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Justice ministers want Russia to pay for losses incurred under 50 years of rule by the USSR.
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Justice ministers want Russia to pay for losses incurred under 50 years of rule by the USSR.
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U.S. intelligence source says the Sinai air disaster did not result from missile strike.
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Suspicious weapons, explosives turned out to be World War II memorabilia.
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This paper looks at the organization Islamic State in Iraq and Syria (ISIS). It argues against the prevailing view that ISIS is a part of the Global Salafi Jihad, finding instead that ISIS is a product of the sectarian strife in Iraq and Syria. While many may assume that ISIS’s supporters are little more than fanatical jihadists, I argue that given what we know about other domestic conflicts, ISIS members are more likely to join the fighting as a result of material incentives and the consequences of violence itself. Using daily interval event data I show that ISIS is more a sectarian insurgency than an international terror organization. I then explore the ways in which the conflict in Iraq and Syria helps ISIS solve its collective action problem. I find that Shia violence against Sunnis, ISIS’s material resources, and ability to govern all contribute to the likely growth of, at least, tacit support for ISIS among Sunni communities in Iraq and Syria.
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At least 45 injured as protestors attack riot police.
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Terrorism is classified as one of the biggest global challenges. Terrorism threat significantly affects the state apparatus and the legal regulations. Moreover, it causes substantial changes in functioning and forming urban space. These kind of changes are especially observed in the largest cities, which are mostly exposed to terrorism attacks. This article is aimed at presenting connection between modern wave of international terrorism and urban public space. The paper presents the most important issues of modern terrorism characteristic, objects and strategies. Also, different concepts of terrorism including its classification have been discussed. The article shows terrorism influence not only on forming of the modern ur-ban environment but also on the whole public space. The considerations are based on polish public space and its capacity, to take all reasonable steps to fight against real terrorist dangers, in face of the present situation in Europe.
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The global institutions of power carry out various forms of violence against the poor, the weak and underdeveloped nations and states. Their violence is not fully visible, but is very strong and overtakes the area of economics, politics, diplomacy, culture and identity, as well as all other areas of social life. Ultimately, it leads to erosion of the sovereignty of states and peoples and destroying their economies.
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International law of armed conflict governs the conduct of hostilities and includes rules designed to ensure “humanizing” military actions. One of these principles is the prohibition of causing unnecessary suffering of soldiers. Based on this principle many prohibitions on the use of certain types of weapons were introduced to treaty law of armed conflict, for example chemical weapons, biological weapons, anti-personal landmines, cluster bombs and blinding laser weapons. Some of these prohibitions are challenged especially given the technological and medical development. Questions are asked, including “is it better to be dead or blind?” which are an argument in favor of regulating the use of certain weapons and not their complete ban, as in the case of blinding laser weapons, which applies to this question. The article presents arguments for and against prohibiting the use of above all blinding laser weapons and tear gas. On this basis, the reader will be able to form an opinion on the title topic.
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Arrest may lead to more scrutiny of Tehran’s alleged financial support for Balkan Muslim groups.
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This paper explores the status of violence within civil disobedience. Namely, is it possible to argue for the civil disobedience as violent but justified act at the same time? If we move beyond the concept of violence as an exclusively physical act, the theory according to which civil disobedience is justified, but violence is not, would be hard to defend. I argue for the usage of force as a justified means in the cases when prima facie rights are overpowered by a greater, moral commitment. But with this stand one finds oneself in a potentially slippery terrain; namely, how to approach the civil disobedience participants who call upon the values such as freedom and equality but whose demands are based on the violation of rights of a particular group within the society?
