Likvidácia Tábora a vznik sídliska Luník IX

Author(s): Anna Jurová / Language(s): Slovak Issue: 1/2015

The paper deals with complex problems in addressing the adverse housing situation of the Roma population in Košice. After World War II, part of the city known as the gypsy camp under Moldavská way found itself in an extremely exposed position at the entrance to the city. Arrival the amount of working class from rural areas with extensive construction and urbanization ratios further deepen. Numerous Roma growth was evident. Housing problems are addressed through an allocation of older apartments, phasing out the huts in the camp and fi nally focusing on specifi c Roma settlement. The idea of a separate settlement originated in the mid-60s, in 1970, the planned housing units was not built. Another intention of anticipated settlement was in the area Myslava with lower standard family houses. Because of the high costs the concept of prefabricated houses gallery type was born. The government in 1976 refused to deal with Roma housing in specifi c neighbourhoods. Council city national committee nevertheless approved the construction of Luník IX without a specifi c focus. The construction was carried out in late 1970s, several policies were processed recall procedure Roma families from the camp as well as the old city, according to various streets. In 1981 began the history of Luník IX, its ethnic ghettoization with disastrous consequences to the present.

Brunnbauer, Ulf. Globalizing Southeastern Europe. Emigrants, America, and the State since the Late Nineteenth Century. New York, 2016

Author(s): Valentina Sharlanova,Petia Bankova / Language(s): Bulgarian Issue: 4/2016

Постсоциализмът като виенско колело (Политико-геронтоложко есе)

Author(s): Margarita Karamihova / Language(s): Bulgarian Issue: 6/2017

The article presents the first results of a pilot study in the field of social gerontology. The key features of two groups of retirees in the post-socialist period (a metropolitan city – a small town), derived from radically opposite families (communist elite – middle hand peasants), are traced and analyzed. A special emphasis is placed on the political influence that members of both groups have in their local space.

Иван Кръстев. След Европа. За слабостта и силата на Европейския съюз. София, 2017

Author(s): Valentina Sharlanova / Language(s): Bulgarian Issue: 4/2017

Létezik-e szocialocén?

Author(s): Zsuzsa Gille / Language(s): Hungarian Issue: 25/2019

The goal of this essay is to reevaluate state socialism’s environmental record. Zsuzsa Gille argues that state socialist modernity had its own view of nature and materials, as well as a largely misunderstood ethical stance to consumption that is ignored in today’s studies of capitalocene examining the interrelations of capitalism and climate crisis. This article provides a view not so much of the environmental advantages and disadvantages of central planning or “backwardness,” but rather demonstrate a unique economic logic that arguably carried some potential for a greener postsocialism. Instead of returning to the rightfully criticized Anthropocene term, however, Zsuzsa Gille argues for a more central role for waste and materiality in our understanding of the current dilemmas around global environmental problems.

A parasztok maguk csinálják történelmüket, de nem szabadon

Author(s): Philip McMichael / Language(s): Hungarian Issue: 25/2019

This essay employs contemporary peasant mobilizing discourses and practices to evaluate the terms in which we understand agrarian movements today, through an exercise of historical specification. First, it considers why the terms of the original agrarian question no longer apply to agrarian change today. The shift in the terms corresponds to the movement from the late‐nineteenth century and twentieth century, when states were the organizing principle of political‐economy, to the twenty‐first century, when capital has become the organizing principle. Second, and related, agrarian mobilizations are viewed here as barometers of contemporary political‐economic relations. In politicizing the socio‐ecological crisis of neoliberalism, they problematize extant categories of political and sociological analysis, re‐centring agriculture and food as key to democratic and sustainable relations of social production.

