
Široko područje nepravde: Biti na strani malenih, malenih (drugih životinja)
Review of: Lidija Bernardić - Sister Species: Women, Animals, and Social Injustice, ur. Lisa A. Kemmerer
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Review of: Lidija Bernardić - Sister Species: Women, Animals, and Social Injustice, ur. Lisa A. Kemmerer
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A national security system is inevitable, and it is even one of the key elements of every state. Its fundamental goal is to protect the sovereignty, territorial integrity and political order from danger, both from outside (external security), and inside (internal security). The question is what is the role and status of women in the security system, in this case of Bosnia and Herzegovina, how big is their contribution to the preservation of a degree of security of the state? Statistical data indicates that very few women are present in politics in Bosnia and Herzegovina and in State bodies which make decisions on security matters, and very few of them participate in decision-making bodies, or in the security system of Bosnia and Herzegovina, which is still regarded as a “male sphere” of action.
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The issues of gender equality and equal opportunities for women are present in all aspects of life. These issues emerged in 1970s, gained in significance since then and became issues of national and international importance (Balgač, 2017). Although the issue of gender equality captures the attention of many science and research minded individuals, there are very few of those whose scientific interest focused on the position of women in the police structure, as a male dominated system. Such situation is evident in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) as well; however, improvement of the position of women in police structures, as one of the ways to integrate gender perspective in peace and security efforts, is gaining international recognition. The adoption of the UN Security Council Resolution 1325 “Women, Peace and Security” (2000) triggered a host of activities of global reach, with the view of increasing the level of participation of women in conflict resolution, peacekeeping and peacebuilding activities (Wise and Centre for Security Studies, 2017).
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As we are reading reports and recommendations on the impact the crisis caused by COVID-19 has on women, hoping that something would be done about it (or to be more precise: some things, having in mind many different ways in which the crisis impacts women), because of our inability to predict when the crisis would come to an end, we fall short to assess, foresee and prevent the consequences it will have on women. Once the time comes to take protective masks off, what will the future of women look like? How frail were the victories won prior to COVID-19 and can we still expect the future to be female?
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In the interest of clarity and better understanding, the editors of this Compendium recommend the following resources on gender equality terminology.
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Nacionalni sistem sigurnosti je neizbježan, čak i jedan od ključnih elemenata svake države. Osnovni njegov cilj jeste zaštita suvereniteta, teritorijalnog integriteta i političkog poretka od opasnosti, kako izvana (vanjska sigurnost) tako i iznutra (unutarnja sigurnost). Postavlja se pitanje kakva je uloga i položaj žene u sistemu sigurnosti, u ovom slučaju Bosne i Hercegovine, te koliki je doprinos žena očuvanju sigurnosti države. Statistički podaci pokazuju prisustvo vrlo malog broja žena u politici u Bosni i Hercegovini i organima države gdje se odlučuje o sigurnosnim pitanjima, općenito je njihova participacija na mjestima odlučivanja na niskom nivou, kao i učešće u sistemu sigurnosti Bosne i Hercegovine, koji se još uvijek smatra “muškom sferom” djelovanja.
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Pitanja rodne ravnopravnosti, ravnopravnosti spolova i jednakih mogućnosti za žene zastupljena su u svim aspektima života. Kao tema postala su važna 70-ih godina prošlog stoljeća, a od tada do danas su dobila na važnosti i postala pitanja od nacionalnog i međunarodnog značaja (Balgač, 2017). Iako pitanje rodne ravnopravnosti i ravnopravnosti spolova zaokuplja veliki dio znanstvenih i istraživačkih interesa, neveliki je broj onih koje zanima položaj žena u policijskim strukturama kao dominantnom muškom sustavu. Ovakvo stanje je evidentno i u Bosni i Hercegovini (BiH), no unapređenje položaja žena u policijskim strukturama, kao jedan od načina ugradnje rodne perspektive u mirovne i sigurnosne napore, postaje prepoznato na međunarodnom planu. Naime, usvajanjem Rezolucije Vijeća sigurnosti UN-a 1325 “Žene, mir i sigurnost” (2000) pokreće se niz aktivnosti na globalnom planu koje za cilj imaju povećanje sudjelovanja žena u rješavanju sukoba kao i u uspostavljanju i održavanju mira (Wise i Centar za sigurnosne studije, 2017).
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Dok čitamo izvještaje o tome kako kriza izazvana pandemijom COVID-19 utiče na žene, s nadom da će se tim povodom (ili preciznije: povodima, imajući u vidu na koliko načina i u kojim sve oblicima pogađa žene) nešto poduzeti, izmiče nam, zbog nemogućnosti da generalno predvidimo završetak krize, procijeniti, predvidjeti i prevenirati posljedice koje će ova kriza ostaviti upravo na žene. Kada dođe vrijeme za skidanje zaštitnih maski, kako će izgledati budućnost žena? Koliko su krhke bile izborene bitke prije pandemije, i da li i dalje možemo očekivati da je budućnost ‘ženskog roda’?
