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Donald Trump kao autoritarni populist: Frommovska analiza
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Donald Trump kao autoritarni populist: Frommovska analiza

Author(s): Douglas Kellner / Language(s): Croatian Issue: 24/2019

U ovom tekstu podrobno raspravljam kako nam koncepcije Ericha Fromma mogu pomoći da opišemo karakter, ili »temperament«, Donalda Trumpa, a s tom se riječju označavala najveća Trumpova mana u američkoj predsjedničkoj kampanji 2016. godine i njegova predsjednička vladavina na kraju prve godine mandata. U Anatomiji ljudske destruktivnosti Fromm je detaljno opisao autoritarni karakter kao sadistički, ekscesivno narcistički, maligno agresivan, osvetnički destruktivan i nekrofilan, osobine koje se zacijelo mogu pripisati Trumpu. Sustavno ću primijeniti osnovne Frommove sociopolitičke koncepcije na Trumpa i njegove sljedbenike i pokazati kako se s njima može objasniti Trump i autoritarni populizam. [...]

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Memetics and Framing in Constructing the Value-Sense Concepts of the Modern Socio-Cultural Space

Memetics and Framing in Constructing the Value-Sense Concepts of the Modern Socio-Cultural Space

Author(s): Zhanna Zaharivna Denysyuk / Language(s): English Issue: 2/2019

Purpose of Research. The purpose of the research is to analyse the ways of constructing value-sense concepts of the modern sociocultural space by the means of memetics and framing. Methodology. The methodology of the research includes the analytical, axiological, culturological methods to study the framing and memetics as the fundamental methods of forming the socio-cultural reality and its value semantic definitions. Scientific Novelty. The scientific novelties of the research are for the first time to find out the points of interaction of the memetics and the framing of the socio-cultural everyday space by the means of the communication and to prove their influence on the formation of the mass consciousness and value-semantic definitions of the representatives of society. Conclusions. The processes, which are occurring in various spheres of public life, are reflected in the texts of the means of the mass culture. Everyone perceives any information through the prism of his own system of values. Materials that broadcast the "other" value system may be partially or even completely incomprehensible, unacceptable. It leads the formation of the neutral or negative ratings. Social phenomena and processes become the valuable ones, by their including into the system of subject-object value relationships. We can see the difference of the axiological meanings in the communication of the representatives of different ("alien") cultures, which differ in the specifics of the value orientations in the axiological sphere of the society. The development of the ability of critical thinking and rational attitude to the proposed values by the media space are important in the context of the intensification of the information flows. They are formed by means of framing and memetics. In addition, they are aimed at reducing the level of the thoughtless perception and imitation the information. The virtual or cyber environment focuses on the important events, aspects, and attitudes and gives them some estimations and involves them to a discourse, facilitating them by the analytical summaries of «experts» and «opinion leaders».

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Transitions Online_Around the Bloc-20 January
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Transitions Online_Around the Bloc-20 January

Author(s): Ioana Caloianu / Language(s): English Issue: 01/27/2020

In the news: Poland and Airbnb; Russian schools in Tajikistan; protests in Moscow; extremism in the UK, and in Ukraine; and the Night Wolves and Montenegro.

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TRATATUL MINORITĂȚILOR (1919) – O GARANȚIE MINIMĂ  PENTRU O ROMÂNIE CU ADEVĂRAT MARE

TRATATUL MINORITĂȚILOR (1919) – O GARANȚIE MINIMĂ PENTRU O ROMÂNIE CU ADEVĂRAT MARE

Author(s): Alin Popa,Violeta Popa / Language(s): Romanian Issue: 41/2019

The article deals with the complex issue of the participation of the Romanian delegation in the negotiations/discussions of the Paris Peace Conference (1919-1920). As is well known, the main purpose of our country's delegation was to obtain the international recognition of the new territorial configuration of Greater Romania, resulting from the union decisions expressed during the year 1918 by the political assemblies in Chisinau, Chernivtsi and Alba Iulia.The steps of the Romanian diplomacy and especially the decision to leave the conference will be analyzed from the perspective of the conflict situation in Eastern Europe, the internal socio-economic instability, and the ambiguity with which our country addressed the issue of minorities. Being in the position to choose between the recognition of Greater Romania and, on the other hand, the democratic settlement of the „Jewish Issue”, Ionel Brătianu has decided, inexplicably, to abandon both. New Romania, which had a minority population share of about 30% of the total population, proved to be (again) unprepared to integrate all its inhabitants under the broad dome of the concept of „citizenship”.

