacije. BiH je ratifikovala niz međunarodnih ugovora kojima se regulišu prava nacionalnih manjina. Preciznije rečeno, trebalo bi da su osigurana prava nacionalnih manjina. Jedna od preporuka pomenutih ugovora jeste odgovarajući medijski tretman i uopšte pristup medijima kada je riječ o nacionalnim manjinama. Upravo medijska slika BiH pokazuje koliko je naše društvo neosjetljivo i zatvoreno za sve one koji nisu iz reda konstitutivnih naroda. Zakon o javnom radio-televizijskom servisu BiH jasno precizira u članu 8, paragrafu 2 da će „programi biti prilagođeni potrebama konstitutivnih naroda i građana BiH, uređivani i emitovani ravnopravno na tri jezika u službenoj upotrebi u BiH i dva pisma.“ ( Zakon o javnom radio-televizijskom servisu BiH, Službeni glasnik BiH,37/03). Nacionalne manjine i njihovi jezici se ne pominju.

MATRICA KOJA OBEĆAVA?

Author(s): Iva Nenić / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

Globalna popularna kultura, shvaćena u najširem smislu kao skup društvenih praksi koje dominiraju u popularnoj umetnosti (muzika, književnost, film), oblika reprezentacija u medijima (novine, radio, televizija, Internet) i kulturnih artefakata mahom namenjenih širokoj upotrebi, predstavlja važan prostor za nastanak, menjanje i sukob različitih formi ženskih identiteta. Sam pojam popularne kulture često se koristi sinonimno sa izrazima masovna/medijska kultura ili kultura (post)industrijskog doba, čime se prevashodno referira na ulogu savremenih medija u procesima kulturne proizvodnje, ali se podrazumeva i opozicija prema tzv. visokoj kulturi u koju ulaze specijalizovane društvene prakse poput visoke umetnosti – delatnosti koje su istorijski proizvod zapadnoevropskog društva i preimućstvo elita koje poseduju odgovarajuća znanja, veštine i kompetencije.

Tačka razlaza

Author(s): Olivera Milosavljević / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

Polemika u listu Vreme započela je člankom urednika u broju od 1. avgusta 2002, a nastavljena je u Pošti i Reagovanjima i trajala je neprekidno punih petnaest nedelja. Uredništvo je oglasilo njen kraj u broju od 28. novembra 2002, objašnjavajući da pisama ima još, ali samo onih kojima čitaoci podržavaju uređivačku politiku lista. U polemici je objavljeno 78 pisama (uključujući i tekst urednika D. Žarkovića), koje je napisalo 50 autora. Urednik i članovi redakcije su imali 8 priloga (Žarković - 1, Stefanović - 2, Milošević - 1, Cerović - 4) i jednu intervenciju u broju od 3. oktobra, u osmoj nedelji polemike, kada su naveli da osećaju nelagodnost "zbog usamljene pozicije g. Popovića u njegovom naporu da održi razgovor o jednoj od najvažnijih tema srpskog društva". Sa druge strane, najveći broj tekstova (9) napisao je Srđa Popović, osnivač lista Vreme. Od ukupnog broja učesnika polemike, desetoro se javilo po dva puta, a četvoro tri, odnosno četiri puta, što znači da je 43 pisama napisalo 15 autora, dok je ostalih 35 javljanja bilo od 35 drugih autora. "Na strani" Vremena i "na strani" oponenata objavljen je precizno jednak broj tekstova. Uz polemiku, uredništvo je objavilo i nekoliko "priloga": dva intervjua Srđe Popovića data drugim novinama, jedan apel iz 1999. upućen NATO-u i jedno privatno pismo iz 1999. upućeno Sonji Biserko, koje se, po navodu pošiljaoca, "vrtelo" na nekoliko veb-sajtova. Polemika je započela tekstom glavnog urednika lista Vreme Dragoljuba Žarkovića Dehelsinkizacija gospođe Biserko kao odgovor na njene kritike upućene listu a sadržane u citatu navedenom u tekstu trećeg autora u drugim novinama. U početku je izgledalo da će se na napadu i odbrani Sonje Biserko lično, polemika i završiti. To se, međutim, nije desilo. Težište je sa ličnosti Sonje Biserko preneto na njene stavove, i u okosnicu polemike izdiglo se pitanje da li su stavovi - da srpska elita preko nezavisnih medija (B92 i Vreme) čini sve da zločin ne samo relativizuje već i deetnifikuje - tačni ili ne. Vrlo brzo i vrlo jasno kristalizovale su se dve opcije, jedna koju je zastupala pozicija (u ovom slučaju list Vreme i branioci) sa tezom da je izveštavanje lista objektivno a da zločine treba deetnifikovati jer je njihova etnifikacija isto što i "kolektivna krivica naroda", i druga koju je zastupala opozicija, koja je smatrala da list relativizuje zločine jer se ne može "deetnifikovati" etničko čišćenje, što ne podrazumeva.