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Priređivačice i priređivač ovog zbornika čitateljicama i čitateljima, radi boljeg i sveobuhvatnijeg razumijevanja same teme, preporučuju da konsultuju sljedeće izvore.
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1. Pojmovne odrednice interspolnosti - varijacije spolnih karakteristika; 2. Često postavljena pitanja
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The article presents some results of the critical literature analysis on quality of life of vulnerable groups, as a broad problematic, complex and topical issue in Europe and worldwide. In the context of the current trends of social policies decentralization process has become necessary to make an objective and subjective quality of life evaluation at local or group level, as a means of substantiating responsible social policies. Resorting to traditional research methods for realise a critical literature review, the author suggests the need for a new approache in Romania, that of assessing the quality of life at local and regional, not national or supranational level.
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The idea of a woman accepted as the “other sex” has been unacceptable throughout history in terms of masculine mentality, existence of a woman with her own gender in a gendered society has only been possible as a “second sex”. The problem is that the demand of the woman to live with her own gender, with equal rights and freedoms to the man, is subject to natural legality without the need or approval of the masculine mentality. Therefore, while it is argued that gender studies have a functioning parallel to ecological cycle and natural laws in the perspective of ecofeminism and it has also thought that labor exploitation, marginalization, reification and cultural capitalism were built on the basis of a particularly sexist discrimination. Therefore, the masculine politics that caused women to be alienated to society evokes the pressure of power on women in the constitutional order, about representation in science-philosophy and art, and in demands for equality and freedom in social life and e.t.c. It has known that this negative discrimination leads to the exploitation of labor, the commodification of the female body, reification of people in general, legitimizing the reduction of women to second class human status with the perception of “second gender”, making the image of women a marketing tool in art, the extortion of women's right to speak and represent in politics, hence the alienation of the woman to her own society and marginelized to it. This alienation problem will be evaluated in terms of gender with the paper titled “Woman and Alienation” and philosophical dimensions of the mentioned concept will be discussed.
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Siromaštvo se u sociologiji izučava u okviru šireg društvenog fenomena koji se naziva socijalna stratifikacija ili podjela društva na slojeve. Ovakav društveni „sistem“ hijerarhije između društvenih grupa u historiji javljao se na četiri načina: kroz ropstvo, kaste i staleže, a u modernom industrijskom dobu kroz klase. Prema britanskom sociologu Anthonyju Giddensu spomenuta „prva tri tipa zavise od pravno ili religijski sankcionisanih nejednakosti“, dok podjela na klase “nije ‘zvanično’ priznata, nego potiče od ekonomskih faktora koji utiču na materijalne prilike u kojima ljudi žive“ (Gidens, 2003: 310).
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The ongoing COVID-19 crisis accounts for one of the most unpredicted economic disruptions in the history of humankind. COVID-19 as an external shock implies widespread and sustainable changes in the way humans live, work and interact on a global scale. With economic turmoil and social perturbation opens an abyss of novel and unprecedentedly described inequalities in the legal and economic spheres. The paper addresses novel trends that may spring out of COVID-19 in the healthcare sector, in regards to digitalization and inequality. Studying these forward-looking trend predictions aids us to understand the challenges that lie ahead in our post-COVID-19 world to come.
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Around this theme, regarding the “social communication of the street children” some prejudices have been created and a confusedly natured opinion war is going on, as well as the subject itself asks for a special analysis effort that has to be made with lucidity and profoundness, because it’s about a problem of distinct complexity. The Romanian society has been marked by the apparition of this “children of the street” phenomenon after 1990. The “children of the street”, as a nationally extended social phenomenon, is tied directly with the poverty rate in the different parts of the country. The main area where these children come from is Moldova (a third of the total number). The territorial indicator of poverty shows a concentration of poverty in the north-eastern part of the country (in Moldova). The poverty rate for this region is 40.61%, the highest in the country. The Romanian society has been marked by the sudden apparition of this phenomenon in the 1990 and by a raise in the number of children of the street. In 1990 there were 3500 children of the street registered, in 1995 there were 6000 and, in the present, there are over 8500 children at a national level. The children of the street represent the children category that live on the streets – a social phenomenon encountered widely everywhere in the world, but accentuated in the industrialized societies.
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The COVID-19 pandemic 2020-2021 will be a landmark of world history, because of its planetary simultaneity and because of its geopolitical and social effects, which have had more impact than its contagion and mortality. In the latter respects, the so-called Spanish flu of 1918-1922 was more devastating. The pandemic has been, and is, an experience of suffering and loss for millions of people around the planet. For us, privileged survivors, it has been a life-engraving learning experience. It has shown us the historical impact of contingency, the planetary commons and its eradicable divisions, a sharpening of social and political alternatives, and an acceleration of the current dynamic of the world, towards ever more inequality and privileges for a few, towards a post-Western century.
