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The article discusses the participation and changes in the number of inhabitants of Northern-Dalmatian towns according to nationality. The issue is analyzed within the framework of Dalmatia (South Croatia) and the general process of growth of urban population regarding its main ethnic components in Northern Dalmatia (Benkovac, Biograd, Drniš, Knin, Obrovac, Šibenik and Zadar).
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The anthropogenetic structure of six island/peninsular populations - Brač, Hvar, Korčula, Pelješac, Silba and Olib - of the Eastern Adriatic, Croatia, is analyzed on the basis of the study of four different erythrocyte antigen systems/groups and two erythrocyte isoenzyme systems. Average sample size was 555 individuals. Allele frequencies and genetic distances values were computed. The obtained results point to the fact that all of the populations in question have preserved their separate characteristics in the course of their (micro) evolution to the present day, which is especially noticeable for the island populations of Korčula and Olib, as these populations distinguish themselves from the other studied populations with a greater degree of isolation.
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Problem setting. The legal framework for regulating the ethnic and national sphere determines the influence of state authorities on the current ethnic and national model of interaction between the titular Ukrainian ethnic group and national minorities. An objective factor in the ethnic and national modeling of Ukraine ’s development is the Ukrainian political nation, whose potential readiness for state-national self-etermination is determined by the level of national and regional identity, whose research is extremely in demand in modern science, which begins with the state and determines how it affects poly-ethnic society. Recent research and publications analysis. In the context of the topic under study, the fundamental works of domestic and foreign scholars were used to substantiate the idea of the ethnic core of the nation (A. D. Smith), which constitutes the “foundation ” of any ethnic and national model of the state; such ethno-national models are defined: “parallel segmentation” (J. Rothschild), “clan democracy” (O. Kucherenko, O. Lisnichuk), “crossed grid”, which is transformed into “mosaic concept” (S. P. Huntington), “universal democracy” (A. Lijphart), the “cosmopolitan” model of democracy (D. Held), “racial democracy”(P. Mancini), as well as the works of P. Van den Berg, O. Kartunov, O. Kryukov, O. Kucherenko, O. Mayborody, Y Rimarenko, L. Shklyar and others. In the scientific works of A. Andreev, A. Royce, Y Bromley, M. Weber, G. Nodi, K. Popper, A. Smith, E. Jan, and others. main stages of ethnic and national development of states are analyzed. Paper objective. The author of the article considers the European experience on protecting national minorities ’ rights and possibility of its application in the Ukrainian legislation and sees it as a basis for the ethnic and national modeling of Ukraine development. Paper main body. Author emphasizes that the European Legislation does not ensure the right to self-determination to ethnic and national minorities. Therefore, effective Constitutional and legal security for the national minorities is provided only in case of their getting the citizenship of the country they live in. Besides, their rights do not exceed the range of rights enjoying by all the citizens of the country they reside and the peculiarities of certain ethnic groups (their needs to preserve national identity, traditions, language, cultural heritage etc.) are not reflected in the legislation of the country of their residence. As a subject of the International Law and the equal participant of international communication, Ukraine ratified the majority of conventions and agreements in the field of human rights protection. The crucial issue of Ukrainian society in the legislative adjustment of ethnic and national sphere is its endeavor to respond to the European legal standards. To use the terms “ethnic groups” would be more adequate for both the genuine Ukrainians and the untitled ethnic groups. Application of the terms “native people” or “autochthonal people” could be disputable as for Tatars or Caraims, who are in fact the “pieces” of some other large communities lived in the past. The same situation is in the issue of language functioning. The EU countries’ language policy is carried out in the conditions, which differ from the Ukrainian ones: non-dominant languages in the EU community enjoy protection rights. On the contrary, in Ukraine the language of the titled nation needs every possible support. In this respect, nowadays every attempt to approach the issue of peculiarity of language policy in Ukraine can be criticized by the EU community, which may cause Ukrainian language discrimination. The refore, just imitating both EU experience and EU legislation in the national issue is not acceptable for development of ethnic and national policy in Ukraine, where there are certain peculiarities. Objective reality of polyethnizm existence in Ukraine as well as some specific national conditions require critical and constructive application of various approaches to interethnic relationships regulation in which EU countries have already been a success. And in Particular, we mean consultative and authority bodies, where national minorities are represented, especially in education, cultural and religious organizations; legislative and executive bodies (formed in the result of free and equal elections); self-government of national minorities as for their authenticity in conditions when territorial autonomy is not