Сучасні тенденції розвитку вітчизняної культури
In this article the problems of the general tendencies of a modern state policy in the culture area are examined.
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In this article the problems of the general tendencies of a modern state policy in the culture area are examined.
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This article concentrates on everyday life in the twin-city of Tornio−Haparanda, which is situated in the cross-border region of the Tornio River Valley between Finland and Sweden. The Tornio River Valley was divided after the Finnish War of 1809 and, until then, people spoke the same language and shared the same culture and religion. Today, the Tornio River Valley area is a frontier district where the political – or national – boundaries do not coincide with the cultural and linguistic boundaries. The multiethnic border zone of the Tornio River Valley is vital area for the hybridisation of cultures as well as for the study of power relations and everyday activities. The towns have many forms of co-operation in different sectors. In my ongoing research I am more interested in the everyday transnationalism which is experienced by the town dwellers.
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Ethnographic inquiry into the folk culture of the Carpathian Basin, with particular reference to developmental trends, has revealed much new information regarding the lives of Hungarians abroad, especially regarding changing living conditions within Hungarian populations now living outside historically redrawn Hungarian state borders. It would be no exaggeration to claim that these Hungarians have, to the present day, lived under extraordinarily diverse circumstances, and that the preservation of folk culture in the minority national environment has been a decisive factor in the maintenance of their national identity. For this culture to survive and grow, however, it is essential that members of the national group learn and use their native Hungarian tongue. The present study concerns itself with the historic genre of the popular play, a cultural phenomenon that has played a special role in this regard and that in some places, both in the recent past, and today, still bears considerable significance in the preservation of minority national identity. Accordingly, this study will not extend to actual folk dramatics, though it will make reference to certain intersections and possible relationships where it seems natural to do so.
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It was almost ten years ago when Slobodan Milosevic was found dead on his bed in his cell at the United Nations detention unit in Scheveningen. He had been on trial for genocide, crimes against humanity, and war crimes. Till this day, he is remembered as one of the most powerful politicians in Serbian history. However, not everyone knows that Milosevic started his career as an economic advisor and a specialist in the banking sector. He even became the president of the largest bank in Yugoslavia – Beogradska Banka. In the 80s Milosevic started also his political activity. The main aim of the article is to analyze the two images of Slobodan Milosevic before he became the most powerful figure in Serbia.
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In this article reflection outstanding example of the political, historical-philosophy and culturality-philosophy thought into the Ukrainian on the boundary XVIII–XIX-th century "The History of Rusov", which become to the spring accordingly cultural reception's in the creative work of the outstanding public benefactor at the Ukrainian and west European cultural. Characteristic role to the Novgorod-Siverskіy intellectual society into be created this is note book and the new conception of the development Ukrainian. Underline, what author "The History of Rusov" projection at the national, state political system and cultural regenerate, where Ukrainiany and Ukrainian present as the world phenomenon. Also reflection the special role historycal and cultural legacy in to formation of the national consciousness and Ukrainian national model new "hereditary of the chielf".
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The article studies the anti-national population policy of the USSR taking as the example the titular nation of Ukraine during the 1960s–1970s. The author investigates inner republican effects of migration (increasing the number of mixed marriages and the displacement of the Ukrainian language by Russian) and studies official statistics – Union censuses in 1959, 1970, and 1979 which allow a comparative analysis of the dynamics of the Ukrainians and territorial distribution in different regions of the republic. The author has found that in the outlined period the USSR government always created anti-Ukrainian background at all levels, which formed a widespread anti-national population policy of Russification and assimilation of the Ukrainians; there was an artificial formation of national-ethnic structure of the Ukrainian SSR and forcing international convergence to create a “single Soviet people”. Any statement or reference to Ukrainian national problems was regarded as a ground for harassment and persecution by the Soviet authorities and accusation of “Ukrainian bourgeois nationalism”. It has been proved that Ukrainians were the dominant nation almost throughout the USSR in the outlined period. The number of Ukrainians increased exclusively trough natural population growth, while the number of representatives of the Russian nation increased as a result of internal migration. The article presents the idea that Ukraine was one of the centers of accumulation of immigration flows in the Soviet Union, and because of this fact the multicultural Ukrainian SSR society, which basically constituted of Ukrainians, gradually turned into a bi-national society, where the Ukrainian majority coexisted with the continuously growing Russian minority. Resettlements were carried out primarily for political reasons and their aim was to deprive the native people of their national characteristics – language, culture, and the like. Demographic, economic, and social processes that were spread under the slogan of “internationalist aid” substantially changed the proportion of native and settled populations in some regions.
