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Tačka razlaza

Author(s): Olivera Milosavljević / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

Polemika u listu Vreme započela je člankom urednika u broju od 1. avgusta 2002, a nastavljena je u Pošti i Reagovanjima i trajala je neprekidno punih petnaest nedelja. Uredništvo je oglasilo njen kraj u broju od 28. novembra 2002, objašnjavajući da pisama ima još, ali samo onih kojima čitaoci podržavaju uređivačku politiku lista. U polemici je objavljeno 78 pisama (uključujući i tekst urednika D. Žarkovića), koje je napisalo 50 autora. Urednik i članovi redakcije su imali 8 priloga (Žarković - 1, Stefanović - 2, Milošević - 1, Cerović - 4) i jednu intervenciju u broju od 3. oktobra, u osmoj nedelji polemike, kada su naveli da osećaju nelagodnost "zbog usamljene pozicije g. Popovića u njegovom naporu da održi razgovor o jednoj od najvažnijih tema srpskog društva". Sa druge strane, najveći broj tekstova (9) napisao je Srđa Popović, osnivač lista Vreme. Od ukupnog broja učesnika polemike, desetoro se javilo po dva puta, a četvoro tri, odnosno četiri puta, što znači da je 43 pisama napisalo 15 autora, dok je ostalih 35 javljanja bilo od 35 drugih autora. "Na strani" Vremena i "na strani" oponenata objavljen je precizno jednak broj tekstova. Uz polemiku, uredništvo je objavilo i nekoliko "priloga": dva intervjua Srđe Popovića data drugim novinama, jedan apel iz 1999. upućen NATO-u i jedno privatno pismo iz 1999. upućeno Sonji Biserko, koje se, po navodu pošiljaoca, "vrtelo" na nekoliko veb-sajtova. Polemika je započela tekstom glavnog urednika lista Vreme Dragoljuba Žarkovića Dehelsinkizacija gospođe Biserko kao odgovor na njene kritike upućene listu a sadržane u citatu navedenom u tekstu trećeg autora u drugim novinama. U početku je izgledalo da će se na napadu i odbrani Sonje Biserko lično, polemika i završiti. To se, međutim, nije desilo. Težište je sa ličnosti Sonje Biserko preneto na njene stavove, i u okosnicu polemike izdiglo se pitanje da li su stavovi - da srpska elita preko nezavisnih medija (B92 i Vreme) čini sve da zločin ne samo relativizuje već i deetnifikuje - tačni ili ne. Vrlo brzo i vrlo jasno kristalizovale su se dve opcije, jedna koju je zastupala pozicija (u ovom slučaju list Vreme i branioci) sa tezom da je izveštavanje lista objektivno a da zločine treba deetnifikovati jer je njihova etnifikacija isto što i "kolektivna krivica naroda", i druga koju je zastupala opozicija, koja je smatrala da list relativizuje zločine jer se ne može "deetnifikovati" etničko čišćenje, što ne podrazumeva.

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Slovenský politik Ľudovít Štúr v siločiarach európskeho vývoja. Hľadanie „slovenského záujmu“

Author(s): Juraj Marušiak / Language(s): Slovak Publication Year: 0

Pri diskusiách o zahraničnej politike sa Ľudovít Štúr slovenským čitateľom asociuje väčšinou s rozsiahlou prácou Slovanstvo a svet budúcnosti, ktorá predstavuje skôr projekt identity a civilizačnú víziu než návod na praktickú politiku. Podľa Svetozára Bombíka, ktorý spis ako prvý pripravil na vydanie v slovenskom jazyku, tento Štúrov takpovediac politický testament predstavoval odmietnutie Západu1 . V diskusiách, ktoré najmä v prostredí médií prebiehali v súvislosti s uplynulým rokom 2015, vyhláseným za „Rok Ľudovíta Štúra“, neraz unikala európska dimenzia jeho politických aktivít, a to napriek viacerým zaujímavým publikáciám z pera slovenských historikov aj filozofov.

