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Od kilku lat w najpopularniejszych polskich filmach można zauważyć nowy trend: eksplorowanie ekranowej przemocy. Mamy dziś do czynienia z nadprodukcją obrazów gwałtu, cierpienia i zabijania; konstruowaniem fabuł wokół sadyzmu, masochizmu i innych sposobów zadawania bólu.
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The aim of the article is to evaluate Israel’s security perceptions about the Arab Spring. The study argues that The Arab Spring is the reshuffling of the Middle East by realigned U.S.-Turkish common policies. For Israel the devil you know is more acceptable than the unknown future. Bearing in mind all the results of the surveys showing that Arabs can easily fall into radical Islam, Israel prefers not to enter such a dangerous and risky game for toppling down the old dictators and establishing new regimes. Israel could resist such a change and force U.S. to postpone or cancel their new policies if it were a decade ago, but today she is extremely isolated in international arena thanks to Bibi’s government. On the other hand, Israel struggles to counter the Turkish offenses in diplomacy, has to avoid the ―Iranian Trap‖ that is being set by Iran slowly and carefully for the past few years, and also domestically facing serious crises. All those dynamics are forcing Israel to remain silent unless it breaks the isolation that it fell, and watch carefully the games played by U.S., Turkey and Iran in the Middle East.
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Bulgarian lawmakers ban women from wearing the burqa and niqab in public; those who do will be fined and lose their social benefits.
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Some worry about cooperation of extremists with the police to patrol city streets.
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Latvia, Lithuania, and Poland were dubbed the worst three EU countries for sexual minorities in newly released ranking, while Azerbaijan came in last in Europe.
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Disruption appears to be work of far-right extremists acting against a symbol of an alternative lifestyle.
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The major argument in this article is that the contemporary concept of jihad inclines to have a heavy personal political baggage. In Southeast Asia, the talibanization and the influence of the al-Qaeda interpretation of the jihad appear to have made their inroad in regional radical salafi movements such as the Jamaah Islamiyah (JI), Jama’ah Anshorut Tauhid (JAT), and Hizbut Tahrir (HT). Radical salafi differs from the traditional salafi given its belief in the use of force to achieve religious-political objectives. Indonesia has been the center for these movements and their presence has been felt in Malaysia, Singapore, Brunei, Thailand and Philippines. Some of them have been active in propagating the new concept of jihad. Therefore, this article maps out the conception of jihad as it is propounded by the three movements. It discusses how the conception of these movements of jihad has departed from the earlier salafi movements. In addition, it discusses how the idea has been expanded from Indonesia to other parts of the Southeast Asian archipelago.
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Ethnos is a broad term, often understood as an element in nation making, or else an umbrella term for the processes of building the modern nation. The academic discussion around ethnos nowadays is being challenged not only by the principles of globalization, and with them a possibility of a global village, where nations will or will not have an important role, but also the efforts to establish states based on faith and strong ideology on the part of some right wing parties or the supporters of the Muslim caliphate. This article presents a short study on the problems created by globalization and discusses the parameters of possible influences imposed on the nation by world coalitions and associations. It addresses questions like: Can the nation survive in a globalized society? What kinds of nations might be developed in the future? Is the Greek ethnos compatible with these developments? What is the relation of radicalization and terrorism to nation building?
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This article examines successful mass mobilization of Polish women against the proposed total ban on abortion in 2016. It is argued that the mass participation in the protests resulted from a range of factors, e.g. the heightened political climate in Poland and normalization of street protests, as well as an emotional dynamic of mobilization and wide use of social media for communication and networking. The analysis shows that the protests followed the logic of connective action based on the use of flexible, easily personalized action frames, which were well-embedded in local cultural narratives referencing the struggle for Poland’s independence and resistance against an oppressive state.
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The article tells the story of the making of a little-known Polish documentary shot in 1944 and 1945. The film depicts the fate of a group of children from Warsaw who were at a summer camp in Stoczek Lukowski when the Warsaw Uprising began.
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An article refers to the ghettoization of Budapest, which plans was created just after when German troops invaded Hungary on 19 March 1944. Paper presents particular stages of the Jews’ fate in Budapest. Which were: duty of wearing the yellow-stars, establishment of the ‘Yellow-star Houses’ and ‘Protected Houses’, moreover a movement to ghetto, which was established on 5 December 1944. An article contains an analyse of ghettoization theme with an example of the ‘large ghetto’, ‘international ghetto’ and also refers to the people’s fates which rescued Jews (‘Righteous among the Nations’).
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The main question of the article concerns Maidan as a social movement three years after the February 2014. Is there still a room for citizen-oriented social actions? How is it possible to build an Ukrainian civil society at the state of war officially named ATO (“anti-terrorist operation”)? The frame of reference for Maidan analysis is the social movement Solidarity as described by Alain Touraine and his research team at 1981. Analysis is focused on the ATO veteran volunteers’ potential of social nonviolent activism. Are they ready to cooperate to construct an independent and self-governed trade unions? The lack of “workers dimension” or union dimension at Maidan movement makes difference if we compare it with Solidarity.