Forradalmi stratégia egy felmelegedő világban

Author(s): Andreas Malm / Language(s): Hungarian Issue: 25/2019

It doesn’t take much imagination to associate climate change with revolution. If the planetary order upon which all societies are built starts breaking down, how can they possibly remain stable? Various more or less horrifying scenarios of upheaval have long been extrapolated from soaring temperatures. In his novel The Drowned World from 1962, today often considered the first prophetic work of climate fiction, J. G. Ballard conjured up melting icecaps, an English capital submerged under tropical marshes and populations fleeing the unbearable heat towards polar redoubts. The UN directorate seeking to manage the migration flows assumed that ‘within the new perimeters described by the Arctic and Antarctic Circles life would continue much as before, with the same social and domestic relationships, by and large the same ambitions and satisfactions’ – but that assumption ‘was obviously fallacious’. A drowned world would be nothing like the one hitherto known. In more recent years, the American military establishment has dominated this subgenre of climate projection. Extreme weather events, the Senate learned from the 2013 edition of the ‘worldwide threat assessment’ compiled by the US intelligence community, will put food markets under serious strain, ‘triggering riots, civil disobedience, and vandalism’. So far, the sworn enemies of revolution have dominated this frenzy of speculation. Little input has come from the other side: from the partisans of the idea that the present order needs to be overthrown or else things will turn out very badly. But if the strategic environment of counterinsurgency is shifting, so is – by definition – that of revolutionaries, who then have just as compelling a reason to analyze what lies in store. The imbalance in the amount of preparation is glaring. Those who pledge allegiance to the revolutionary tradition – in whose collective mind the experience of 1917 will probably always loom large – should dare to use their imagination as productively as any writer of intelligence reports or works of fiction. One might begin by distinguishing between four possible configurations of revolution and heat.

Félelem helyett kölcsönös segítség: a katasztrófaszociológia tanulságai a klímaválságra való felkészülésre (Rebecca Solnit: A Paradise Built in Hell)

Author(s): Ágnes Gagyi / Language(s): Hungarian Issue: 25/2019

Rebecca Solnit has published her book "A Paradise Built in Hell" ten years ago. Its main idea was originally formulated in 2005 in an essay published on the day when Hurricane Katrina reached New Orleans. Rebecca Solnit is writer, historian and activist living in San Francisco; she has been working in various environmental, anti-war, human and women's rights movements since the 1980s. She has published 17 books so far and is a regular author of Guardian and Harpers' Magazine. In her works she continues the tradition of American progressive public intelligentsia: although she relies on historical facts and social science research, she primarily outlines perspectives to expand sociological imagination (Mills 1959) on challenges that cannot be solved by the social knowledge produced within the current social order.

Szolidáris gazdaság és kapitalizmus

Az alternatív gazdaság új mozgalmi modelljei globális és magyar környezetben

Author(s): Ágnes Gagyi / Language(s): Hungarian Issue: 27/2020

In face of the global economic and climate crisis, a growing consensus of green, feminist and left movements converges around the idea of a reproductive, democratic economy. This article reviews the specific new models that have gained currency in recent discussions due to support by new Western movements, and then places these models in global and Hungarian contexts. First, it shows how new streams of thinking about reproductive autonomy in economy fit into a long-term tradition of critical thought on capitalism - and particularly, the tradition of critical research and strategic organizing that conceived capitalism not only in its relation to wage labor, but in terms of long chains of accumulation that reach from wage labor to various forms of informal, free and bonded labor, and “cheap” nature. Then, the article shows how system-level contradictions between capital’s limited accommodation capacity and labor’s reproduction have played out in the long crisis of the postwar global cycle starting from the 1970’s. It shows how labor’s capacity to reproduce itself outside of capitalist relations has served both as a puffer and a resource for maintaining relations of accumulation despite a decline in accommodation capacity, and as a new ground for anti-capitalist political organizing. The last part of the article looks at Hungary. It reviews the main shifts through which reproductive labor has been incorporated into accumulation streams throughout the history of modernization, and how growing areas of informal reproductive labor have been part of the social negotiation of the global crisis since the 1970’s locally. The article concludes that informal reproductive labor works as a systemic component in today’s accumulation regime. On the one hand, this shows its power - without the bottom-up subsidies informal reproductive labor provides to capital, systemic structures of accumulation would collapse. On the other hand, this shows that the capacities of reproductive labor are subordinated to accumulation streams. The question of solidarity economy, from this perspective, is how this existing capacity for reproduction can be organized in such a way that connects its power in growing reproductive circuits, and shields them from extraction.