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Transitions Online_Politics-Society-A Simple Mask
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Transitions Online_Politics-Society-A Simple Mask

Author(s): TOL TOL / Language(s): English Issue: 04/06/2020

How a hard-to-find piece of cloth came to symbolize shortage of medical supplies as the pandemic hit the Czech Republic.

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Social cohesion in the Republic of Moldova, from the perspective of belonging, trust, and social solidarity (2016−2018)

Author(s): Petru Negură,Victor Mocanu,Mihai Potoroacă / Language(s): Romanian Issue: 2/2019

This article aims to study social cohesion in the Republic of Moldova according to the feeling of belonging of Moldovan citizens to the state Republic of Moldova, by the perceptions of solidarity towards other citizens, of social trust and discrimination. In the article, the concept of social cohesion was applied, within the social quality theory, elaborated by W. Beck, Y. Berman, D. Phillips and others. There have also been used the concepts of solidarity, integration and regulation, elaborated and theorized by E. Durkheim. The main hypothesis of this article is that the constitutive components of social cohesion have a low statistical value. In addition, we assume that low-income and low-educated people, self-positioned at the bottom of the social hierarchy show the lowest rate regarding the main indicators of cohesion (solidarity, trust, belonging). The responses to some questions included in an opinion poll carried out in November 2018 on a representative and stratified sample by the Association of Sociologists and Demographers of the Republic of Moldova (ASDM) have been triangulated with similar data from other recent surveys and researches (2016– 2018). The quantitative data obtained through opinion polls were also corroborated by analysing the qualitative data of some focus groups, conducted in 2016. The main results of this article largely confirm our initial assumptions, namely that participants to the surveys on which this article is based indicate a widely shared perception that the Moldovan society would be socially and culturally divided. However, the sense of belonging, constitutive of the concept of social cohesion, proves rather high values. On the contrary, trust in other citizens is very low. Also, social solidarity is not considered as a dominant value by the respondents, compared to other values. Respondents with a “lower” social status and a low education level express the lowest indices to these parameters.

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Transitions Online-Society-At the Mercy of the Epidemic
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Transitions Online-Society-At the Mercy of the Epidemic

Author(s): Tomas Forro / Language(s): English Issue: 04/27/2020

The official version is that Ukraine is managing the virus, thanks to its health workers. Many of those health workers, however, tell a different story.

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Пиренейский конфликт 1936–1939 годов и формирование советского поколения войны

Пиренейский конфликт 1936–1939 годов и формирование советского поколения войны

Author(s): Irina Vladimirovna Volkova / Language(s): Russian Issue: 30/2020

This article investigates responses of Soviet schoolchildren of middle and older ages towards the Spanish Civil War and the arrival of Republican children to the USSR in the second half of the 1930s. Interest in reactions of this age category is connected with the fact that soon after they would bear the brunt of sacrifices in the struggle with Nazi Germany and received the status of front-line generation. Emotionally perceived events in a distant country became the source of its ideas about the future total war of the USSR and an important frontier in psychological preparation for it. Despite the refusal of the country’s political leadership to foment a revolution in Spain, this idea was guiding for young Soviet citizens. The Republican struggle, meaningful as an outbreak of world revolution, gave rise to their various manifestations of solidarity, including the collection of funds, attempts of individual and group escapes to Spain, and the self-organization of paramilitary units to join international teams. In the light of the dramatic experience of the Spanish Republicans, the future of the communist project among Soviet youth was now linked only to the fierce war that the Soviet Union was to withstand with some not necessarily decisive support from the progressive world community.