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On December 12, 2013, Liza Shaposhnik, a volunteer at Kyiv’s EuroMaidan, was interviewed by Radio Svoboda. “I came to Maidan to stand up for my rights”, she said. “The European Union is, for us, a chance to live well, to have a normal life”.On December 12, 2013, Liza Shaposhnik, a volunteer at Kyiv’s EuroMaidan, was interviewed by Radio Svoboda. “I came to Maidan to stand up for my rights”, she said. “The European Union is, for us, a chance to live well, to have a normal life”.This phrase, ‘to have a normal life’, was often invoked by EuroMaidan activists as they elaborated for me the broad goals they held for themselves and their country. This conscious push away from Soviet social paradigms towards a national community that embraces European values (and the ‘normal life’ these values are believed to engender) was a central tenet of the ‘declaration of dignity’ that the EuroMaidan protests embodied. During the protests, I was in Ukraine conducting research on the use of methadone maintenance therapy for chronic opiate users. In interviews with methadone patients, most of whom called themselves ‘addicts’, many portrayed their motivations for starting treatment in similar terms: they want to live like normal people. By comparing the social inclusion of Liza to the social exclusion of drug users at EuroMaidan, this is paper explores the discursive enactment of ‘dignity’ in Ukraine. By considering how and why some Ukrainians are integrated and afforded meaningful personhood in the Maidan, while others are de-humanized, stripped of subjectivity, and excluded from the new society that EuroMaidan represented, it follows these acts of boundary maintenance down to their ideological foundation, suggesting that the praxis of dignity post-Maidan Ukraine is not only a rejection of state corruption and violence, but also a potent form of bio-power, a social reckoning and policing of individuals’ inner psychological states.
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On the basis of available, highly probably incomplete, data direct demographic loses in Herzegovina-Neretva County during the War for Independence were shown. A spatial and temporal framework of direct demographic sufferings in the period from 1991 to 1995 was analyzed by size, temporal and spatial distribution, gender, age, national structure, and status of the victims. On the basis of available data, it was determined that Herzegovina-Neretva County had 4690 direct casualties of war. Pf the total sum, 87 % or 4059 were men and 13 % or 631 were women. There were 3047 military victims, of which 30 were women and 1643 civil victims, 601 of which were women.
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Ukraine’s involvement in the WWII massacre and how to honor all the victims remains a contentious topic.
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The aim of this study was to assess the attitudes of secondary school pupils in Kinshasa towards educational violence. In addition, it had the specific aim of studying the effects of sociodemographic variables on pupils' attitudes to such violence. To this end, a scale of attitudes to educational violence was administered to a sample of 309 secondary school pupils from three Kinshasa schools (Institut Technique et Pédagogique Mokengeli, Complexe Scolaire Cardinal Mosengwo and Complexe Scolaire les Bâtisseurs). The results revealed that 278 pupils (89.9%) had been victims of educational violence during their school career. The results also revealed a trend towards the normalization of acts of physical violence. However, acts of verbal and psychological violence were not tolerated by the subjects surveyed. In the face of such acts, respondents resort to passive attitudes (sadness, resignation, indifference and a sense of injustice). Two of the five variables in the study influenced subjects' attitudes to educational violence (school and experience of educational violence).
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Thesis. The article aims to study Poile Sengupta’s play entitled Mangalam to analyse how the play raises a voice against society’s enforced models of masculinity and femininity, and sexual and psychological violence and its impact on women in the domestic sphere. Concept. The study foregrounds the impact of moral policing via the notions of honour and shame in Sengupta’s Mangalam and analyses that family, a micro-unit of patriarchy is the primary location of violence inflicted on women. The present study further attempts to examine interpersonal violence perpetuated through the institution of marriage through a study of the portrayal of marital violence in Sengupta’s Mangalam. Results and Conclusion. Sengupta presents contemporary social issues and interrogates moral policing and violence perpetuated by patriarchy through the discussed play. It presents a dramatic piece written by a woman, thus challenging the male-dominated narratives through a voice of protest and addressing violence inflicted on a woman’s body and psyche. Originality. The originality of the study relies on examining the underlying causes of gender-based violence within the institution of marriage and family as the smallest unit of patriarchy while also understanding the relevance of literary representations by women dramatists as resistance literature.