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Bošnjačka književnost i kulturalna bosnistika: književnoteorijski i književnohistorijski aspekti

Author(s): Sanjin Kodrić / Language(s): Bosnian Publication Year: 0

Literary creation in Bosnia-Herzegovina is very complex. Viewed as a whole and throughout its historical duration, it has not been realized within the framework of one nation or one ethno-national community, nor within only one language or only one alphabet, nor within the framework of only one cultural-civilizational circle. This fact and this kind of literary-historical and cultural-historical reality gives the basis from which it is now possible to talk about a unique, singular literature of Bosnia-Herzegovina, or Bosnian-Herzegovinian literature, and also about parallel, plural literatures of Bosnia- Herzegovina – Bosniak as well as Croat and Serbian literatures in Bosnia-Herzegovina, together with the literary traditions of Bosnian-Herzegovinian minority communities, such as the Jewish community and others. Also, it is possible to speak about a phenomenon that should – given its own, internal historical-developmental dynamics and its literary-developmental principles and relationships in general – probably be named the Bosnian-Herzegovinian interliterary community. Related concerns are necessarily reflected in the definition of Bosnian literary studies and in particular in the definition of cultural Bosnian literary studies. Bosnian literary studies, and especially cultural Bosnian literary studies, can not, in fact, be defined using the principle of one language – one literature – one nation – one culture, nor in the framework of a single state, because this principle does not correspond to the historical reality of the literary creation nor to what is the contemporary reality of literary practice in Bosnia-Herzegovina. That is why, in understanding the phenomenon of literary creativity in Bosnia-Herzegovina, as well in defining both Bosnian literary studies and cultural Bosnian literary studies, primarily the theoretical concepts of interliterariness as well as closely related concepts of interculturality occur as potential solutions, as – both of them – have their essential meaning and full realization in the cases of both literary and culturally complex phenomena like literature in Bosnia-Herzegovina in general, as well as Bosniak literature in particular.

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Budućnost identiteta

Author(s): Samedin Kadić / Language(s): Bosnian Publication Year: 0

This paper examines the notion of identity from the perspective of the Future Studies. It is exposing certain theories of the future, as well as the history of research of this phenomenon in light of the recent rise of the study of the future, which, as a systematic planning and forecasting, takes a crucial place in the management of risks in present uncertain, complex and often contradictory times. The Future Studies examine global trends, challenges and opportunities faced by the modern world. It is assumed that the 21st century will be marked by identity, as opposed to the 20th century that was marked by ideology. In the globalized world comes to dissolution traditional core of identity which allowed the unity of one person. Without this core, an identity becomes pure contingency. What will become of the man of the future will depend on how the future world looks. But, what will be the world in the future?

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Велики и мали. Деловање Хрватске странке права у Руској царевини до Октобарске револуције

Author(s): Goran Miloradović / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

The article deals with the activities of the members of the Croatian Party of Rights in Russia from mid-19th century till the 1917 October Revolution. Conflict between the Serbian and Croatian program for formation of nation states was related to the aspirations of the Russian and Austrian empire to take part in the division of the Ottoman heritage in the Balkans. In such context, representatives of the Party of Rights sought to create a political base in Russia for the realization of the main goal of their program: the creation of the Croatian state in the maximum extent – within or outside the Habsburg monarchy. There was a consensus on the basic elements of Croatian national interests between the National Party of J. J. Strossmayer and the Party of Rights of A. Starčević, who cooperated. After E. Kvaternik’s failure to find support in Russia for the program of the Party of Rights, Krunoslav Heruc, very capable advocate and organizer and also a member of the Party of Rights, went to St. Petersburg. In the period from 1885 to 1917, he used the Slavophil ideology to form a number of interconnected associations which influenced various Russian institutions. He wrote for a number of newspapers and magazines in Croatia and Russia, and published a number of publications promoting the ideology of A. Starčević. During the World War I, he joined a group of associates of different nationalities with whom he fought against the policy of the Serbian government and interfered with the formation of volunteer corps in Russia. The success of his actions was partly due to distress in Serbian institutions and demoralization of the Serbian elite after the military defeat and occupation of Serbia in 1915, as well as the lack of understanding of official Russian circles of international relations in the Balkans. Struggle between the Serbian and Croatian politics in Russia was ended with the revolutions in 1917 that have paralyzed the Russian institutions, and then launched a civil war. In such circumstances, the orientation of the Yugoslav program was the only way out for the two opposing sides.