A kultúra közjó

Author(s): Virág Buka,Kristóf Nagy / Language(s): Hungarian Issue: 27/2020

This article focuses on the emergence of the paradigm of solidarity economy and of the commons in the field of professional cultural production. We unfold the possible mutual cooperation of cultural producers and commoning social movements by examining the case studies of the Resonate music streaming co-op and of the Dutch Stad in de Maak housing-initiative. The case of the Resonate exemplifies how cultural producers can reorganize their industry in a cooperative way to hinder capitalist value extraction. Another type of encounter takes place between culture and commons when cultural producers utilize their knowledge and skills in various solidarity economy projects. We demonstrate this possibility through the case of the Rotterdam-based Stad in the Maak, where the artist-architect founders launched a long-term community housing initiative.

Mi a munkások szerepe a klímaválsággal szembeni küzdelemben?

Author(s): Dénes Csurgó,Márton Fabók / Language(s): Hungarian Issue: 27/2020

The trade union movement has been going through fundamental changes in the past decades, but it is still the biggest organized social movement in the world. Because of this, it’s really important to see the trade unions’ position in climate struggles. The following article describes two distinct strategies regarding the issue of climate change: the strategy of “social dialogue” is trying to achieve reforms within the system of global capitalism, whereas the aim of the “social power” strategy is to fight for radical structural changes in order to stop climate change. The latter strategy builds heavily on the tradition of trade union politics that tries to respond to the members’ needs both within and outside of the workplace, by building institutions that tackle issues from the housing crisis to the care crisis. At the end of this paper, we shortly discuss the relevance and potential of such strategies for Hungarian trade unions.

Az állam mi vagyunk

Az állam lehetőségei a gazdaság zöld és demokratikus átalakítására

Author(s): Zoltán Sidó / Language(s): Hungarian Issue: 27/2020

According to international case studies on the topic, the rapid and efficient scaling of solidarity economy initiatives requires interventions from the state. This paper analyses three types of state interventions: first, changes in the financial and legal regulations of cooperatives and solidarity economy projects; second, policies that aim to relocalize the economy on a municipal level; and third, efforts to transform state infrastructure in a green and democratic way. We illustrate all three types of interventions with actual case studies.

„Ha frankó, akkor úgy megy, mint a zsebóra” Szövetkezetiség, csettegők és technológiai önrendelkezés

Author(s): Márton Szarvas,Soma Ábrahám Kiss / Language(s): Hungarian Issue: 27/2020

The article shows the importance of technological autonomy for the reproduction of social solidarity economy networks through international and Hungarian examples. It argues that technological innovation is necessary for such projects. Through an example of a handmade agricultural vehicle the article demonstrates the way people tend to organize the necessary technological tools for their social reproduction. The case study is situated in a region called the “Golden Triangle”. Here specialized cooperatives were established where the local lands could be cultivated only through technologically or labor-intensive ways, while the goods produced, like grape, sour-cherry or elderberry, were profitable enough on a small scale. Parallel to the development of specialist cooperatives, locksmiths started to put together vehicles, which were capable of maneuvering in tight rows and deep sand. These were adapted from engines and chassis of Soviet military vehicles. According to our argument the liberalization of the production of agricultural vehicles in the region stimulated employment through the creation of entrepreneurs, while at the same time it enabled the necessary technological innovation required to maintain productivity.

Munkás-önigazgatási kísérletek Magyarországon

Beszélgetés Bartha Eszterrel, Krausz Tamással és Szalai Erzsébettel

Author(s): Eszter Bartha,Tamás Krausz,Erzsébet Szalai,Zoltán Sidó / Language(s): Hungarian Issue: 27/2020

There were several attempts on workers’ self-management throughout the 20th century in Hungary: multiple factories were occupied by workers during the end of the 1st and 2nd World Wars, the revolution of 1956 and the regime change of 1989. Erzsébet Szalai, Tamás Krausz and Eszter Bartha are experts on this topic. In this interview they walk us through the various attempts on workers’ self-management and talk about the difficulties and dilemmas of movements that try to seize the means of production.