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KRİZ-SONRASI FRANSA’DA POPÜLİZMİN YÜKSELİŞİ: BİR DEĞERLENDİRME (2008-2018)

KRİZ-SONRASI FRANSA’DA POPÜLİZMİN YÜKSELİŞİ: BİR DEĞERLENDİRME (2008-2018)

Author(s): Yasin Kara / Language(s): Turkish Issue: Special/2019

What is the relationship between the 2008 Financial Crisis and the rise of populist movements in the following period? This question, which will be discussed in the study, will be answered by focusing on the triggering role of the crisis. In France, which constitutes the selected case study for this research, the political power has changed hands three times during the period following the crisis. Although their place in the political spectrum seem different, these three powers have had something in common: they have tried to solve this crisis of capitalism with a populist attitude and without proposing a paradigm shift in economic terms, that is, by remaining within the system. The article argues that the populist politics, which is generally viewed as anti-systemic, also remains within the system. The main argument advanced in this study is that the rise of populism in post-crisis France cannot be explained only with reference to the parties and leaders considered clearly populist. On the contrary, the last decade’s populism is a populism that has affected the French politics in its entirety.

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A New Populist Divide? Correspondences of Supply and Demand in the 2015 Polish Parliamentary Elections
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A New Populist Divide? Correspondences of Supply and Demand in the 2015 Polish Parliamentary Elections

Author(s): Ben Stanley / Language(s): English Issue: 01/2019

This paper uses a new set of questions to analyse the impact of populist attitudes on party preferences and voting behaviour in the 2015 Polish parliamentary elections. At these elections, voters faced a choice between two broad blocs: parties that accepted the “liberal-orthodox” model of post-communist politics, and those that rejected this model and the political elites associated with its implementation. I find that there is a coherent set of populist attitudes among the Polish electorate, and that it correlates with economic and cultural attitudes in ways consistent with the supply-side divide between liberal and anti-liberal parties. Analysis of the individual and combined impact of these attitudes on voting behaviour reveals that populism plays a significant role both in structuring the sentiments of voters towards particular kinds of political parties and in determining how they cast their vote.

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The Axiological Clash as a Key Determinant of Expanded and Destructive Political Conflict in Poland
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The Axiological Clash as a Key Determinant of Expanded and Destructive Political Conflict in Poland

Author(s): Piotr Radkiewicz / Language(s): English Issue: 02/2017

This article examines the phenomenon of strong political conflict that takes place in Poland. It may be argued that because of its intensity, a level of excited emotions, and antagonizing effects on interpersonal relationships, it exhibits clear characteristics of the expanded and destructive conflict. This phenomenon is also reflected in the deepening bipolar division within the Polish electorate. The proposed theoretical perspective posits that the most important psychological source of this conflict should primarily be sought in the clash of two antagonistic axiological systems preferred by conflicting electorates and represented by two rival parties: Civic Platform and Law and Justice. Based on a survey study (N = 750) conducted on a representative sample of Poles, it was shown that the representatives of both electorates were indeed located at two, in the psychological sense, opposite extremes. The typical mental profile of a Civic Platform follower is purely individualistic (preference for openness to change and selfenhancement human values) and is accompanied by a political ideology that combines cultural leftism and economic rightism. On the other hand, the typical profile of a Law and Justice follower can be described as purely communal (preference for conservation and self-transcendence human values), combining culturally right and economically left postulates. The mental characteristics of conflicting electorates are discussed in the context of Poland’s past and contemporary sociopolitical experiences, as well as the fundamental rivalry between two inherently antagonistic views on democracy: liberal and communitarian.