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HOMEWORK

Author(s): Milorad Gajić / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

Every citizen born after the 50’s is a witness to historical events and also to historical paradoxes. But the issue is whether they are aware of those events, of their own role in those turbulent developments on the public scene. Are they aware that daily political events later turn into historical ones, and that as of late that process is accelerated, as the prominent philosophers have already established: We are directly experiencing history.

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O nacionalizmu, socijalizmu, Jugoslaviji, Evropi

Author(s): Latinka Perović,Olivera Milosavljević / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

Interview with Latinka Perović, by Olivera Milosavljević.

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Najteže teme

Author(s): Dimitrije Boarov / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

Kada sam početkom prošle godine, nakon čitanja zbirke eseja Latinke Perović (koju je 2006. objavio Helsinški odbor) pod zajedničkim naslovom Između anarhije i autokratije, napisao jedan kratak novinski prikaz ove knjige, pomislio sam da se moram vratiti toj zbirci ponovo, na jedan ozbiljniji način. No, nije bilo vremena, znanja, a ni snage, a bojim se da ih i dalje nema. Ipak, usuđujem se da za ovu knjigu koju čitalac drži u ruci, opet u žurbi, bar naznačim šta je to zbog čega osećam da bi ove eseje Latinke Perović trebalo ponovo pomnije čitati i da pokušam da odgonetnem zašto se njeni ogledi o istorijskom plutanju Srbije, naizgled od nemila do nedraga, pa i čitavo njeno delo, u današnjoj srpskoj javnosti i u njenim vodećim političkim, naučnim i kulturnim institucijama - upadljivo ignorišu, to jest zašto se to toliko značajno delo dočekuje sa nekakvim strahom da će njeni pogledi satrti dugo godina uhodavani red stvari koji se zove “nacionalna politika”? Počeću ovu priču sa hipotezama o ovome drugom, ali predhodno osećam potrebu da navedem epizodu koja po mom mišljenju na neki način nudi utisak o značaju istorijskih tema koje je Latinka Perović proučavala.

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Ideologija Velike Srbije u XIX i XX veku

Author(s): Yves Tomić / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

Srednjovekovna srpska država nastala je u Raškoj oblasti. Kako se razvijala, tako se širila prema jugu (Kosovo, Makedonija), da bi svoj vrhunac dostigla za vreme vladavine cara Dušana (1308-1355), koji je proširio njene granice pripojivši područja Makedonije, Albanije, Epira i Tesalije. Zbog prodiranja Turaka sa juga Balkanskog poluostrva na sever u drugoj polovini XIV veka , srpska država je prestala da postoji, a Srbi iz južnijih krajeva (Makedonija, Kosovo, Metohija) selili su se na sever, pravcem Morava-Vardar (Skoplje-Beograd), i na severozapad (duž linije koja povezuje Skoplje, Kosovo, Sjenicu i Sarajevo). Usled otomanskih osvajanja izmenio se etnički sastav na osvojenim područjima. Pošto su se katolici Hrvati i Mađari povlačili na sever, Turci su se bojali da bi ova pogranična područja, bitna za odbranu carstva, mogla ostati nenaseljena, pa su na njihovo mesto naseljavali pravoslavne hrišćane i muslimane. Tako je u šesnaestom veku došlo do značajnog porasta pravoslavnog življa u severnoj Bosni (oblast Bosanske Krajine), ali i u Slavoniji. Ovom stanovništvu bila je poverena odbrana severne granice Otomanskog carstva. Usled svih tih pomeranja stanovništva, Srbi su se sve više širili po onoj teritoriji koja će u dvadesetom veku činiti Jugoslaviju. Na istoku je, dakle, nastao jedan srpski teritorijalni kompleks u kojem je Srbija, u dolinama reka Morave i Vardara, bila povezana sa Vojvodinom, koju su činili Banat, Bačka i Srem, u Panoniji.2 Na zapadu se taj kompleks prostirao do Dinarskih oblasti – do Novopazarskog sandžaka, koji odgovara teritoriji nekadašnje Raške, kolevci srednjovekovne srpske kraljevine dinastije Nemanjića, te do Crne Gore i Hercegovine. Drugi teritorijalni kompleks nastao je na zapadu i u njegovom sastavu su bili severna Dalmacija, Lika, Kordun, Banija, zapadna Slavonija (područje duž vojne granice Habzburškog carstva, [vidi geografsku kartu 1 u Dodatku] i zapadna Bosna (Bosanska Krajina).