Osztályhelyzet, együttes élmény, társas hatóképesség.

Mérei Ferenc hozzájárulása a Nékosz gyakorlati pedagógiájához

Author(s): Zsolt K. Horváth / Language(s): Hungarian Issue: 28/2021

The National Association of People's Colleges is often interpreted as a youth organization of the dictatorship and as an association that ensures the youth supply of the Communist Party. Although this view is not entirely illegitimate, it is simplistic insofar as it does not take into account 1) the pre-war people's colleges movement, 2) the nature of grassroots 3) its self- government 4) its role in social mobility 5) and its specific pedagogical and educational psychological aspirations. Of course, the comprehensive history of Nékosz cannot be the subject of such a short writing, so we will focus on elaborating points 3–5. Being the educational leader of Nékosz and researcher at the Institute of Psychology of the Institute of Education of Budapest, the psychologist Ferenc Mérei carried out numerous experiments in primary and secondary schools to develop the effectiveness of the emancipatory school. For him, the model of emancipatory education was the group experience of Nékosz.

ПРОБЛЕМАТИКА МАЈЧИНСТВА У РОМАНУ „ВОЉЕНА“ ТОНИ МОРИСОН

Author(s): Jelena M. Abula / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 74/2021

This paper will examine the concept of motherhood in the light of black feminism in Toni Morrison’s novel Beloved. Morrison, one of the most prominent writers of the 20th century, is trying to present the development of the African- American community and the institution of motherhood in a society characterized by meaningless divisions between race, class and gender. Slavery problematizes the concept of motherhood which represents a connection of conflicting views shaped by different attitudes towards race, gender and class. Therefore, Morrison uses the suppressed voices of African-American mothers to address the problematic concept of motherhood in slavery. The paper explores the complexity of slavery and its influence on motherhood, the powerful ideology through which the Afro-American tradition is transferred, and it also outlines motherhood as a dominant motif that connects the female characters in Beloved.