The Overseas Resistance on the Airwaves of the BBC - Czechoslovak broadcasts from London 1939–1945

Author(s): Ondřej Koutek / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

During World War II radio propaganda became a mass impact weapon. In effect, the war was not just a clash of military forces and increasingly sophisticated weapons – it was also a contest of words and arguments. All sides began using international radio broadcasts to that end. For the Czechoslovak resistance-in-exile in London, radio was even more important: It enabled direct connection with the distant homeland, addressing and encouraging the occupied nation during its most trying times.

This Is the Voice of America - Czechoslovak service within Voice of America, the United States of America’s government broadcaster

Author(s): Prokop Tomek / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

Voice of America (VOA) and Radio Free Europe (RFE) were two of the most popular external radio stations prior to November 1989. The history of Voice of America’s Czechoslovak service and its past popularity in Czechoslovakia are unfortunately somewhat forgotten now.

Radio Free Europe through the eyes of the State Security Service - Photographs in the dossiers on subjects of interest kept by the Communist intelligence

Author(s): Ivana Koutská ,Pavel Žáček / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

The State Security Service officers – including the main directorate of the intelligence – stored the acquired or created operative materials in different kinds of dossiers and files, based on their focus and importance. Materials on institutions of interest in terms of state security or intelligence, which were the subject of the operative interest of the intelligence (e.g., central authorities in countries of interest, headquarters and offices of enemy intelligence agencies, political parties, exile organizations, ideological diversion centres, etc.) were stored in what was called “dossiers on subjects of interest”. These dossiers contained documents and materials related to the “elaboration” of the institution in question, such as reports on the bases of persons of interest, including photographs. Within their individual parts, i.e. thematic sub-files and sub-files of persons being “elaborated” (types), later persons of interest (agent types and enemy individuals), materials acquired via agents or another manner were gradually accumulated.

The Crimes of the communist regime in Hungary, national report

Author(s): János Rainer M. / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

The expression communist regime refers in this report to the Soviet-type system of rule installed in Hungary after WWII, which persisted until the democratic transformation of 1989–90. Historians attach various terms to this system and this period, and there are a number of incompatible frames for discussing events associated with them. János Kornai, for example, calls it the socialist system and lists as its most general attributes a one-party political system, a monopoly for Marxist-Leninist political ideology, predominance of state or quasi-state ownership, bureaucratic coordination, and a centralized command economy. In the 1950s the Soviet-type system (following Hannah Arendt, Zbigniew Brzezinski and Carl Friedrich) was frequently classed among the totalitarian systems, with chiliastic ideology, a single mass party headed by the dictator, state terror, a monopoly of mass communications, and a centralized planned economy as its main attributes. These translate into institutions and /or patterns of conduct. The institutions altered little over the history of the Soviet-type systems, but there was much change in their methods of working, social embeddedness, interactions, approach to the subjugated, social autonomies and individual strategies. But there also exists a concept of the Soviet-type system – particularly that of the post-Stalinist period – as latent pluralism, exemplified by the Western revisionism that flourished in the 1960s. Others see continuity with the efforts of the Russians (or the Chinese in an Asian variant) to build and maintain an empire. A few claim it to be an alternative to the West European/Atlantic form of modernity, or a kind of catch-up modernization dictatorship that reflects that.

Jezik bosanskih franjevaca u vrijeme Austro-ugarske Monarhije

Author(s): Marica Petrović / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

Cjelovita slika stanja u jeziku bosanskih franjevaca se od kolovoza 1878. godine uvelike promijenila u odnosu na dotadašnju jer je u BiH u vremenu austro-ugarske uprave provođena jezična politika iza koje je stajala država. Jezik bosanskih franjevaca iz tog vremena nedovoljno je obrađivan. Za vrijeme austro-ugarske vlasti u BiH dolazi do prekida franjevačke standardnojezične tradicije i pokušaja ujednačavanja svih dotadašnjih jezičnih uzusa. Državni časopis Nada (1895-1903) treba prepoznati kao važan instrument u provođenju austro-ugarske državne jezične politike. Nada je bila Vladin časopis, Vladinim jezikom pisan! Franjevci su ga ignorirali.