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The Roman Dmowski’s propositions of modernization of interwar Poland (1918–1939) can not be considered in terms of theories of modernization created after 1945 as a coherent, logic systems. For Dmowski the modern (modernized) Poland would be a „efficient” state with capitalist economy, free market and the respect for private property, with reduced social legislation, with developed industry and agriculture, with a strong middle class, with restricted bureaucratic machine; a national state with restricting the rights of national minorities, with low number of Jews, with the limiting the powers of the legislature and a strong executive, with association polishness with catholicism and strong emphasis on the presence of catholic religion in social life. Some ideas of Dmowski were not bad (e.g. save money and reduction of excessively developed bureaucratic machine, the development of industry and agriculture, the fight against speculation), however, the proposals were often too vague or unclear or were remarkably oriented to the free market and for this reason had no chance of implementation and popularity in the atmosphere of the 20s and 30s in interwar Poland (e.g. proposal of reduction excessively developed social legislation), some of proposals were expressly anti-Semitic. Similarly, in the area of the Polish political system and political life Dmowski offered „positive” solutions (recovery and moralisation of Polish political life, raising the niveau of political culture of the Polish political elites and Polish society, strengthening of executive power) and „negative” proposals (association polishness with catholicism and his instrumental use, desire to make Poland a national state, desire to move away from the rule of parliamentary, postulate of removing the excess of the Jewish population in Poland). The least controversial were proposals in the sphere of social and mental modernization of the Polish society (attachment to the rule of law, the cultural and civilizational raising of lower strata and classes, care for a family – according to Dmowski important institution for society, increasing hard work / diligence of the Polish population, learning of positive competition or skills competition, development of the awareness of the Polish population concerning social and economic problems, emphasis on its own – Polish creativity). It is impossible unambiguously assess all Dmowski’s proposals of Poland’s modernization – they were characterized by – similar to entire creative achievements of Dmowski – some „duality” – controversional ideas were mixed with interesting concepts, sometimes original.
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A loser of the First World War, interwar Bulgaria is characterized by developments in its spiritual and religious life that reflect the idea, and the feeling, of a “national catastrophe”. One of the expressions of this general mood is the multiplication of religious organizations run by lay people in which religious activism is infused with ideas of national grandeur. Born in the early 1920s, The Good Samaritan was an ultra-Orthodox organization founded by former military officers with the help of an Orthodox priest. Within a few years it entered in conflict with the Bulgarian Orthodox Church, which treated it as a sect. It was, however, successful in rallying citizens and peasants alike under millenarian slogans. The association relied on visionaries and popular prophets to promote its ideas of Bulgaria as a New Israel. The paper focuses on two of the most outspoken prophets acting on behalf of The Good Samaritan, both women. By examining their visionary techniques and pronouncements, the aim is to show how national ideology and political climate influence the “work” of visionaries and give them credence.
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This paper, based on participant research amongst folk revivalists, interviews with cultural managers, and extensive archival research, discusses the táncház (dance house) folk revival movement as the actualization of interwar efforts of “folk national cultivation” in Hungary. By putting the dance house in relationship with interwar folk critiques, the paper illustrates both continuities and discontinuities between them, most notably in conceptualizations of the relationship between the ethical or political roles of such critiques and of the folk itself. The paper argues that folk critiques, now and then, can play an important role in state formation by reproducing the folk and acting to secure its citizenship. Nevertheless, how the folk is defined is historically determined, as is the kind of citizenship entailed. Since folk national cultivation is premised on the idea that Hungarianness is produced through engagement with the folk and its traditions, the historical approach of this paper problematizes this process.