Istraživanje etnonacionalističkog ekstremizma u Bosni i Hercegovini

Author(s): Nejra Veljan,Majda Halilović / Language(s): Bosnian

Ovaj rad predstavlja rezultate istraživanja o etnonacionalističkom ekstremizmu u Bosni i Hercegovini. Premda otkriva neke zabrinjavajuće trendove karakteristične za sve rodne i dobne kategorije, istraživanje naglašava i neke prilike. Iskazivanje ekstremnih etnonacionalističkih gledišta kreće se u rasponu od spremnosti učesnika i učesnica da podrže svoje “ideale” samo na retoričkom nivou do spremnosti da se opravdavaju i direktno podržavaju ili počine nasilni akti. Međutim, istraživanje, u kojem su lokalni istraživači i njihovo iskustvo imali veliku ulogu, također ukazuje na to gdje postoji potencijal za izgradnju otpornosti prema ekstremizmu. Postoje jake naznake da su ispitanici koji su imali više interakcija s ljudima iz drugih etničkih/identitetskih grupa bili mnogo manje skloni podržati nasilje, mada imaju veoma izražene etnonacionalističke stavove i prepoznati su kao ekstremisti u svojim zajednicama. Također, ovo istraživanje ukazuje na to da bosanskohercegovačke političke stranke koje promoviraju nacionalizam pružaju “glavni koncept” i “glavni okvir” za etnonacionalistički ekstremizam. Ovo istraživanje ukazuje i na neke paradokse i tendencije razvijanja iliberalne demokratije u kojoj se iskazuje veće povjerenje prema jakom liderstvu s jedne strane, dok istovremeno s druge strane slabi povjerenje u formalne institucije države. Ovaj spomenuti trend, uz konsenzus većine ispitanika da korupcija, organizirani kriminal i političari predstavljaju najozbiljniju sigurnosnu prijetnju u Bosni i Hercegovini, predstavljaju najalarmantniji dio nalaza ove studije koji zahtijevaju širu društvenu akciju i uključivanje svih unutrašnjih sektora društva, od političara, intelektualaca, javnih ličnosti do medija, ali i međunarodnih organizacija kako bi se očuvale najvažnije vrijednosti pluralizma i demokratije. K tome, iako su ranija istraživanja zanemarivala važnu ulogu religije u sagledavanjima ovakvih društvenih kretanja, ovo istraživanje uzima u obzir najnovije studije koje sugeriraju da religija, a posebno njena zloupotreba i radikalna tumačenja pojačavaju etnonacionalizam i doprinose ekstremizmu. Naime, to u ovom istraživanju dodatno potvrđuju procenti iskazivanja predanosti religiji, pri čemu su gotovo svi ispitanici odgovorili kako religija igra značajnu ulogu u njihovim životima, dok je tri četvrtine ispitanika (74%) kazalo da prihvata sva učenja i zahtjeve svoje religije. Analiza rezultata koja je ovdje uključena predstavlja odmak od prethodnog istraživanja ekstremizma u Bosni i Hercegovini iz dva razloga. Prvo, zato što su prethodna istraživanja uglavnom bila fokusirana na sirijske borce i selefijske zajednice. Drugo, ovaj rad otkriva zajedničke crte etnonacionalističkih ekstremista koje se protežu širom njihovih bošnjačkih, srpskih i hrvatskih identiteta. Iako priznaju da se njihove ideologije zasnivaju na međusobnom suprotstavljanju, analiza pokazuje da stavovi i svjetonazori etnonacionalističkih ekstremista iz svih triju bosanskohercegovačkih zajednica sadrže više zajedničkih crta nego razlika. U jednom složenom političkom i društvenom okviru u kojem je etnonacionalizam u porastu ovo istraživanje doprinosi našem razumijevanju načina kako se krajnje desne i ekstremno desne ideje iznose u Bosni i Hercegovini te kako regionalni i međunarodni kontekst tome doprinosi. Istraživanje je identificiralo probleme slične onima u ostatku Evrope: antiimigracijski i antiislamski narativi i osjećaji; suprotstavljanje rodnoj ravnopravnosti; promoviranje teorija zavjera i