provided; bi-lateral and multi-lateral agreements regarding national minorities; ensuring the right of national minorities representatives to be educated on different educational levels in their native language; to create state research centers to improve legislation and spreading information as for their non-discrimination; creation of permanent boards to be in touch with the appropriate border-line areas. Application of all-round approaches mentioned above in conjunction with the peculiarities of ethnic and national modeling of state development must favor harmonization of relationships between the Ukrainian title ethnos and national minorities. Conclusions of the research. The research on regulatory and juridical principles of the valid ethnic and national state building model (title ethnos and national minorities) gives grounds to conclude that all the citizens of Ukraine are equally protected by the state. As for the assuring the human rights of national minorities representatives, the state bases on the fact that this law is an integral part of the generally acknowledged Law on human rights. For the Constitution of Ukraine stipulations ’ realization and establishing the procedures of implementation of the abovementioned regulatory Acts, the author proposes to adopt the set of laws, which would regulate not only the status of national minorities, but also the status of the Ukrainian nation as a title nation. In particular, we mean preambles to the Articles 10, 11, 12 of the Constitution of Ukraine, which are fragmentarily accomplished now in the legislative Acts. In order to achieve it, we need to systematize and make codification of the Ukrainian legislation.
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Formulation of the problem. In the processes of socio-cultural dynamics of modern society, a significant role is played by the consumption process, which is not only a marker of the development of society because it creates new semantic connections and forms a symbolic continuum of social relations, but also significantly influences the processes of personality socialization and formation of social practices. Moreover, just the discourse of consumption that creates and represents patterns of behavior, shapes values and norms that make up the socio-cultural aspect of the late-20th-the beginning of the 21st century, which they call “consumption society ”. Consumerism is the ideology of “consumption society ” is the dependence of the level of personal happiness and enjoyment on the value and prestige of things, that are consumed. In sociological discourse, consumption is interpreted as the conscious activity of people to construct their own identity through consumption.Analysis of recent research and publications. Consumption as a phenomenon and society of consumption as a new image of society during a long period of time has been on the focus of Western researchers, especially economists, sociologists, philosophers, the most illustrative are the works of K. Marks, M. Weber, T. Veblen (consumption is interpreted as a process of socio-economic stratification), J. Baudrillard, G. Marcuse (consumption as a symbolic exchange), P. Bourdieu (field of consumption as a lifestyle), E. Giddens (consumption as a process of identity construction), N. McCendrick, J. Brewer, J. G. Plumb, etc., among Ukrainian researchers, these issues are studied by O. Gerus, A. Doroshkevich, N. Zinchenko, O. Serdyuk.Formation of goals. The purpose of the article is to reveal the essence of the phenomenon of consumption and consumer practices, to reveal their influence on the processes of socio-cultural dynamics of modern society.Presentation of the main material. The concept of “consumption” has become on the focus of attention of intellectuals in connection with the philosophy of “consumption society”, which was developed by J. Baudrillard as a result of rethinking K. Marx ’s theory of political economy and its replacement with the theory of symbolic objects. J. Baudrillard interprets consumer society as a practical reality that contains a “mythological dimension” in its own “objective” definition.J. Baudrillard proves that consumption is not reduced to satisfaction of needs, but encourages their production, turns into an “active mode of relation” to objective reality. Beyond consumption, it is impossible to explain human behavior. Not only goods and services are consumed, but the whole system of objects as a symbolic structure, whereby the need becomes a structural mode of productivity, and the product is reduced to values-signs, not things, but ideas of things are consumed.The specificity of the consumption process is conditioned by the influence of purposeful pressure of economic levers and the system of value determinants, which are constructed within a certain society, mainly through the media space, as well as by the fact that the objects of consumption are not material but socio-cultural objects. Significant importance is attached to the peculiarities of consumer behavior and reproduction of their consumption practices, because it is through consumption that person realizes and asserts.Conclusions. Consumption in the processes of social dynamics and social transformation becomes functional, significantly influencing the status position of the individual in the structure of social relations. It is a means of social reproduction and a marker of the individual ’s position in the social hierarchy system. Through advertising and fashion, individual consumes a set of certain images and lifestyles, values and patterns, which then he reproduces in everyday practice, in communication, in social interactions. Consumption of certain goods, services is important for self-identification and self-affirmation of the individual.