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An Ad Hoc Nation. An Analysis of Moldovan Election Campaign Clips
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An Ad Hoc Nation. An Analysis of Moldovan Election Campaign Clips

Author(s): Julien Danero Iglesias / Language(s): English Issue: 04/2015

Since independence, nationalism has been at the front of politics in the Republic of Moldova in the context of a persisting political struggle about the very definition of the Moldovan nation. Looking at campaign video clips produced in 2009 by Moldovan political parties and using a methodology inspired by Critical Discourse Analysis, the article gives a better understanding of nationalism in Moldova nowadays. The article demonstrates that the focus of political parties on the nation is purely symbolic. They adapt their discourse to the context in which they evolve (audience of the videos and targeted voters). Pursuing the objective of gaining or holding on to power, parties construct an ad hoc nation whose content they fill with the needs of the moment, using mirroring arguments to win the elections over competing parties seen as enemies of an endangered country.

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Politically Driven: Mapping Political and Media Discourses of Penal Populism—The Hungarian Case
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Politically Driven: Mapping Political and Media Discourses of Penal Populism—The Hungarian Case

Author(s): Zsolt Boda,Gabriella Szabó,Attila Bartha,Gergö Medve-Bálint,Zsuzsanna Vidra / Language(s): English Issue: 04/2015

Penal populism, advocating severe punishment of criminals, has greatly influenced justice policy measures in Eastern Europe over the last decade. This article takes Hungary as a typical case in the region and based on a recent criminal policy reform it investigates the roots of the penal populist discourse, which legitimizes and supports punitive measures. The research assumes that policy discourses need specific social actors that construct and promote them. Accordingly, the article explores whether the right-wing political parties and the tabloid media have taken a leading role in constructing the discourse of penal populism as a response to public concerns about crime. Content analysis and frame analysis of political communication and media was conducted to identify the discursive positions of major political parties and selected national media sources. The research found that penal populism was dominant in Hungarian political discourse while most of the media, including the tabloid press, have been rather reluctant to adopt punitive tones. The results thus contradict previous findings and offer a more nuanced view on how penal populism is being constructed and promoted in Eastern Europe.

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Introduction

Introduction

Author(s): Paul D’Anieri / Language(s): English Issue: 01/2011

Ukraine’s 2010 election sent contradictory messages. On one hand, the voting was free, fair, and accompanied by raucous public debate, evidence of a consolidation of electoral democracy. On the other, the “Orange” forces that forced free elections in 2004 were decisively defeated. Ukrainian voters instead elected Viktor Yanukovych, despite his effort to steal the 2004 election, leaving many questions about the meaning of the election and the state of Ukrainian democracy. [...]

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The Serbian Radical Party in the 2004 Local Elections
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The Serbian Radical Party in the 2004 Local Elections

Author(s): Andrew Konitzer / Language(s): English Issue: 04/2008

This study examines the factors that contributed to the success of the Serbian Radical Party (SRS) during Serbia’s September 2004 local elections. Understanding the factors behind the SRS’s success is important, both for the future of local government in an increasingly decentralized Serbia, and for electoral politics at the national level. Through quantitative analyses of election results across 160 localities and drawing from evidence gathered from interviews, media reports, and various analytical sources, the study demonstrates that a combination of new electoral laws, turnout levels, proportions of refugees and minorities, economic factors, and divisions amongst democratic bloc parties all contributed to variation in SRS success across Serbia’s localities.

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The Structure of Political Attitudes in Hungary and Serbia
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The Structure of Political Attitudes in Hungary and Serbia

Author(s): Bojan Todosijević / Language(s): English Issue: 04/2008

The article presents a comparative examination of the structure of political ideology in two post-communist countries, Serbia and Hungary. A broad set of indicators of specific political attitudes is reduced to a smaller number of latent ideological dimensions via factor analysis. The precise meaning of the dimensions is determined after the analysis of their relationships with authoritarianism, out-group sympathy, prejudices, ideological self-identification, party-preference, and socio-demographic variables. Hungarian mass attitudes vary along dimensions of (1) alienation–socialism and (2) nationalist–antisocialism. Results for Serbia revealed the convergence of nationalist and pro-communist attitudes into a single dimension while another factor joined egalitarianism with social alienation. In both countries, authoritarianism is an important determinant of ideological dimensions, especially of pro-communist nationalism in Serbia and alienation– socialism in Hungary. Socio-demographic background variables are weaker determinants of ideological dimensions in Serbia compared with Hungary. In both countries, attitudinal factors differentiate supporters of the main political parties.

