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Пољска Република, слично као и многе европске државе (Румунија, Шпанија, Летонија, Швајцарска, Литва, и т. д.), спада у тип народно-нејединствених држава, у којима ипак народна већина представља апсолутну већину.
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Пољска Република, слично као и многе европске државе (Румунија, Шпанија, Летонија, Швајцарска, Литва, и т. д.), спада у тип народно-нејединствених држава, у којима ипак народна већина представља апсолутну већину.
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≫Nova Evropa≪ je od svoga početka obraćala naročitu pažnju važnome pitanju narodnih manjina, posvećujući mu u toku svoga izlaženja i čitave brojeve i mnoge članke. To pitanje, uostalom, čini jednu tačku programa ≫Nove Evrope≪.
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This article looks at the evolution of structure teams in the top Czech women‘s basketball competition - Excelsior league. Tracking period is since seasons 1998/99 to 2010/11. The cardinal method of this research is based on content analysis of game match statistics – these include the number of female players (their age), minutes played, points scored and coefficient of usefulness. The sample of players is classified into three groups (Czech players younger than twenty years, Czech players twenty years old and older, foreign players). The results confirm the expected increase of number of foreign players as well as continuously growing impact on the game, in our study presented a coefficient of utility players. The trend of integration into Czech female players younger than 20 years is inversely dependent on the number of Czech female players older than 20 years. Our assumptions were confirmed. The article refers to the change of the team constitution.
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The interwar years in Ireland were marked by the widening of international relations following the newly independent Irish Free State’s entry to the League of Nations in 1923. This paper aims to provide insights into a lesser-known part of Irish diplomatic history, focusing on how, besides Geneva, Dublin also became significant as a meeting point with Central European small states from the mid-1920s. It will trace how the foundation of the Honorary Consulate of Hungary in Dublin demonstrated Irish interest in widening economic relations and furthering cultural connections with Central Europe, even if honorary consulates traditionally fulfilled primarily symbolic purposes. Based on so far unpublished archival materials and press records, this article will assess cultural and diplomatic links cultivated under the consulate of Hubert Briscoe, highlighting the significance of independence and Catholicism as a perceived connection between Irish and Hungarian national identities. Ultimately, this article argues that Irish images of East-Central Europe may add to our current understanding of Irish nationalism in the first decades of Irish independence.
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The protagonist of the novella “Bertram Vogelweid” (1895) by the Austrian author of Moravien origin Marie von Ebner-Eschenbach (1830-1916), is a Viennese writer suffering from burn-out syndrome, who encounters not only overzealous literary amateurs, but also a fanatical proponent of the Czech nationalistic movement. The article shows how Ebner-Eschenbach astutely contrasts the principle of productive creativity with the theory of (national) separation in a characterization beyond national stereotypes.
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In East-Central Europe, the past has always been a determining factor as a framework for interpretation: the social construction of the past often serves (served) current political purposes. It is no wonder that in the countries of the region, often different, sometimes contradictory interpretations of the past have emerged. In today’s European situation, however, the countries of Central and Eastern Europe are perhaps most keenly faced by the transformation of Europe, with unclear, chaotic ideas dominating political and intellectual markets instead of previous (accepted) values – in the tension between old and new, Europe’s future is at stake. The question is: what role the states of Central and Eastern Europe play/can play, to what extent they will be able to place the neighbourhood policy alongside (perhaps in front of) the policy of remembrance and seek common answers to Europe’s great dilemmas.
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This text is designed as an introduction to the examination processes and practices that will allow a envisioning of contemporary system of national states as “a family of nations”. This imagined international community is not some supranational or cosmopolitan world, on the contrary it is an international world, the world in which a globality is understood as something that is constituted by interrelations of separate nations.
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Based on focus group discussions with young people in Ukraine, this article analyzes how young Ukrainians conceptualize their national community. The understanding of nationalism in the study rests upon the concept of a discursive formation of a nation. In line with this concept, nationalism is viewed as a certain mode of discourse that reflects citizens’ interpretations of who constitutes a nation. The analysis of the focus group discussions reveals how young Ukrainians perceive the Ukrainian nation in terms of a community with a specific socio-political order, culture, and mentality.