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Nacionalistička propaganda Vojislava Šešelja: sadržaj, tehnika, ciljevi i uticaji, 1990 – 1994. godina

Author(s): Anthony Oberschall / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

Kako propaganda masovnih medija utiče na prihvatanje kolektivnog nasilja od strane običnih ljudi i njihovo učestvovanje u njemu i kako je Šešeljeva nacionalistička propaganda zagovarala i opravdavala prisilu i nasilje Srba protiv nesrba. Izveštaj veštaka pripremljen za Međunarodni krivični sud Ujedinjenih nacija za bivšu Jugoslaviju. Autor: dr Anthony Oberschall, počasni profesor sociologije na Univerzitetu Severna Karolina, Chapel Hill, Severna Karolina, SAD.

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Zaklanjanje iza istorije

Author(s): Vladimir P. Petrović / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

Suđenje Vojislavu Šešelju je počelo dvodnevnom razmenom uvodnih reči tužiteljke Kristine Dal i optuženog. Ovi višesatni monolozi, čija je funkcija da najave tok procesa, naznače pozicije strana i osvetle njihove strategije, prikazani su naposletku na Drugom programu RTS-a. Prvog dana snimak je pratilo, kažu, pola miliona ljudi, drugog nešto manje od četiri stotine hiljada. Ukoliko su ove procene tačne, biće da je suđenje pred ekrane privuklo četiri puta više građana Srbije nego što je potpisalo zahtev za njegovo direktno prenošenje. Teško je reći koliko su gledaoci zaista bili zakovani za televizore, a gotovo je nemoguće proceniti šta su pri tom mislili, osećali i saznali. Izvesno je, međutim, da je Vojislav Šešelj, osokoljen ovom publikom, nastojao da odgovori njenim očekivanjima. "Ja se obraćam publici u Srbiji", eksplicirao je pred sam početak suđenja. "A Zapad me uopšte ne interesuje. Sa Zapada je kroz vekove samo zlo dolazilo Srbiji."

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Političke partije u Bosni i Hercegovini

Author(s): Vlade Simović / Language(s): Bosnian Publication Year: 0

namjera ovog rada je da objasni i pokaže kako su nastajale i kako djeluju političke partije u Bosni i Hercegovini. Počevši od perioda austrougarske vladavine, rad objašnjava kako je tekao istorijski razvoj partija, njihova unutrašnja i spoljašnja dinamika, prije svega kako je začeto etnoreligijsko oblikovanje i međusobno diferenciranje najrelevantnijih partija, kao jedna od glavnih karakteristika partijske scene, kako prijašnje, tako i današnje Bosne i Hercegovine. Period kraljevine SHS/Jugoslavije uspostavio je određenu demokratsku praksu i institucije (izuzev u vrijeme Šestojanuarske diktature) te potvrdio i produbio već započetu partijsku razdvojenost po osnovu nacionalnog i vjerskog. okupacijom “prve” Jugoslavije i kasnijom pobjedom komunista, koji uspostavljaju totalitarni jednopartijski režim, ukidaju se brojna demokratska prava i institucije. Početkom devedesetih godina 20. vijeka obnavlja se višepartijski sistem Bosne i Hercegovine. Formiraju se partijenacionalni pokreti (SdA, SdS, HdZ) koji pobjeđuju na izborima 1990. godine. Kasnija njihova neslaganja po pitanju nezavisnosti Bosne i Hercegovine i njenog političkog uređenja dovode do rata koji se završava dejtonskim mirovnim sporazumom. Partije u postdejtonskoj Bosni i Hercegovini oslikavaju svu složenost ove države kao i sve linije rascjepa u njoj, prije svega po osnovu nacionalnog i vjerskog.