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Populist Construction of the Past and Future: Emotional Campaigning in Hungary between 2002 and 2006
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Populist Construction of the Past and Future: Emotional Campaigning in Hungary between 2002 and 2006

Author(s): Ágnes Rajacic / Language(s): English Issue: 04/2007

This article was finalized in April 2006, just after the last general elections in Hungary, and it explains the political developments until that date. It is well known that on 17 September an unprecedented revolt broke out in the country, with a direct confrontation of civilians and the police forces including the siege of the National television and the detention of hundreds of protestors. The explanation given for the revolt was the prime minister’s leaked speech on the political lies of his own socialist party and the unrevealed economic situation of the country. Yet this article—written before the revolts—shows that confrontation was not solely the consequence of the leaked speech of the prime minister but of an already existing climate of political confrontation, here called “new populism.”

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Between Reality and Dream: Eastern European Media Transition, Transformation, Consolidation, and Integration

Author(s): Peter Gross / Language(s): English Issue: 01/2004

This article explores the progress made in the transition and transformation of Eastern Europe’s news media and the potential for their integration into the Western European media scene. Transformation and consolidation in Eastern European societies and in their media systems should not be pursued in the name of integration. For these societies, these processes have a raison d’etre of their own: reaching the stated desideratum of a bona fide democracy, which means a degree of sameness in the key aspects of their political culture; for the media, it means professionalization based on shared standards of journalism and media roles.

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Enhancing Urban Culture Awareness and Anti-racism Values in the EFL Classroom
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Enhancing Urban Culture Awareness and Anti-racism Values in the EFL Classroom

Author(s): Anca Daniela Frumuselu,Andrea Bellot / Language(s): English Issue: 25/2020

Black Lives Matter (BLM), a civil movement that originated in the United States of America in the year 2013 to condemn racism and police brutality against African American people, has recently sparked more interest around the world. The teaching of English as a Foreign Language (EFL) has moved from solely linguistic and grammatical approaches towards a more inclusive cultural and social experience (Peterson & Coltrane 2003). The EFL classroom reality should focus not only on the linguistic aspects of the target language, but also foster learners’ critical thinking, cultural awareness and societal core values. This article introduces the basis for a theoretical and pedagogical proposal around the topic of anti-racism urban protests in the USA, the UK and other places around the globe. The cities have a dual role in this context; on the one hand, as performers of ideal nucleus of freedom of speech, liberation and justice; and on the other hand, as places that allow and even promote violence and feelings of anger and frustration to be released, which may result in the destruction of urban elements, such as furniture and memorials. The ultimate goal of this proposal is to design a didactic unit to be later on implemented in the EFL classroom as part of the course curriculum of English Bachelor’s Degree subjects. Integrating urban cultural awareness in the EFL classroom could be applied to any educational level, as it is a meaningful way of developing critical intercultural competence in the EFL learners and grasping the current urban realities around the globe.

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Hypotheses on Populism: The Politics of Charismatic Protest
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Hypotheses on Populism: The Politics of Charismatic Protest

Author(s): Vladimir Tismăneanu / Language(s): English Issue: 01/2001

The resurgence of populist practices (political movements, discourses, symbols, and mythologies) is a main feature of post-cold war politics, East and West (witness the late 1990s' elections in Austria and Switzerland, and similar trends in France, Greece, Italy, or Norway). The nature of East-Central European anti-western, anticapitalist attitudes needs to be examined in the light of the political, economic, and cultural dynamics of these societies. From Poland and Hungary to Romania, Belarus, Russia, and Ukraine, populist movements have emerged that decry "soulless capitalism," "parliamentary exhibitionism," and " decadent Western values" as inimical to romantically idealized, presumably essential and eternal national character. [...]

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