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The author proposes that ageing and old age can be seen as a universal process but also as something that can be differentiated both by time and place. In the central part of the article, the author contends that one way of approaching the topic, particularly if it is addressed as part of the United States polity, is through the lens of American Studies and, more specifically, through the work of R.W.B. Lewis and his idea of the American Adam. It is precisely the self-image of the United States as a country of youth that elides the significance of ageing from the disciplinary agenda. In addition, the author contends that the American socio-economic order marginalizes ageing as incompatible with its dynamics. In the conclusion, the author up-dates the issue and shows how today’s pension schemes affect what was precisely designated as a time of retirement.
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The purpose of this study is to determine the population development in the field. Observation in place, questionnaire and interview methods were in the study. The central district of Ardahan is in the Erzurum-Kars of the Eastern Anatolia Region. Central District of Ardahan with average altitude has 62 villages and 7 neighborhoods with extensions. The working site is 1465 square kilometers and the lands with morphological plato structure are generally hubbly. Ardaha which was in the city status from the establishment of the republic to 1926, became a district of Kars with the province law dated 1926. According to the 2018 Turkish Statistical data, the district has a population of 42.226 and there are 28.5 people per kilometer square. As a result, a consideration that will be carried out as a part of geographical planning for rural development will lead the way for field expansion. Especially rural development as state policy will improve as a result of geographical researches like this. This will be ensured with more modern agriculture, husbandry and tourism.
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The Skender Quart is one of the oldest urban parts of the City of Srebrenica. Since the medieval period, it nourished urban tradition and represented a developed urban quart throughout the whole Ottoman period. The paper deals in more detail with the characteristics of the Hajji Iskender Quart of the City of Srebrenica in the mid-19th century, or more precisely in 1850/51. There were no translated and source data on the more detailed demographic, genealogical and other ethnological and sociological characteristics of Hajji Iskender Quart in the mid-19th century so far. A detailed overview of the previously unknown and unused data from the official census of the population from 1850/51 is presented in this article. The above census shows us the basic demographic, genealogical and other sociological characteristics of the Hajji Iskender Quart in the mid-19th centuries, such as the total demographic situation, i.e., the total number of men, and detailed data on the male population of all houses in the Quart.
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The multicultural context of Southeastern Europe existed even in the beginning of the XX century. The historical implications were present much earlier, but the political turbulences in the last hundred years have changed the demographics and the social landscape as well. This part of Europe faced various types of migrating implication. The ethnocentrism as a poisoning appearing in these types of movements is a very important issue. The European so-called “pillar” countries are covering the migration routes with the political aspects and leaving the multicultural policy unjustified and practically useless. The national coordinates of the newborn countries in the beginning of the XXI centuries are starting the unlikely process of nationally constitution of the land. The migrating processes are practically the emerging of the “age of ideologies” to the “age of culture” and the nationwide streams would be very soon replaced with the cultural diverse environment. The ethnos is not a practical category and it doesn’t secure any mechanism of coexistence. The multicultural concept is also the new understanding of the freedom and the articulating of the cultural differences into the proper legislatives will change the landscape of the Southeastern Europe and will relax the irrational tensions. The role of the media is exceptional in these hard but very productive processes. The migrating waves in the end of the second decade of the XXI century will not bring another economic crises and inevitable poverty, the civic concept and the multicultural character of these countries will open a new range of possibilities. The inclusiveness is not a burden, it’s a new kind of mutual life. This paper is trying to reconsider some experiences and theoretical approaches where the crossroads of the migrations and multiculturalism lead us – circling or to the future prosperity.