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The phenomenon of nationalism, which is subject to different definitions and different classifications in the perspective of theorists, is seen as a phenomenon that has come from the existence of humanity according to some nationalist views (Primitives) in the eyes of theories; According to some (Modernists), nationalism is stated to be a phenomenon belonging to the modern age. Ethno-Symbolists stated that nationalism did not begin with a mere modernization process; definitions and evaluations made with a mere modernization process would remain inadequate and incomplete; nationalism should be explained in the context of ethnic elements that existed in the pre-modern period. In this study, Ernest Gellner's perspective of nationalism will be discussed who argued that nationalism is a phenomenon belonging to the modernization process such as industrialization, urbanization, secularism, nation states, etc.; and who also put forward that nationalism is a political principle that requires the evaluation of the political unit and the national unit as a whole, and brought a different perspective to the literature.
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David Svoboda. Jablko z oceli: Zrod, vývoj a činnost ukrajinského radikálního nacionalismu v letech 1920–1939 [Apple of Steel: The Origin, Development, and Activities of Ukrainian Radical Nationalism during the Years 1920–1939]. Nakladatelství Academia / Ústav pro studium totalitních režimů, 2021. Historie [History], 1920–1939. 1054 pp. Illustrations. Maps. Bibliography. Index. English-language summary.
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The paper intends to demonstrate redefinition of the secular version of Turkish nationalism in the period after the multipartyism introduction in the Republic of Turkey. In the Cold War context, Turkish nationalism has been openly reinterpreted in accordance with the Islamic and Ottoman identity components, thus gradually abandoning the original Kemalist conception. Finally, the evolution climaxed in 1980 when the Turkish-Islamic synthesis became part of the off icial agenda sponsored by the military authorities. Followed by the Justice and Development Party (Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi, AKP), the Welfare Party (Refah Partisi) came to power after electoral success, which one may interpret as the expected course of events.
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Michael Billig’s idea of “banal nationalism” is a useful concept to approach a frequently neglected aspect of Venezuelan political disputes in the past 20 years. In Billig’s formulation, banal nationalism is the constant reaffirmation of a nation’s identity, through the display of national symbols. After Hugo Chavez rose to power, there were changes to Venezuela’s flag, coat of arms, and banknotes. This aroused disputes that served as a micro-cosmos of Venezuela’s larger confrontation. This article reviews the disputes over the changes made to those national symbols. It concludes that, although political and economic issues are at stake in Venezuela’s current crisis, there are also ongoing culture wars. In that sense, an analysis of Venezuela’s recent crisis would be incomplete without a consideration of its banal nationalism disputes.
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Regional integration (RI) is an essential part of the discourse on the global economy, viewed often as a “stumbling block” or “building block.” However, little research exists that connects RI in the context of a politics of identity (PoI), which can be used to describe the evolving tensions between national sentiment and regional economic cooperation. This paper performs a Web of Science and Google Scholar review of 136 articles to determine how RI is discussed in the context of PoI. Our review demonstrated that the conceptual frameworks normally used to think about PoI are underexpressed in the context of RI. We discuss why this is the case and identify themes to illustrate the connection. We then suggest conceptual frameworks to enhance the discussion of PoI as it relates to RI, particularly as it relates to the teaching of RI across learning groups.
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The field of nationalism studies encompasses many subfields, reflecting the multi-faceted nature of nationalism itself, but understanding war lies at the heart of the discipline. Indeed, two books with the exact title Nationalism and War have been published in the last decade (Hall and Malešević 2013; Hutchinson 2017). While the horror of the Second World War haunts European imaginations, the horror of war in contemporary Ukraine has focused European attention on the problem of nationalist violence even more forcefully than the Yugoslav wars, if only because the Ukrainian confl ict seems to have more potential to spread. If the NATO alliance or the European Union fails to act, it sets a precedent for further territorial aggression; yet if it intervenes too forcefully, it may fi nd itself in a shooting war with a nuclear power. How did we end up here? How should policy makers analyze their options? Nationalism studies, perhaps, off ers tools for understanding the forces at play.
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This text brings into analytical focus the workings of whiteness within the politics regarding Ukrainian refugees in two neighboring countries, Austria and Czechia. Th is comparison aims to contextualize various racial hierarchies in which Ukrainian refugees are embedded, and to connect public discourses translated by mass media and critically accepted by scholars and experts with the personal experience of refugees and those recruited to help them in reception centers. We follow the layering and conversion of racial hierarchies through examining three interrelated realms of public policy: (1) the confl ation of illiberal and liberal populisms concerning the Russian invasion and the subsequent refugee movements in the discursive practices of leading politicians and those responsible for refugee politics; (2) the intersectionality of gender, class, and race as a locus of control over Ukrainian women, who comprise the majority of those fleeing the country; and (3) elaborating an extreme case of forging whiteness, within the overt and covert racist practices concerning Ukrainian Romani refugees. To conclude, we discuss possible directions for future research that apply critical whiteness studies for understanding how racial hierarchies design public politics concerning refugees, and what can be done to minimize the injustices determined by whiteness.