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This article deals with the problem of the religion of the ethnic Germans in Hungary. It is assumed that Catholicism serves as an important item of the ethnic identity of this minority from diachronic as well as from synchronic perspective. Catholic religion has the historic function to help the ethnic survival. Religion has a very important role to divide and to unite ethnic minorities and the majority. A great deal of the Germans settled in Hungary in the 18th century is Lutheran. Catholic and Lutheran Germans are divided by their religion, which can be seen at their marriage customs, too. Since the Hungarian majority is also Catholic, both Germans and Hungarians have the cult of the Blessed Virgin, who is held by the Hungarian believers as Patrona Hungarica. With the help of a shared religion with the majority, they could develop a basis for national feelings and for assimilation, too.
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The article discusses the different religious affiliations of three inter-war right-wing movements in the Baltic States. The Lithuanian Iron Wolf remained indifferent to the religious issues, the Estonian Veterans’ League stressed the value of the Christian faith and formed links with the Lutheran Church, while the Latvian Thundercross favored the ideas of the pre-Christian revivalism and closely collaborated with the Dievturi movement. The difference in religious choice is explained by (1) the different character of the Estonian (radical right) and the Latvian (extreme right) movements and (2) the formalisation of the pre-Christian revivalism ideology according to the Protestant pattern. Although the doctrine differed greatly, the style of thought and manner of presentation made the Latvian pre-Christian revivalism more open to the right-wing political thought – a feature commonly found with the Protestant Churches of Europe.
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As Benedict Anderson argues, a community can be called imagined if its members have a sense of belonging together even though they have no direct, personal knowledge of each other.5 This characterization applies to religious communities, the citizens of states, social classes, and nations. All of these are of historical nature. Except in states in which ruling dynasties play a role, in most imagined communities canonized texts and "great narratives" guarantee continuity. For Christians the Bible, for Moslems the Koran is the sacred book, for socialists the works of Marx and his disciples may constitute the core of the cultural canon. Most nations were defined in texts. The self-image of the Hungarians was at least partly created by Ferenc Kölcsey (1790-1838), the author of Hymn (1823), the text that became the national anthem after it was set to music by Ferenc Erkel in 1844.
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Ustavom Bosne i Hercegovine (Aneks IV Dejtonskog sporazuma), donesenim u trenucima težnji ka završetku agresije na Bosnu i Hercegovinu i rata nacionalizama u toj zemlji, državno uređenje ustrojeno je tako da svi nacionalizmi budu zadovoljeni. Rezultat je suverena, međunarodno priznata država koja je, istovremeno, administrativno i nacionalno podijeljena (dva entiteta, Distrikt Brčko; deset kantona u FBiH). Pored tog, suverenost Bosne i Hercegovine značajno je ograničena uspostavom OHR-a. U originalnom tekstu dejtonskog ustava riječ “građanin” ne postoji. Pojavila se tek s amandmanima na Ustav o konstitutivnosti naroda.
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Synonyms according to Klementyna Hoffman (née Tańska) The paper deals with the way of describing by Klementyna Hoffman (née Tańska), living 1798-1845, who is known in the history of literature as an author of children’s and women’s texts and a defender of national identity, the lexemes being regarded as synonyms by her. The presented analyses show that Tańska regarded as synonyms not only lexemes in the modern linguistic sense, and described not only lexemes but also concepts. The construction of particular descriptions was characteristic of Hoffman and had a lot of features in common with the 19th-century attempts of the Polish synonymists. This is demonstrated by a comparison of the way of describing synonyms by Klementyna Hoffman and Bp. Adam S. Krasiński. This that distinguished the activity of Tańska in this respect was the use of moralistic admonishments.