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Demokratska tranzicija i identiteti

Author(s): Jovan Komšić / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

Strukturiranjem analize u četiri ključna segmenta:1) Protivrečja nacije i višeznačja identiteta; 2) Politike identiteta i multikulturalizam; 3) Tranzicioni identitetski inženjering u Srbiji i 4/ Projekcije budućnosti i šanse multikulturalnih strategija, autor argumentuje sledeću tezu: bez obzira na mnoge izazove multikulturalizma i dramatično otvorena pitanja ekonomsko-finansijske i izbegličke krize, politike identiteta u EU (nacionalnih i evropskog) ne mogu zadržati preimućstvo dostignutih i, na globalnom planu, unikatnih civilizacijskih vrednosti, niti se mogu pokazati delotovornim na planu konsolidacije demokratije i integracije tranzicionih društava, ukoliko moć definicije identiteta zadobiju (ili, pak, zadrže) ksenofobi i etnonacionalisti. Umesto tradicionalnih pojmova i (ultra)konzervativnih (anti)politika, kriza zahteva nove ideje i strategije i, zato, treba dati stvarnu šansu multikulturalizmu.

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ARTIFICIAL BORDERS AND NATIONALISM: TURKMEN MIGRATION FROM IRAQ TO ISTANBUL

Author(s): Meryem Bulut,Seher Çataloğlu / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

Migratory movements led to a modern crisis as they have challenged the concept of borders that had emerged with nation states. Improvements in communication and travel have eroded the invincibility of geographical and political borders while social boundaries have transpired within nation state entities. It is more likely than ever that people come across different identities and cultures, and are required to cohabit with those.

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The Shabak: Between secular nationalisms and sectarian violence

Author(s): Michiel Leezenberg / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

The Shabak are one of the less well-known ethnic groups of northern Iraq. The complexities of their recent history suggest that religious and ethnic minorities are not simply or merely victims, but also actors in their own right. Like neighbouring groups, they have been badly affected not only by the 2014 offensive of the so-called Islamic State (ISIS), but also by the earlier politics of the region. At present, their community is deeply divided, in a split exploited and exacerbated by other regional actors.

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Kurdish Zoroastrians: An Emerging Minority in Iraq

Author(s): Matthew Travis Barber / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

A significant movement of apostasy from Islam is underway in the Middle East, one that is simultaneously birthing a new religious minority. Kurdistan is experiencing a gradually intensifying revival of Zoroastrianism as increasing numbers of Kurds are converting to the tradition or affiliating with it at varying levels.

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In Searching Law on The Indonesian Diaspora: Lessons Learnt from South Korea and India Experiences

Author(s): Wicaksana Dramanda,Ali Abdurahman,Bilal Dewansyah,Susi Dwi Harijanti / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

The existence and movement of diaspora across the world, challenge the existing legal norms on citizenship and migration. The responses from the law-makers from origin countries vary. Most of European, Latin America and African countries adopt dual citizenship law to their diaspora for the different reasons: immigrant integration, maintenance of loyalty to ex-citizen or because the closeness ethnic relation. However, most of countries in Asia-Pacific region - which gain the independence through decolonization process - do not favor dual citizenship towards their diaspora, including Indonesia, mostly because of the ideological perception of citizenship. In this sense, many countries grant the special status or scheme to their diaspora (neither citizens nor residents of the country) as an external quasi-citizenship based on ethnic descent as coined by Bauböck as “ethnizenship.” In Indonesia case, while the rejection of dual citizenship proposal is unavoidable, it leads idea to adopt a kind of ethnizenship status as an alternative regulatory model for Indonesia diaspora. In order to search the suitable and realistic regulatory scheme for Indonesian diaspora, this paper compare experiences from India and South-Korea which adopt a quasi-citizenship for their descendants overseas. The result from this comparison will be considered as a benchmark to develop regulatory model for Indonesian diaspora.