Kultura, media i pełnione przez nie funkcje – sytuacja w pierwszej dekadzie XXI wieku (od naskalnego malarstwa do interaktywnej Sieci Internet)

Author(s): Janusz Musiał / Language(s): Polish Publication Year: 0

The article revolves around the culture and media and their functions in the first decade of the 21st century. With the development of technology to create and transform image messages the rank of their entertainment and information features rises, while the rank of spiritual and aesthetic functions performed by the images diminishes significantly. Technological development facilitates the creation of images of intangible assets, which increasingly are the result of computer simulations. Unprecedented ease of creating and image processing enables almost anyone to become a creator of the pictorial messages. Thanks to the development of new imaging technologies such as photography, cinema, television, the computer, Internet or virtual reality, we are now dealing with the perception of the world as an image that is created by other images.

Krivičnopravni aspekti govora mržnje na elektronskim medijima i na internetu

Author(s): Ljiljana Filipović / Language(s): Croatian

The paper considers some criminal law aspects of “hate speech” on electronic media and internet. After the definition of meaning of the term “hate speech” provided for the needs of the paper, and a review of obligations of the member States concerning prohibition and criminalization of hate speech in certain international legal documents, the paper also gives a review of the manner and scope of criminalization of hate speech in the criminal codes in force in BiH. In addition to an analysis of the principal legal elements of the related criminal offenses, the paper pays a special attention to the preconditions which must be satisfied in order that a conviction for the criminal offense of hate speech is not in violation of the right to free expression as one of the fundamental human rights. The paper also refers to the responsibility of journalists and media for hate speech and its spreading, as well as the responsibility of mediators – service providers for hate speech of others.

BETON - Kulturno propagandni komplet br. 016, Beograd, utorak, 3. april 2007.

Author(s): Mirko Kovač,Jasmina Vrbavac,Srđan Nastasijević,Darko Cvijetić,Tomislav Marković,Darko Cvijetić,Slobodan Georgiev / Language(s): Serbian

MIXER, Mirko Kovač: Kraj jedne epohe; CEMENT, Jasmina Vrbavac: Krljušti ljubavi; ŠTRAFTA, Slobodan Georgijev: Otvaranje Ključa, Srđan Nastasijević: Dok nas pretplata ne rastavi; VREME SMRTI I RAZONODE, Darko Cvijetić: Kafkanje u mjestu, Tomislav Marković: Tako je govorio Galimatijas; BULEVAR ZVEZDA, EKMEŠIĆ, Milorad; BLOK BR. V, Kosmoplovci: Syndrom „A“

JOURNALISTS AS DEFENDANTS: SLAPP LAWSUITS AS AN OVERTURE INTO EXHAUSTION: THE CASE OF THE KRIK NEWSROOM

Author(s): Vesna Radojević / Language(s): English

Oružano nasilje u Bosni i Hercegovini

Author(s): Armin Kržalić / Language(s): Bosnian

Medijska analiza trendova incidenata prouzrokovanih SALW-om, rađena je tokom dva mjeseca u periodu između decembra 2010. i januara 2011. godine. Analizirana su 62 članka o incidentima u kojima se koristio SALW, kako bi se dobila slika o geografskoj lokaciji incidenta, učesnicima u njemu, tipu oružja koje je korišteno i ishodu incidenta. Treba istaknuti da ova analiza ne pretenduje da bude potpuno precizna reprodukcija kriminala vezanog za SALW u BiH, ona može poslužiti u sklapanju slike o ovom problemu i isto tako poslužit će za izbor tri grada u kojima ćemo implementirati dio kampanje „Budi svjestan ne rizikuj“, a koji je namjenjen lokalnoj zajednici. Najveći broj prijavljenih incidenata desio se u Sarajevu, zatim u Banja Luci, a potom u Brčkom i Trebinju. Skoro polovina incidenata izvršena je upotrebom vatrenog oružja – puška (najveći broj automatskih pušaka), a četvrtina je izvršena sa upotrebom pištolja. Većina incidenta desila se poslijepodne i tokom noći. Iz medijskih izvještaja ne može se puno reći o strukturi učesnika u nekom incidentu. Mi smo uspjeli napraviti anlizu po spolu, uzrastu (maloljetnik i starija osoba) i po broju učesnika u incidentima. Tako je u 62 incidenta koje smo analizirali učestovalo 121 lice, od čega je samo jedna žena. Radi se o ženi koja je izvršila samoubistvo lovačkom puškom. Dvanaest je maloljetnika koji se vežu za ove incidente, dok su ostali većinom srednjih godina. Kao što nam pokazuje grafikon uobičajni incidenti u posmatranom periodu bili su izazivanje opće opasnosti i narušavanje javnog reda i mira potom slijede razbojništva, a onda ubistva.