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Bulgarian cinema devoted to history, especially the part related to 1300th anniversary of the existence of Bulgaria, became an effective tool of propaganda. By using the significant moments of the history of the Bulgarian state and the nation, the authorities influenced the historic consciousness of people while legitimizing the power and the actions taken by authorities and by posing as the continuators of the great historic deeds of the rulers from the past. In this context the christening of the country was – due to mainly ideological reasons – stripped from the religious significance and became the founding moment of state creation, uniting the Slavic and proto-Bulgarian ethnos, thus founding the Bulgarian nation which developed finally into the socialist Bulgarian People’s Republic.
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Based on the content analysis of the elementary school religion textbooks and literature readers used in the private institution Catholic School Centre “Sv. Josip” in Sarajevo, the paper points to deviations from the proclaimed goals of education (that is), legalized by the incorrect interpretation of the legal provisions of the secular state, and contrary to the Agreement between Bosnia and Herzegovina and the Holy See.
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Children’s developmental outcomes are the result of their unique characteristics and different environments they develop in, as well as their interaction. An important part of this interaction is marked by social meaning, attitudes and beliefs about the importance of ethnicity, especially in a multiethnic environment. Previous studies were dominantly focused on family functioning and parenting processes in western families, majority groups and middle socioeconomic status. Minority families face specific challenges due to their different history, cultural heritage and status in society, thus generalization of the existing results to these families is limited. Also, there is a lack of research on family processes that include transmission of messages about group membership, especially in the European area. In this paper we review research about ethnic socialization, i.e. parenting in the direction of conveying information, values, beliefs and attitudes related to ethnicity. First, we present the theoretical framework of ethnic socialization and its relationship with parents’ and children’s characteristics and experiences as well as children’s developmental outcomes. Second, we consider limitations of the existing research. Finally, we discuss the importance of the ethnic socialization research in Croatian multiethnic communities along with an overview of the research on ethnic socialization in the ethnically divided city of Vukovar.
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The purpose of this article is to test the contact hypothesis among self-identifying Bosniak, Croat, Serb, and Bosnian high school seniors in Bosnia and Herzegovina, using the Other-Group Orientation Scale (Roberts et al., 1999). This article finds that attending a ‘non-appropriate’ ethnic school statistically increases tolerance of out-group members, which conforms to the predictions of the contact hypothesis, originally put forth by Allport (1958). This field research also found that secondary schools are largely homogenous in the country, thus preventing high levels of cross-ethnic contact in schools, which was expected. This article represents the first post-war, countrywide quantitative testing of the contact hypothesis.
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The article analyzes the situation in the footwear factory Borovo in the times of democratic changes in 1990. At the end of the 1980s the factory found itself in a serious crisis, mostly due to structural problems. Furthermore, strikes and conflicts of different levels of authority for custody over the factory were very frequent. First multiparty elections brought completely new political circumstances in the factory environment. However, in the factory there was still the same management as in the old system. In the article we examine, based on the example of the so-called June-strike of workers in 1990, to what extent the same socialist practice was still actual, that is, how the workers were offered a new framework of collective illusion, instead of making them face real problems. At the same time, the hard position of workers in Borovo was a “fertile ground” for nationalistic ideas. Based on the mentioned examples, we analyze the thesis about coalitio n of socialist elites and the working class by means of buying social peace. Furthermore, we analyze the thesis about nationalism as a new “collective mantle” which substitutes socialism. Finally, we examine to what extent democratic changes were truly a process of democratization rather than efforts of new actors to take over the position in society that was held by the Communist Party in the previous period.
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The article discusses the history of the Freikorps (“Free Corps”) formed in Germany aft er WWI, in a comparative analysis of two Freikorps which were recruited in Germany and fought in the Baltic region, and two Freikorps which only fought in Germany. The article compares the members of those Freikorps – the Baden assault battalion Kurland and the Von Medem Freikorps which fought in the Baltic region and the Würzburg Freikorps and the Haas battalion which operated only in Germany – on the basis of their generational affiliation as well as their subsequent involvement in national socialist organisations. It is concluded that the claims that the Freikorps members who fought in the Baltic region mostly belonged to the “war youth” generation who did not fight in WWI and whose fighting in the Baltic region caused their radicalisation manifested by their higher than average membership in the NSDAP, SS and SA, cannot be corroborated on the basis of the analysed units.
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