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While nationalism theorists have mostly rejected primordialism, politicians and the wider public typically have a primordialist and essentialist understanding of national history. On the eve of Russia’s 2022 invasion of Ukraine, Vladimir Putin invoked several primordialist tropes so as to justify military action, which is unsurprising in a politician. Yet Western scholars criticizing Putin’s historical narratives in newspaper editorials or in scholarly talks posted to YouTube only rarely suggest modernist or social constructivist historical narratives. Several posit counter-primordialisms instead. Primordialism, then, enjoys more support than is widely realized, even among scholars who ought to be familiar with its problems. Meanwhile modernist theorists of nationalism, however popular among nationalism theorists, require more vigorous promotion in academic circles.
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In his book review, the author points out the importance of the role of history textbooks in the process of accepting or understanding another (foreign, minority) nation.
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This paper discusses the situation of people in the current modern nation state in terms of their relation to their own nation and state. They are situated between patriotic and economic interests, between individual rights and national interest, between empirical needs and abstract requirements. These tensions, described more elaborately in a previous article, are illustrated by the research of focus groups on the attitudes of Lithuanian school students. A majority of students was found to prefer economic and personal motivation over patriotic. Historical education based on comics was tested as a way to implement more patriotic attitudes.
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The aim of the study is to reveal the content of the phenomenon of “memory war” as a factor in the formation of memory policy in Ukraine in the period from 2014. The research methodology is interdisciplinary, combining methods of historical, political, sociological and legal sciences. The main results of the research: the content of the concept of “memory policy” is revealed, the structure of memory policy in modern Ukraine is determined. It is proved that historical memory is a key element of the whole identification system and due to the fact that historical memory is a highly politicized segment of public consciousness, it can quickly become a factor of social tension and civil confrontation, become a source of national disintegration. This is facilitated by the multiplicity (polarity) of historical memory, so the conceptual basis of memory policy should be the desire to achieve the integrity (monolithic) of the nation’s memory, to overcome polarity and controversy in assessments of the historical past. It was stressed that a certain consensus can be reached on a nationwide historical grand narrative in Ukraine if the objective existence of the Ukrainian nation and the existence of Ukraine as an independent and sovereign state are recognized. The practical significance of the achieved results is due to the fact that in the conditions of the hybrid war of the Russian Federation against Ukraine the state policy of memory is called to promote formation of monolithic historical memory, search of optimum balance of historical plots which would, on the one hand, prevent erosion of ethnocultural basis of historical memory, and on the other – would contribute to the awareness of national history as a permanent process of interaction and interdependence of different cultures. The originality of the study lies in the fact that the influence of historical policy on the course of the hybrid war of the Russian Federation against Ukraine is revealed.
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This review is concerned with the book entitled Hispanofilia. España frente a su destino (Hispanophilia. Spain facing its destiny), whose author argues that the contemporary Spanish reality is informed by two conceptions that lead towards its destruction: “the inane Spain” (la España inane), resulting from globalization and leftist postmodernism, and the “anti-Spain” (la anti-España) of the Catalan and Basque nationalists and separatists. As for the causes which have prompted the atrophy of the Spanish national identity – formed throughout the history of the Spanish nation – the author draws attention to the 17th-cen- tury victory of the subversive forces of Protestantism across Europe, a victory that Spain was unable to handle or counter, ultimately resulting in the Peace of Westphalia (1648) and the triumph of materialist nihilism. Both aforementioned Spains have contributed to the breakdown of the Spanish national unity and the waning of common history and identity; in fact, anti-Spain even seeks to annihilate it and make it a confederation of Iberian repub- lics. According to the author, the blame lies with the Catalan and Basque secessionists as well as with the Spanish left and right. The author goes beyond a mere diagnosis of such a state of affairs, highlighting factors which, in his opinion, may contribute to the revival of Spanish unity and pride in the common history and identity that is shared by all the peoples and nations of Spain: the “Spanish alternative” as he calls it. The paper engages in a polemic with García, discussing the strengths and weaknesses of his assertions.
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