manipulacija krizom izazvanom pandemijom COVID-19. Konzervativni vjerski diskurs je također u porastu i čini se da se na njega ne odgovara adekvatno. U Bosni i Hercegovini ovaj krajnje desni narativ uključuje i odražava etnonacionalizam koji dolazi od političkih stranaka. Aktivnosti ovih grupa u lokalnim zajednicama i online prostoru prenose ove narative i dalje ih razvijaju kroz jezik o drugome, kroz strah od imigranata, afektivnu socijalnu distancu, te podrivanjem prava žena i nastojanja na izgradnji mira. Neki ključni nalazi su: Ispitanice i ispitanici su bili skloniji prihvatiti nasilje ako imaju niži nivo obrazovanja ili su nezadovoljni svojim prihodom, porodičnim životom i životnom perspektivom. Postoji direktna veza između stavova ispitanika o rodnoj ravnopravnosti i njihove podrške nasilju, pri čemu oni koji odbacuju rodnu ravnopravnost i zagovaraju “tradicionalne vrijednosti” izražavaju veću podršku nasilju. Ispitanici koji su pokazali manje otpora prema ideji pomirenja s drugim etničkim/identitetskim grupama – koji su razumjeli da je slavljenje ratnih zločinaca iz svoje grupe uvredljivo za druge etničke grupe i koji se nisu snažno protivili ideji mješovitih brakova, prijateljstvu s ljudima izvan svoje etničke grupe ili da im oni budu njihovi građanski predstavnici/e, ljekari/ke i učitelji/ce – također su bili manje skloni prihvatanju ili podržavanju nasilja. Ispitanici koji su izrazili manje neprijateljstva prema migrantima također su manje bili skloni podržavati ili opravdavati nasilje. Povjerenje u demokratiju snažno je povezano s manjom podrškom nasilju. Međutim, većina ispitanika (61%) odgovorila je da je jak vođa važniji od demokratije. Žene pokazuju najmanje simpatija za nasilni ekstremizam , te u većoj mjeri podržavaju rodnu ravnopravnost. Mlađi ispitanici (18-35) u većoj mjeri podržavaju nasilni ekstremizam. Većina ispitanika vjeruje da korupcija, organizirani kriminal i političari predstavljaju najozbiljniju sigurnosnu prijetnju u Bosni i Hercegovini. Vjerovanje u bosansku tradiciju zajedničkog života iskazuje se na različite i nekada neočekivane načine čak i među pojedincima koji imaju ekstremna etnonacionalistička stajališta. Također, analiza je zapanjujuće jasno pokazala da je stepen zajedničkih karakteristika među ekstremistima daleko viši od stepena njihovih razlika. Postoji snažna korelacija između ispitanika koji tvrde da su veoma religiozni i onih koji smatraju da je nasilje opravdano kao osveta ili da bi se odbranila njihova etnička i vjerska grupa. Ovo istraživanje pokazalo je da zloupotreba religije djeluje kao pojačivač ekstremnog etnonacionalizma i izaziva daljnju podjelu. Među posebno zanimljivim nalazima istraživanja su i podaci koji ukazuju na povezanost imovinskog statusa, odnosno zaposlenja ili nezaposlenja, s podrškom etnonacionalističkim stajalištima i krajnjim desničarskim organizacijama. Uočljivo je da su stalno zaposleni bili blisko povezani s vladajućim političkim partijama – ili kao članovi ili kao aktivisti (69%), i ovaj odnos i sprega s vladajućim etnonacionalističkim strankama se ne prikriva – dok su nezaposleni (31%) bili pripadnici ekstremno desnih organizacija i nogometnih huliganskih grupa. Kada se radi o “migriranju” između entiteta unutar Bosne i Hercegovine radi mogućnosti zaposlenja ili boljeg školovanja, gotovo polovica ispitanika je rekla da bi se najvjerovatnije odlučili na preseljenje zbog prilike za bolje zaposlenje ili bolje obrazovanje za njih ili njihovu djecu. U slučaju rata, većina ispitanika (51%) izabrala bi napustiti Bosnu i Hercegovinu i, unatoč svojim ekstremnim etnonacionalističkim gledištima, odbila bi uzeti oružje.