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IMMIGRATION AND ELECTORAL SUPPORT FOR THE RADICAL RIGHT: EVIDENCE FROM DUTCH MUNICIPALITIES

Author(s): Panagiotis Chasapopoulos,Arjen van Witteloostuijn,Christophe Boone / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

Throughout Europe in recent years, a considerable number of ‘extreme-right’ parties, as they are most often referred to, have been gaining popularity and influencing the formation of public opinion. In France, the far-right ‘Front National’ party of Marine Le Pen scored its highest ever percentage of votes when it won through to the second round of the presidential elections in the spring of 2017. Shortly before that, at the national elections taking place in the Netherlands, the populist radical-right ‘Party for Freedom’ of Geert Wilders came second, increasing its previous number of seats in the parliament. Only a few months earlier, in summer of 2016, the right-wing populist ‘UK Independence Party’ had managed to play a major role in the ‘Brexit’ referendum by promoting itself as a nativist nationalist political movement.

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The Event of Bulgaria Migration and the Discourses of Nationalism and Gender in Ahmet Er's Theaters

Author(s): Başak Akar,Özge Öz Döm,Melike Güngör / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

Migration mainly refers to the “permanent movement of persons over significant distance” (Sills and others, 1968, p.286). In addition, another typology of forced migration is defined as migration is a result of coercion and crisis. The definition provided by the International Association for the Study of Forced Migration, is the movements of refugees and internally displaced people (those displaced by conflicts) as well as people displaced by natural or environmental disasters, chemical or nuclear disasters, famine, or development projects (IASFM, 2015). Not only are the reasons for the migration important but so are the crises behind these migrations (Kuhlman, 2000, pp.4-5). So, the agents of forced migration can be the state, terrorist groups, commercial entities, and natural disasters; however mainly violence and persecution are the main reasons behind it (Kuhlman, 2000, p.5). These forced and involuntary migrations can be categorized into three subcategories. The first one is ethnic dilution, the second one is ethnic consolidation and the third category is ethnic cleansing defined as forcing undesired population to flee from that specific area (Bookman, 1997, pp. 122-125). The methods of ethnic cleansing are “…coerced departures, harassment to induce departure, cultural cleansing, payment for expulsion and genocide” (Bookman, 1997, pp.133 – 137).

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Rat u Mostaru (1992–1995) na stranicama bosanskohercegovačke i uže regionalne historiografije u periodu od 2001. do 2017. godine

Author(s): Zilha Mastalić Košuta / Language(s): Bosnian,Croatian,Serbian Publication Year: 0

Papers on the topic of the 1992-1995 war in Mostar, published in the period from 2001 to 2017, were primarily represented in works of memoir character, in which the authors write from the perspective of their own point of view on events, or they were directly involved in them. Certain works are of high quality and very useful from a scientific and professional perspective, and there are also those which are solely of classic memoir character, written from a purely personal perspective, which represent some contribution to looking at events, but which necessitate caution. From the scope of military-historiographical literature, the volume of the written works is modest and highlights the works of former commanders, which represents an important complement to reviewing military activities in the area of Mostar municipality, along with a mandatory critical approach to these works because of the author’s efforts to emphasize their role in the war. This topic was also addressed by individuals from different non-history professions, attributing themselves the right to be called experts in this field. In one part of such research and published works, erroneous methodological, unscientific and subjective approach was observed. Although a small number of historians have written on this subject, a large number of them still choose to remain silent, which on the one hand was justifiable in the initial years after the war, because of the lack of clarity and inaccessibility of archival material, but also because they were waiting for the necessary historical distance. The historical distance is already considerable, and it is time for objective and professional historians to tackle the topics related to the war period in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Some historians are also waiting for better political circumstances in the country. Any silence on the part of expert and objective historians is no longer justifiable, and thus poses a problem for historiography, which has been dealing with a number of problems lately. While some are silent, historical topics are being taken up by individuals from other professions, but also by historians who write commissioned texts, and thus bring historiography lasting and incomprehensible consequences and harm.

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