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Based on the birth, marriage, and death records in the parish of St Tryphon in Kotor, the paper presents and analyses the key determinants of local demographic trends during the last Venetian-Ottoman war (1714-1718). To the extent permitted by the sources, the author has focused on the fluctuations in the number of births, marriages, and deaths in the pre-war, wartime, and post-war periods. Links between these numbers have been juxtaposed to the origins and professions of the persons involved and the results obtained from Kotor have been compared with the trends in Dubrovnik and Pula. These comparisons indicate that – although the Second Morean War was not fought in the immediate vicinity of Kotor – the war events had a considerable bearing on the town’s demographic trends. This is particularly evident in the mortality rate, which rose steeply when the war was most intense. Military migrations, that is, the arrival of soldiers in the town, also increased the biological potential of the population, which led to an increase in the marriage rate. These trends reveal Kotor’s military profile and show the soldiers (and their migrations) as an interesting social group.
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This paper focuses on the spatial distribution of Dubrovnik’s urban elite, observed on the examples of the families of Matijaš de Mençe and Anđelo Ljutica, in the period from the late 13th to the mid-14th century and the time of Black Death. Using the methods of social topography and prosopography, the authors have studied the interrelation of the social and ownership statuses of these families, addressing the question of their social and spatial interconnections. In the early 14th century, both families belonged to the elite urban circles, but with a key difference: one of them was noble, and the other a family of commoners.
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Studiul de față analizează dinamica fenomenului nupțialității în parohia greco-catolică Tiha Bîrgăului între anii 1833-1890. Prelucrarea registrelor parohiale de stare civilă a reliefat evoluția căsătoriilor din perspectiva numărului, vârstei și a locului de origine al partenerilor. Moartea unuia dintre parteneri era condiția hotărâtoare ca Biserica să accepte recăsătorirea. Accesul la a doua căsătorie ca urmare a decesului unuia dintre parteneri înainte de îndeplinirea timpului de doliu (jele) a fost controlat și condiționat de Biserică prin acordarea unor dispense. Analiza dispenselor de jale identificate în arhiva parohiei oferă o imagine a motivațiilor constituirii cuplurilor la inițierea celei de-a doua căsătorii. Totodată, am identificat diferențele dintre parteneri în ceea ce privește vârsta (media de vârstă la bărbați - 42 de ani, iar la femei - 29 de ani), starea civilă (toți bărbații sunt văduvi, iar femeile 34% văduve, 29% fete deflorate, 44% fecioare), exogamia (26% din localități învecinate), confesiunea (13% ortodocși), cât și a numărului de bărbați sau femei care au cerut dispense (doar 13% femei cer dispensă). Nu am putut stabili dacă partenerii s-au căsătorit din dragoste sau din interes. Biserica a reglementat viața morală a celor rămași fără partener prin acordarea dispenselor, reducând concubinajele sau nașterea unor copii ilegitimi.
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The existing, largely heterogeneous, religious and ethnic image of Montenegro is a result of profound transformations that have occurred on its territory over the past thousand years. The early medieval Principality of Duklja, with its backbone on contemporary Montenegrin soil, belonged to the Catholic sphere during and after the Schism of 1054. The same was true of neighbouring principalities of Travunia and Zahumlje, which were under the rule of Duklja for much of the 11th and 12th centuries. The metropolis of Bar played the role of the religious centre of the Principality of Duklja, which later became a kingdom. It was also the political pillar of the Vojislavljević dynasty. At the end of the 12th century, the former Duklja, Travunia, and Zahumlje came under the rule of Serbia, whose Orthodox church organisation acquired independent status in 1219. On the other hand, the Archbishoprics of Žiča and Peć, the latter subsequently becoming a patriarchate, were political backbones of the Serbian dynasty of Nemanjić. Since it was a period of sharp polarisation between Catholicism and Orthodoxy, the population of Duklja and Zahumlje were almost completely con¬verted to Orthodoxy under Serbian rule. Coastal cities were a significant exception. For practical reasons, they were allowed to keep their autonomous status, including Catholicism. Under the influence of the Republic of Ragusa, Croatia, Bosnia, and the Franciscan Order, Catholicism was partially restored in the western parts of former Zahumlje and some coastal regions of Travunia. However, among the Slavic population of present-day Montenegro, Catholicism