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A definite defeat of Anatolian Seljuk Sultan II. Gıyaseddin Keyhusrev against the Mongol commander Baycu Noyan in Kösedag constituted a turning point in Turkish history and caused the beginning of Mongol domination period in Anatolia. The 1243 defeat lived as a painful memory among the Anatolian Turks, and they thought what Ahir time had lived. The dominance of the Ilkhans in Anatolia can be examined in three periods: Tabilik, Occupation and Shadow Sultanate. In almost all of these periods, Anatolian Turks have been devastated by political, social and economic disruption. While the struggles against ilhanhans under these adverse conditions were made by the Turkmen Emirates and the Seljuk lineages, The Mongolian Noyans also attempted to rebel against their own hans. As a result, these revolts left quite a deep impression on the political, social and administrative area in Ilkhani State. The provincial and most important of these are Bayda and Baltu Noyan revolts. In this study, we will focus on the causes and consequences of the Baydu and Baltu Noyan rebellions that caused political turmoil in the ilhan state, and we will try to investigate their influence on the Anatolian Turkish history.
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This paper refers about the threat of Islamic terrorism, its roots, motives, as well as its origins. Namely the author informs about the Jemaah Islamiyah, Islamic organization, which is less know in the Czech Republic. Indonesia has a larger Muslim population than any other country in the world, with approximately 202.9 million identified as Muslim (88,2 % of Indonesia’s population). It is generally regarded as a tolerant country, in which various religions are living side by side without larger problems. Nevertheless even here the danger of violent Islamic terrorism has arisen. The theme is treated in a proper historical context, with regards to possible impacts on security situation in the world.
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Politika i kultura u doba apatija
In The End of Utopia, noted social critic and historian Russell Jacoby takes a sobering look at the future of politics and does not like what he sees. Jacoby points to the abandonment of utopian ideals that once sustained dissent and movements of social change; and he call for writers and critics to reclaim the vision and backbone they are losing.
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This study analyses the book named “Beyoğlu Rapsodisi” of Ahmet Ümit, who is one of the successful Contemporary Turkish Literature in the light of main assumptions of three theories of criminology. Here a literary critique is not made nor does it criticize the book. The aim is to examine the rich content of the book in the light of theories and to create a reference to theories. As a matter of the fact that assuming what was underlined in the text as the representation of the field and explaining with theories somehow identifying the real with literary construct. This process that contains problems is tried to be enlightened under the light of the “social disorder” and “anomy” and the concepts of the Developmental Criminology so as the events in the book are explained with these theories. Of these theories the first is called social disorder. This theory accepts the city as an ecosystem and explains the social pattern of the city with Darwin’s notion of “wild life”. Migration, poverty, marginalization and crime are the phenomena of the city. Neighborhood of Beyoğlu and the life going on there are tried to be explained with the conceptual sets of this approach. And our second theory is that of the developmental criminology. This theory asserts that there is a sessional relationship between the life practice of a culprit and the moment of taking part in crime. This claimed relationship between life variable and crime and the types of crime is adapted to the novel to try to understand the life sequence of a murderer. Lastly, I make use of the theory of anomy to explain crime and deviation. The theory of anomy tries to understand that how as a result of prevention, tension and oppression individuals lean toward crime and deviation to achieve a goal
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The goal of this article is to examine how different events and phenomena related to the Second World War and the Holocaust are framed via Wikipedia articles written in Polish, Hebrew and English. Departing from the pillars of the theory of framing in mass media, the article conducts a content analysis of three articles, in three different languages. The articles under analysis are the following: “Auschwitz-Birkenau Camp”, “The Pogrom in Jedwabne”, and “Righteous Among the Nations”. The analysis will use the four roles of frames as categories, determined by Entman: definition of the problem/phenomenon, causal interpretation, moral evaluation, and treatment recommendation. Analyzing how the articles fulfill each of the roles in the different languages, the research hypothesis is that the framing of the phenomena will differ between the versions, and each version will follow pillars of the collective memory of the Holocaust in its respective country. Findings, however, are not in complete compliance with this hypothesis.
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Following article deals with the Kurdish diaspora in Middle-Europe at the background of current conflict with so called Islamic State. Kurds are one of the main actors of this strong regional conflict and their diaspora in Germany and Austria are forced to react to such a situation. The text is focused not only on actual situation in Syria and Iraq, but mainly on Kurdish reaction towards it. Not only for Czech reader there is interesting part dealing with Kurdish community in Czech Republic, although this diaspora is not as numerous and strong as in Germany or Austria. One of the important outcomes of the article is an attempt to predict future scenarios of Kurds situation development. But it is necessary to mention the high dynamics of conflict with Islamic State complicates any such an attempt of prediction.
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The article examines the evolution of grass-root movements in Africa after 2011 in the electoral context marked by the incumbent president’s plan to preserve power indefinitely. A case study on the Balai citoyen (citizen broom) movement is proposed. The article aims to identify the logic, the rhetoric and the mobilization that this youth civil movement proposes in the context of the 2013-2014 contestation of the regime. A success story that continues also after the president’s fall, in October 2014, and translates into a mobilization that converts the revolutionary logic of the movement into the classic perspective assumed by pressure groups.
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