Glava u torbi

Author(s): Borka Pavićević / Language(s): Serbian

„Glava u torbi“ zajednički je imenitelj, nadnaslov, kolumni koje sam objavljivala u vikend izdanju lista „Danas“ svake nedelje od maja 2013. godine do decembra 2016. godine. Do tada sam u „Danasu“ pisala kolumne sredom, od početka izlaženja lista, pod naslovom „Postdejtonska moda“, a posle 5. oktobra 2000. godine i pod naslovom „No Longer and Not Yet“ (Hana Arent). I bile su kraće. A onda me je uredništvo „Danasa“ bez naročitog upozorenja prebacilo na čitavu stranu nedeljnog dodatka. Nadam se da između „Postdejtonske mode“, „Not Longer and Not Yet“ i „Glave u torbi“ postoji određeni kontinuitet. Sudeći po materijalu koji stvarnost nudi možda će Glava u torbi potrajati još desetak godina, kada list „Danas“ kome je dvadesetogodišnjica, bude obeležavao trideset godina i ja zajedno sa njim. Nigde danas „Danasa“ na kioscima – „Razgrabljen!“ kaže prodavac na „mom kiosku“ koji inače po instrukcijama pakuje „Danas“ negde ispod Sportskog žurnala. U znak solidarnosti čitaoci kupuju Danas koji je ugrožen združenim snagama režima. Mladi ljudi u protestu „Protiv diktature“, i svi ljudi u protestu, podržavaju i nose Danas, uzdižu ga iznad glave i torbe. Tamo gde se osvaja sloboda, uprkos svim „skretanjima“ „Danas“ je na pravom putu, putu slobode, protiv cenzure i ucene svake vrste. Drago mi je što sam danas deo „Danasa“, za danas i za budućnost. Izvinjavam se prodavcu u samoposluzi što ne znam šta hoću, a on kaže – „Možete da me davite koliko hoćete, čitam vaše kolumne i slažem se“. Strogi prijatelji su me potakli da objavim „Glavu u torbi“, uverili me da je to obaveza zbog razumevanja vremena u kome smo bivali i akteri i svedoci. Da se time potakne pamćenje protiv zaborava događaja i ličnosti, ili celine, pojma o celini, i današnju preku potrebu da se razume, a time i menja stvarnost. Dakle, evo mog udela u toj celini.

PERCEPCIJA ZAPOSLENIH U JAVNOJ UPRAVI O MEDIJSKOJ I DIGITALNOJ PISMENOSTI

Author(s): Not Specified Author / Language(s): Serbian

The Center for Free Elections and Democracy (CeSID) and the National Academy for Public Administration conducted a survey of public administration employees' perception of media and digital literacy in the period between April 28 and May 14, 2021, in the territory of the Republic of Serbia without Kosovo and Metohija. The survey was carried out as part of the "Initiative for New Media and Digital Literacy" conducted by Propulsion in partnership with the US Agency for International Development (USAID).

Onlajn narativi protiv „rodne ideologije” u Srbiji

Author(s): Ivana Ranković,Maja Bjeloš / Language(s): Serbian

In Serbia, conservative intellectuals, nationalists, populists, homophobes, right-wing parties and groups have united in the last five years to form a new anti-gender social movement that enjoys strong support from religious organizations. Presenting "gender ideology" as a threat to national identity and describing themselves as protectors of "traditional Serbian values", these actors have become active in the media with national coverage, on the Internet and social networks, where they spread and promote anti-gender discourse, often by sharing misinformation.

Case Study: Threats and Pressures Faced by Activists and Independent Journalists in Serbia

Author(s): Predrag Petrović / Language(s): English

Threats and pressures on activists and independent journalists, experience with state authorities, protection measures and necessary help are the topics of the newest case study by BCSP. The Belgrade Centre for Security Policy (BCSP) and individual employees have in recent years been targeted by attacks and threats on several occasions.In this the BCSP is not alone, activists, non-governmental organisations and independent journalists in Serbia are continually exposed to threats and pressures and, not infrequently, physical attacks. This is borne out by research conducted in the summer of 2018 by the BCSP, in cooperation with its partners, in 19 municipalities across Serbia. The aim of that study was to determine the circumstances and constraints that affect participation by citizens, groups and organisations in the defence democracy and resolving publically significant issues through collective action at the local and national levels.