persisted only in coastal centres and in part of the settlements that gravitated towards them. Following the disintegration of the Serbian state, largely driven by the Ottoman invasions of the Balkans, as well as the period of change of different state authorities, the coastal areas of Montenegro came under the rule of the Venetian Republic largely during the first half of the 15th century. Subsequent Ottoman conquests reduced the Venetian coastal possessions to tiny, mutually separated enclaves within which Catholics and Orthodox continued to co-exist mostly harmoniously. Throughout the rest of the coast, suffering further losses, this time under the Ottomans, Catholicism was maintained among a minor part of the Slavic population occupying the area surrounding Bar. Further changes in the religious and ethnic image of Montenegro took place under the Ottoman influence. By breaking into certain border areas, Albanians established their definite domination already at the end of the Middle Ages. Furthermore, the mass Islamisation of the Albanian Catholic population encouraged similar processes in the Slavic neighbourhood. Together with neighbouring Herzegovina and northern Albania, Montenegro became a demographic source of mass migration to neighbouring, war-depopulated areas. Among other destinations, migration was directed towards the present-day Sandžak, which was continuously settled by the Montenegrin Orthodox and Muslim population. However, the most far-reaching phenomenon was the formation of sub-Lovćen Montenegro. Having expanded and acquired state capacity, its Orthodox population established a special form of self-awareness. The ethnic differentiation of the Slavic population of Montenegro was closely linked to the religious one. Catholics were firmly oriented towards the West, which was further encouraged mainly by the prevalence of Orthodoxy but also Islam. This orientation, among other things, led to socio-cultural integration into the broader ethnic entity that shared their language and religion and became recognised as Croatian during the processes of nation formation. Since the distinct existence of Orthodoxy complied with the goals of the Serbian dynasty and state since its initiation, certain forms of Serbian proto-national awareness were conceived early among the Montenegrin Orthodox. Over time, it was challenged by the idea of Montenegrin ethnic state. This caused a break in the identity of the Montenegrin Orthodox, which con¬tinues to preclude their final national self-determination. As holders of the Ottoman- Islamic state concept, the Slavic Muslim population of Montenegro was historically strongly distanced from Christian fellow countrymen speaking the same language. At the same time, they identified with the rest of the Slavic Muslim population, most¬ly concentrated in Bosnia, which finally enabled their co-existence with the Bosniak national construct. Given the extreme complexity of the religious and ethnic image of Montenegro and the processes that shaped it, it is expected to raise many important research questions. The attached paper focusses on one of them. Almost the entire area of intertwined relations between Slavic Catholics (Croats) and Orthodox (Serbs/ Montenegrins) was located in the part of the Montenegrin coast that defended itself against the Ottoman invasions during the Venetian rule (eastern Boka Kotorska, the town of Budva, Paštrovići), that is, the part that was liberated from the Ottomans at the turn of the 17th century (western Boka Kotorska, the mountain range of Orjen in its hinterland, Grbalj, the immediate surroundings of Budva). During the subsequent second Austrian rule (1814–1918) the mentioned areas were parts of the Kingdom of Dalmatia and in 1878 they were joined Spič, a part of the Ottoman Catholic–Orthodox zone west of Bar. Since the centre of the whole area was located in the Bay of Kotor, together with Boka, it was also known under the name of Boka Kotorska in the narrow sense. Despite centuries of interaction between Catholics and Orthodox on the ground of Boka, the first comprehensive data which may be analysed to provide a numerical insight into their religious–ethnic relations were obtained from Austrian censuses conducted from the second half of the 19th century. However, until the end of that century, those censuses did not allow for a more accurate image of the ethnic features of Boka and (much of) its settlements. The first to make this possible is the 1900 census. Therefore, by analysing the data provided by that census, the enclosed paper attempts to specify in numerical terms the ethnic relations between Croats and Serbs/Montenegrins on the territory of Boka Kotorska, including all its settlements. More precisely, the paper deals with the territory of Kotor district, which included Boka Kotorska at the time. According to available insights, within Kotor district, which occupied 673.79 km², there were 34,115 inhabitants in 1900, of which 9,565 or 28% were Croats and 