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There is a wide debate worldwide, and particularly in Latin America with respect to citizen insecurity and the proliferation of more punitive claims from the society itself. In this article we analyze the attitude of the citizens belonging to the countries of the Latin American South Cone towards maintaining the law regarding persecuting and punishing criminals. In particular, we tackle the approval of vigilante justice in some circumstances and the justification of police procedures outside the law as a form of guaranteeing the capture of criminals. For this, we use the LAPOP (Latin American Public Opinion Project, Vanderbilt University) database from the year 2008. Analyzing the data using profit estimations, we observe that the approval of vigilante justice is related to the experience and particular situation of the respondent. In this sense, having been victimized in the last months and feeling unsafe in his or her own neighborhood increase the probability of taking that position regarding vigilantism.
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The article deals with the issue of self-destructive and suicidal behaviors of adolescents as a response to their existencial problems. Behavior of this type among young people is a big problem for both the people they concern and the people who organize help for tchem. There are many stressors in adolescence. Their source may be rela- tionships with a close person, experience of loss, experi- ence of abuse or humiliation by a caregiver or partner dif- ficulties in school, work, sports or other activities as well as direct or media contacts with people, most often peers, who also display self-destructive behaviors. The study uses the lecture method based on the literature on the subject. The analysis of sources and scientific studies shows that the problem of self-destructive and suicidal behaviours among adolescents increases as a result of unfavourable living conditions and the lack of access to appropriate medical care.
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Sarajevo University Centre for Interdisciplinary Postgraduate Studies, the Faculty of Law and the review “Human rights” jointly organised a discussion about phenomenon of terror in the contemporary world. Direct object of the discussion was the book Islam and Terror by academician Muhamed Filipović and the two other books Terorism: meaning, history and connection with religion and Meaning of terrorism - the Response of Islamic Institutions by professor Fikret Karčić. After thorough reading of these books one can notice that phenomenon of the jihad neither is widely elaborated nor given adequate place and space in the books as it deserves. Academician Muhamed Filipović in the last part of his book has given some more space to jihad and the terrorist act of September 11th 2001, allegedly dine in the name of Islam and pointed out that in fact it is an act of terror and crime against Islam because when an act like this is put into a context of a great idea of human struggle on the Path of God (Jihadun fi sebilillahi), the real sense of the path is being falsified and planted by something what has no any connection with that idea and it actually confronts the idea literally and spiritually. On some other pages of the book academician Filipović stresses that it is necessary to distinguish the sense and the character of the sacrifice in Islam, because the principle of sacrifice is used by some Muslim groups or groups who name and consider themselves Muslim to such extent that it has nothing in common either with Islam and the learning which we got through
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Although the discussions about violence in media are not new, these discussions on this specific phenomenon are often added to commonplaces and generalized around the so-called destructive influence of the Internet on children and young people. The violence of children and young people in its essence is reflected individually, but it has a significant societal character. In the theoretical context, this presentation will attempt to clarify the phenomena of production and consumption of violent culture, what these phenomena mean, what are the grounds for the popularity of this culture in Bosnia and Herzegovina and the way this culture reflects on various societal processes. An effort will be made to explain the social, cultural and psychological profiles of children and young people who are producing and consuming these visual contents of violence and whether the violence is becoming a part of the general social context. The author considers that this issue is not explored seriously and adequately in particular related to the threat called the loss of human capital. In the sociological context, it is most important to find a more comprehensive introduction, knowledge and understanding of mechanisms that empower a culture of violence, bearing in mind the role of upbringing and education in prevailing cyber culture today.
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This is a theoretical paper which presents the role of early childhood education teachers in identifying and responding to domestic violence. Two contexts are used: moral responsibility and legal obligation (resulting from the provisions of the relevant legal acts). The focus is on early childhood education teachers, being aware that along with medical staff, they are the most likely to detect and intervene in cases of child abuse up to the age of ten. The article aims to fill in the gap in publications focused on the role of education workers, including early education teachers, in responding to manifestations of domestic violence, as well as their insufficient participation in activities within the violence prevention framework. It may be an incentive to verify the course of studies curricula in terms of content conducive to building the readiness of future teachers to take responsible actions to minimize the phenomenon of child abuse.
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