Exploring ethno-nationalist extremism in Bosnia and Herzegovina

Author(s): Nejra Veljan,Majda Halilović / Language(s): English

This paper presents the results of research on ethno-nationalist extremism in Bosnia and Herzegovina and, while it reveals some worrying trends, which cut across gender and age categories, the research does also highlight some opportunities. Demonstration of extreme ethno-nationalist views ranges from the readiness of participants to support their “ideals” only at a rhetorical level, through to a readiness to justify and directly support acts of violence or to commit acts of violence themselves. However, the research also indicates where potential lies for building resilience to extremism. There is a strong indication that respondents who had more interactions with people from other ethnic/identity groups were much less likely to support violence, even though they harbour very strong ethno-nationalist views and were recognised as extremists in their communities. This research also indicates how the promotion of nationalism by political parties in BiH provides a “key concept” and “main framework” for ethnonationalist extremism. It further points to some paradoxes and tendencies in the development of illiberal democracy - processes which, on the one hand, indicate greater trust in strong leadership, while at the same time weakening trust in formal state institutions. It is this trend - alongside the consensus of most respondents regarding corruption, organized crime and politicians - that represents the most serious security threat in BiH. This is the most alarming part of the study’s findings, which call for broader social action and the involvement of all internal sectors - from politicians, intellectuals and public figures to the media and international organizations - to preserve the most important values of pluralism and democracy. In addition, although earlier research has neglected the important role of religion in understanding such social movements, this research takes into account the latest studies which suggest that religion (and especially its abuse and radical interpretations) reinforce ethnonationalism and contribute to extremism. This is further confirmed in this analysis by the percentage of respondants expressing religious devotion, with almost all respondents saying that religion plays a significant role in their lives, while three quarters (74%) said they accept all the teachings and demands of their religion. The analysis of results included here represents a departure from previous research on extremism in Bosnia and Herzegovina for two reasons. Firstly, because previous research has largely focused on Syrian fighters and Salafi communities. Secondly, this paper reveals commonalities among ethno-national extremists that cut across their Bosniak, Serb and Croat identities. While acknowledging that their ideologies are based in opposition to each other, analysis shows that the attitudes and world-views of ethno-nationalist extremists from all three Bosnian communities contain more commonalities than differences. In a complex political and social scenario in which ethno-nationalism is on the rise, this research adds to our understanding of how far-right and extreme right ideas are being put forward in BiH, and the ways in which the regional and international context is contributing to this. The research identified issues similar to the rest of Europe: anti-immigration and anti-Islamic narratives and sentiments; opposition to gender equality; promotion of conspiracy theories; and the manipulation of the COVID-19 crisis. Conservative religious discourse is on the rise as well, and it seems this is not being adequately challenged. In BiH this far-right narrative integrates and mirrors the ethno-nationalism coming from political parties. Community and online activities are taking on these narratives and further developing them through a language of othering, fear of immigrants, affective social distance, and undermining the rights of women and peace building efforts. Some key findings include: Respondents were more likely to accept violence if they had lower levels of education or were dissatisfied with their income, family life, and prospects. There is a direct relationship between respondents’ views on gender equality and their support for violence, with those who reject gender equality and espouse “traditional values” expressing more support for violence. Respondents who had less resistance to an idea of reconciliation with other ethnic/identity groups; who understood that the celebration of war criminals from their group is offensive to other ethnic groups; and who were not strongly opposed to the idea of mixed marriages, befriending people outside their ethnic group, or having them as their civic representatives, doctors, and teachers, were also less likely to accept or support violence. Respondents who expressed less animosity toward migrants were also less likely to support or condone violence. A trust in democracy strongly correlated with less support for violence; however, a majority of respondents (61%) answered that a strong leader is more important than democracy. Women show the least sympathy for violent extremism. Younger respondents (18-35) are more supportive of violent extremism A majority of respondents believe that corruption, organized crime and politicians represent the most serious security threat in BiH. Belief in Bosnian collective traditions is expressed in different and sometimes unexpected ways, even among individuals who have extreme ethnonationalist views. Also, analysis has shown surprisingly clearly that the degree of common characteristics among extremists is far higher than their differences. There is a strong correlation between respondents who claim to be highly religious and those who feel that violence is justified as revenge or to defend their ethnic and religious group. This research has shown that the abuse of religion acts as an intensifier of extreme ethnonationalism and causes further division. Among the particularly interesting findings of the research are data indicating the connection between employment status (i.e. employment or unemployment) with support for ethno-nationalist views and far-right organizations. It is noticeable that those permanently employed were those most closely associated with the ruling political parties, either as members or activists (69%) - and this relationship and alliance with the ruling ethnonationalist parties is not disguised. Meanwhile it was the unemployed (31%) who were members of far-right organizations and football hooligan groups. When it comes to “migrating” between entities within BiH for employment or better education, almost half of respondents said they would most likely decide to relocate because of opportunities for better employment or better education for them or their children. In the case of war a majority of respondents (51%) would choose to leave BiH and, despite their extreme ethnonationalist views, they would refuse to take up weapons.

Пета конференция на Националните асоциации в Международната социологическа асоциация „Социални трансформации и социология: лишености и овластявания“, 21‒24.11.2022 г., Нова Горица

Author(s): Mila Mineva / Language(s): Bulgarian Issue: 1/2023

Сектантското насилие в Пакистан – тероризъм, или дълбоки религиозни противоречия в обществото

Author(s): Miroslav Mirchev / Language(s): Bulgarian Issue: 3/2023

The report examines issues related to sectarianism in Pakistan arising from the unequal position of the minority Shia groups in the society. The main reasons are examined, as well as the activities of local terrorist groups and organizations like the Movement of the Pakistani Taliban and the so-called Local Taliban to destabilize the security environment and create ethnic ten-sion. Some of the measures taken by the Pakistani military and state leadership to regulate problems and create religious harmony and social security are also analyzed.