23,746 or 69.6% were Serbs/Montenegrins. There were significant ethnic differences between certain parts of the said district. The mountainous regions of Orjen, inhabited by the Krivošije tribe, were almost completely homogeneous. The area of approximately 200 km² was settled by 2,235 inhabitants, of which 42 or 1.9% were Croats, mostly immigrants, while 2,187 or 97.9% were Serbs/Montenegrins. The situation was similar in the coastal area between Kotor and eastern Spič (Grbalj municipality /without Lješević/, Budva and its immediate surroundings, Paštrovići and three homogeneous Serbian/Montenegrin settlements in the western part of Spič municipality). The area of approximately 210 km2 was occupied by 9,427 inhabitants, of which 368 or 3.9% were Croats and 9,012 or 95.6% were Serbs/Montenegrins. Within that area, Croats lived as indigenous population only in the town of Budva (301) and as a small minority in Kastel Lastva, which was subsequently renamed Petrovac na Moru (21). Boka Kotorska was ethnically heterogeneous in the narrow sense. This applied to the coastal areas of the bay as well as those that were not by located the sea but gravitated towards the Boka coast. The narrow area of Boka occupying approximately 230 km² was inhabited by 21,473 people, of which 8,332 or 38.8% were Croats and 12,390 or 57.7% Serbs/Montenegrins. There was a noticeable difference between the western part of Boka, which had once belonged to the Ottoman Empire, and the eastern part, which used to be under the Venetian Republic. In 1900 the former Ottoman Boka was inhabited by 9,879 people, of which 1,190 or 12.1% were Croats while 8,438 or 85.4% were Serbs/Montenegrins. The area of former Venetian Boka had 11,594 inhabitants, of whom 7,142 or 61.6% were Croats and 3,952 or 34.1% were Serbs/Montenegrins. This formerly Venetian part also consisted of two separate, more or less homogeneous, ethnic entities. One was predominantly Croatian, with 9,458 inhabitants, of whom 7,023 or 74.3% were Croats and 1,935 or 20.5% were Serbs/Montenegrins (many settlements on the Vrmac peninsula/mountain, a part of the sub-Lovćen coastal area, and the towns of Perast, Strp-Lipci, Kostanjica, Đurići, Krašići). The predominantly Serbian/Montenegrin majority counted 2,136 inhabitants; 119 or 5.6% of Croats and 2,017 or 94.4% of Serbs/Montenegrins (Luštica without Krašići, Krtole, Lješevići) Particularly interesting was eastern Spič, occupied by 980 inhabitants, of which 823 or 84% were Croats and 157 or 16% were Serbs/Montenegrins. Eastern Spič should essentially be considered in the context of the remaining Bar coast, which belonged to the Principality of Montenegro at the time. It should be noted that this Montenegrin part of the Bar coast was distinguished not only by the presence of the Croatian and Montenegrin population but also by a strong representation of the Bosniak community. As already pointed out, although relatively homogeneous ethnic entities existed within the Kotor district, including the mentioned entity between Kotor and eastern Spič, precisely its ethnic features, together with those of the immediate surroundings of Bar, allowed the total coastal area between Herceg-Novi and Bar to be perceived as a space of exchange between Croats and Serbs/Montenegrins. The area of Boka Kotorska is one in a series of localities where a heterogeneous ethnic image was historically formed. Such regions are particularly interesting to re¬searchers since the complex ethnic image could only emerge from complex political and social processes. The paper aimed at reconstructing that image according to the results available from the 1900 census. The study focussed on data relating to distinc¬tiveness that providing a basic insight into its features. Such phenomena certainly need to be addressed, as well as the processes they caused. They primarily fostered a special social climate in which one had to pay attention to differences and know how to co-exist with them. The entire Montenegrin coast has extensive experience in this regard. Many problems arose from this experience. Some of them were self-imposed or constituted reflections from the wider social scene or were imported by the immigration of individuals with different cultural and political sensibilities. The fact remains that, even during the worst temptations experienced in the area, despite all the differences and regardless of religion and variable historical conditions, the population of Boka has preserved the ability to co-exist. Although the “set of circumstances” played a role in this, such development was not undermined by the distinctive flexibility of the Montenegrin coastal population, regardless of religion. It manifested itself through centuries of mutual interaction and multiple social ties, including familial ones. This positive heritage and the culture that produced it should also be attributed due importance. Finally, the meaning of Catholicism and Orthodoxy was perhaps best manifested exactly at that level.