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This analysis offers an experimentation with the possibility to explore the discursive manifestations of hate as a specific emotional mode. It is an attempt to combine the analytics of discourse with an analytic of emotions and to incorporate the analysis of affective structures and emotional expressions in the objects researched by the historical sociology of discoursive practices, or HSDP (Penkova 2009, 2013c). For this purpose, the paper first explains the basic prerequisites of the HSDP and the sociology of emotions in order to clarify the need for their mutual exploration in a discoursive analytic of emotions. Going through the socioanalytical problem of hate, the next step is to introduce the concept of „emotive” (Reddy 2005) in order to prove the thesis that the hate emotives are special discursive and bodily expressions directed at the Other as an object of affection that categorize it negatively and which by themselves contribute to the attribution of essentially negative discursive identities. Emotives are directly influenced by affective interactions, and with this they change what they relate to. This reveals the more general research intention to problematize hate and fear as those increasingly intrusive emotional regimes in which we try to grasp the befalling events in the „long” 21st century, and thus to highlight the main accents, by which a discursive analytics of emotions could interpret the particular ontological ambivalence of the late-modern life situation – both risky and vulnerable, as well as the need for new research approaches and methodologies for its problematization.
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The article aims to show the homosexual figure as an exclusion and self-exclusion from social reality in the patriarchal-masculine society. This will help to consider the homosexual individual beyond the division of sexual categories and will construct the perspective of those individuals who have ‘self-excluded’ themselves. A perspective that places the heterosexual figure in a position dominated by gay desires, gay individuals and gay discourse – a reversed look through which the heterosexual image is the Other of the person who self-identifies as the Other’s Other through a certain categorical imperative. For the purposes of analysis, I will show the homosexual discourse that reflects on the dominant heterosexist and homophobic discourse and in turn performs a symbolic struggle. I argue that symbolic social acts reproduce discoursive discrimination by the homosexual individual, as well as hate speech from/to the homosexual field triggered by the auto-identified role of being dominated. In this way I will construct two main lines – the discourse of the heterosexual towards the homosexual; and, reversely, the discourse of the homosexual, which has incorporated in itself a ‘hater’ discourse of the stereotyped image of the homosexual and its relationship to the heterosexual. My thesis will be as follows: the disclosure of homosexual otherness is noticeable in the discourses of gay organizations, which through an enforced political discourse reproduce the homoerotic/homophobic male canon of socio-cultural domination.
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In her The Human Condition, Hannah Arendt presents to us facts from Antiquity, as well as the quality of life in Ancient Greece, when the settlements were divided into Polis and Oikos. The Polis was the tribune of the free man. Participation in the Polis was reserved only for men, and particularly to those deemed healthy (mentally and physically) and who were neither foreigners nor immigrants. Conversely, the Oikos was the equivalent of private space. It involved women, children, the mentally and physically unfit, the slaves and people who were expected to be “at the doorstep” of their death. As in the Polis, the owner of the home had the right to make orders. Here the border between the two spaces is clearly drawn. In our ultramodern and all-developed society, the spaces are also divided into private and public ones. As reflexive beings, we can notice that the line that separates them is very fuzzy and unresistingly allows the “Public Eye” increasingly close to the locks on our doors. What is left for us if we cannot be ourselves even at home? The refugee’s life is cut from the basic human right to have personal possessions, to have a personal home and be oneself. In his text „Of Other Spaces” Foucault introduces us to places that are beyond these two divisions, which have a special function in themselves. In this article, the camp is one space of exception, with its own specific rules or prohibitions.
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We live in a time of concern about the changes and uncertainties that ‘befall’ us as human beings. We are witnessing an „explosion” of discourses of risk which are utilized in order to link together different and impossible to otherwise relate experiences, the most significant of which is the feeling of insecurity. But to be „at risk” means to have a passive role, not being ‘enactive’, but „dependent”. This creates a constant sense of vulnerability, for the deprivation of resources required to „do” a change, for “making” choices, for “acting”. The emergence of vulnerability as a form of identity involves the questioning of ontological grounds of the daily existence of the vulnerable person (group, community, forms of sociality); and hence – would suggest the researching of new forms of personal insecurity, which are reflected in a variety of everyday psychopathologies. And since the vulnerability is a state of the body, a state of mind, an („fractal”) identity, we are faced with the need to study namely this strange (and schizophrenic) duality of living in the „long 21st century” – both being at risk and being vulnerable, which cannot but require new research approaches and methodologies. Moreover, when the form of „our” present as a specific cultural „assemblage” comes not from the past (i.e. from tradition), nor from the present („our” here-and-now), but from the future that befalls us, there are three main and interrelated analytical aspects on which we must focus as researchers in our attempt to describe the ambivalence of the late-modern man: 1) mobility; 2) boundaries; 3) social identity and inheritance.
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