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The comparison of five conceptual documents in the field of socio-demographic policy for 2007—2017 was made using the method of content analysis of texts. One of the results of the analysis is the lack of continuity of conceptual approaches in different documents; the change of conceptual approach from liberal to conservative one; weak link between goals and success indicators of different concepts and strategies. Oblivion of gender equality occurred in the very first documents of the studied decade. A gradual change of conceptual approaches coincided with oblivion of “gender”. New approaches are characterized by the increase in traditionalism, paternalism; rejection of the principle of participation of objects of policy in making decisions affecting their interests; change of priorities of interests (the priority is given not to a child’s or an adult member of the family interests but to the one featuring state and family interests).
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Housing registers of Moscow of the Civil War period were a form of registration for citizens and contain various information about them. Many such record books of the period of 1917–1924 are held in the Central State Archive of Moscow. This material has not yet been analyzed in historical researches. The article introduces house registers into scientific use as an ethnodemographical source. The obtained data will be helpful for gaining new knowledge about the population of Moscow in the early 20th century and adding new information about the city and its individual parts. The research is based on 21 house registers, which compile a database of 7,330 entries over the period from 1918 till 1921. The selected addresses are distributed over five militia stations in Moscow. The obtained data made it possible to construct a plot of the dynamics of the total number of inhabitants. The research provides tables of correlation between the local population of Moscow and newly-arrived population; of the sex and age structure and the ethnic makeup. These characteristics were compared to the results of censuses in Moscow in 1918 and 1920. It shows that house registers convey the main tendencies of ethnodemographical processes, but they have certain peculiarities. Unlike censuses, the new source allows to see dynamics of ethnodemographical characteristics and combine multiple indicators. House registers can be used to conduct at different levels, and to obtain data about the ethnodemography of Moscow’s population both for the entire city and localities within it.
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The current reproductive policy in Bulgaria influences the future national socio-economic developments. It is necessary to differentiate the demographic policies towards the particular population groups in order to increase the policy impact outcomes. Aim: To identify existence or absence of significant differences in the reproduction models among the populations in the three main ethno-cultural categories (ECC) in the country – Bulgarian, Turkish, Roma – within the time period 2001-2009. Target population: Children born in the period 2001-2009 by age (under 15-19; 20-34; 35-49) and by ECC of the mother. The use of ethno-cultural category instead of ethnic group is justified. Source of information: published and unpublished data of NSI and data from research projects related to demographic development of Bulgaria. Results: The following birth dy-namics in the age group under 15-19 and between 35-49 by ethno-cultural category are established. In the Bul-garian ECC there is significant increase of late births - from 4,97% to 11,47%; Roma EEC permanently keeps high related share of early births – 38%; for the Turkish EEC – early births decrease from 26,9% to 20%. The risks of early and late births for the mother and child are discussed. Significant differences show the established sustainable and ECC-specific models. Conclusion: the application of longitudinal methodological approach for reproduction models changes of every EEC can contribute for the development of differentiated demographic policy.
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The aim of the research was to check whether there were statistical indications of the existence of nepotism at the University of Novi Sad. The data were used on the current scientific and teaching staff and a unique electoral list for the City of Novi Sad. The socalled Academic Homonymity Index (AHI) was calculated based on surname homonymity. According to the comparison, the University of Novi Sad is placed at the very top of the reference list of Italian universities ranked by the probability of presence of nepotism practice. Thereby, there is a number of factors suggesting that our coefficients are underestimated. At the faculty level of aggregation, the Faculty of Medicine is the leader, while the Academy of Arts, the Faculty of Economics and the Faculty of Philosophy also belong to the institutions whose AHI index is well above the university average. At the departmental level of aggregation, the highest AHI index is registered for: the Department of Serbian Language and Linguistics, the Department of Energy and Process Engineering and the Music Department. A very high AHI index was also found for: the Department of Veterinary Medicine, the Department of Canned Food Engineering and the Department of Psychology. A new university law was proposed which would ban the employment of relatives in the same department, as well as a set of long-term measures in order to combat this problem.
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This quantitative study examined the relationships between four types of parenting attitudes and adult separation anxiety among 493 parents of children attending preschool. Independent-samples t-test, one-way ANOVA, and Pearson correlation revealed that parental educational levels were related to significant differences among all four parenting attitudes. The female respondents’ mean scores on the ASA [Adult Separation Anxiety Questionnaire] were higher than those of the male respondents. Significant differences in the parents’ ASA scores were related to their ages, educational levels, house types and monthly incomes. There was also a negative relationship between separation anxiety and the authoritative parenting attitude, and a positive relationship between separation anxiety and the other three attitudes studied.
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The Frederician colonisation of Pomerania, which started after the Silesian Wars and got interrupted by the Seven Years’ War, was a process that developed in four phases of varying intensity. The first phase, comprising the years 1747 to 1754/56, was connected with investments concerning the regulation of the Oder marshes. From 1754, the colonisation depended on the settlement obligations of the general tenants and the beginning division of the domains. The colonisation reached its greatest dynamic in the years 1752 to 1754, during which it was mainly centred on the domains. The majority of the colonists in that phase, approximately 90 per cent, were of foreign origin. The end of the Seven Years’ War at the same time marks the beginning of a second phase of eight years (1762/63-1770/71) that was characterized by a highly dynamic, but little coordinated process of settlement. The Prussian state endeavoured to balance its demographic and material losses from the war as fast as possible, whereby the public aid particularly benefited the crown domains and the towns. During this phase of settlement, the local Pomeranian population, given the opportunity to adopt the status of colonists because of the war losses, was in the majority. During the third phase (1771/72-1779) of the Frederician colonisation - after 1772, in the towns after 1776 - the bestowal of the colonist status on local settlers was almost entirely stopped. In the years 1772 to 1779 the rural colonisation was exclusively based on immigrants, and mainly focused on aristocratic estates. Both the state allowances and the settlers themselves launched dynamic demographic and economic changes regarding the aristocratic property, especially in the eastern and central parts of Pomerania Ulterior. Here lived the poorest part of the Pomeranian nobility, which, however, at the same time formed the backbone of the Prussian officer corps and therefore w as indispensable to the king. The fourth phase of the Frederician colonisation (1780-1786) primarily had the character of a settlement action for small-scale farmers. All in all, about 36,000 persons were settled in the context of the Fredercian colonisation between 1740/47 and 1786/87, i.e. 9,500 (26.5 per cent) more than so far presumed in the research literature, whereby, at 68.5 per cent, the proportion of immigrants was predominant. The vast majority of the colonists settled in the country (about 85 per cent), up to the Seven Years’ War mainly in the crown domains, later on aristocratic estates. When Frederick William II took office, the melioration funds were first reduced, then both the melioration works and the colonisation were suspended. The latter was not revived under Frederick William III. Although the melioration funds were reactivated, almost 50 per cent of the allowances were used for military purposes. Accordingly, the number of colonists in the years 1787 to 1800/06 merely amounted to about 4,000.
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The Kaliningrad Oblast, which is located on the Baltic Sea between Poland to the south and Lithuania to the north and east, was built on the ruins of the German province of East Prussia together with its capital city, Königsberg. The majority of its population, mostly ethnic Germans, fled in late 1944 and early 1945 as the Soviet Red Army advanced beyond the borders into pre-war Germany and started to encircle the region. The remaining thousands were resettled by the new authorities at the beginning of the 1950s. The repopulation of the region, now under Soviet control, was gradual and slow. By the beginning of the 1980s, the number of inhabitants in Kaliningrad had reached its pre-war levels.
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There were many cases of unnatural deaths (eg. homicides, infanticides, suicides, deaths by misadventure) on the areas of activity of Polish State Police in Wieluń. The range and the causes of this phenomenon were the same as in the whole country. The main motives of homicide were: a personal revenge, economical problems, accounts and fatal brawls. It is impotrant to mention that in the interwar period there were many cases of kiling the policemen of Polish State Police in Wieluń during their duty. The significant percentage of murderes were the cases of infanticides or abortion. The causes of abortion were: unintended pregnancy, marriage betrayals or difficult social situation. Many women passing-through the district were committing crimes in this place beacuse of its cross - border layout.
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