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Sowjetunion - Sowjetunion - Hat eine marxistische Opposition in der Sowjetunion eine Zukunft?

Author(s): Bohdan Krawchenko / Language(s): German Issue: 14/1983

Wir müssen uns darüber klar sein, daß, wenn wir die Frage der Zukunft einer marxistischen Opposition in der Sowjetunion diskutieren, über die Zukunft des sowjetischen Marxismus selbst debattiert wird. Denn der sogenannte Marxismus der herrschenden Gruppe ist tot. Marxismus, verstanden als Theorie und Praxis der Selbstbefreiung einer weltumfassenden Klasse — der Arbeiterklasse — wird entweder unter dem Banner der Opposition wieder entstehen oder er wird für immer begraben sein.

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Albanien - Albanien nach Hoxha

Author(s): Michelle Lee / Language(s): German Issue: 20/1985

Der Tod Enver Hoxhas am 11. April 1985 beendete fast vierzig schmerzliche, aber sehr produktive Jahre in der modernen Geschichte Albaniens: vom erfolgreichen nationalen Befreiungskampf bin zur ebenso mühseligen Errichtung einer neuen Sozialordnung.

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Tschechoslowakei - „Kohärenter Unsinn“

Author(s): Andrew Csepel / Language(s): German Issue: 20/1985

Der überzeugte Rude-Pravo-Leser, der täglich die Seiten des Organs der KPC auf der Suche nach irgendwas mit Neuigkeitswert oder einer seltenen Probe journalistischen Talents durchblättert, ist ein Märtyrer seiner/ihrer Aufgabe. Das abgehärtete Forschungsteam von Radio Free Europę kann sogar aus unscheinbaren Zeilen im Sportteil minimale Politikänderungen oder Zeichen der Uneinigkeit herauslesen. Aber für die meisten hingebungsvollen Bewunderer der Rude Právo hat sie dieselbe Funktion wie sonst der Vitamingehalt eines Müslis. Aber ab und zu wird der Rude-Pravo-Leser mit einer Überraschung belohnt, die von keinem Wekkamin erreicht wird.

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DDR - Uberlebensbewegung

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): German Issue: 17/1984

Die immer wieder beschworene Konfrontation der Großmächte, die Rüstungseskalation und die Zunahme der politischen Spannungen sind eindeutig eine Folge der sozioökonomischen Antagonismen in den modernen westlichen und östlichen Gesellschaften. Als Hauptquelle wachsender Unsicherheit wirken dabei die globalen Mechanismen der Kapitalverwertung, welche die Rüstungsproduktion, ein ausbeuterisches Verhältnis zur Natur und imperialistisches Herrschaftsstreben anheizen. Diese Mechanismen sind nicht anonym, im Sinne eines allgemeinen Schuldzusammenhanges, sondern Kennzeichen spätkapitalistischer Klassenherrschaft. Täter und Opfer sind nicht identisch.

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Rezensionen

Author(s): Rainer Bauböck / Language(s): German Issue: 18/1984

Review of: Dieter Borkowski: Für jeden kommt der Tag... Stationen einer Jugend in der DDR. Fischer Taschenbuch Verlag, Frankfurt 1983, 334 Seiten, öS 99.80/DM 12.80 Konstantin Paustowskij: Erzählungen vom Leben. Band 1: Ferne Jahre, Fischer 5803, 1984, 343 Seiten, öS 84.20/DM 10.80; Band 2: Unruhige Jugend, Fischer 5344, 1983, 315 Seiten, öS 76.40/DM 9.80; Band 3: Beginn eines unbekannten Zeitalters, Fischer 5345, 1983, 247 Seiten, öS 76.40/DM 9.80; Band 4: Die Zeit der großen Erwartungen, Fischer 5346, 1983, 267 Seiten, öS 76.40/DM 9.80; alle: Fischer Taschenbuch Verlag, Frankfurt/Main Rainer Bauböck - Adam Schaff: Polen heute. Europaverlag, Wien 1984, 240 Seiten, öS 198.- /DM 29.80 Friedrich Uttitz: Zeugen der Revolution. Mitkämpfer Lenins und Stalins berichten. Bund-Verlag, Köln 1984, 209 Seiten, öS 218.40/DM 28.- HOSI Wien/Auslandsgruppe: Rosa Liebe unterm roten Stern. Zur Lage der Lesben und Schwulen in Osteuropa. Frühlings Erwachen Nr. 7,142 Seiten, öS 95.80/DM 13.80 Arnulf Baring: Der 17. Juni 1953. Deutsche-Verlags-Anstalt, Stuttgart 1983,199 Seiten, öS 154.40/DM 19.80 Lubomír Sochor: Beitrag zur Analyse der konservativen Elemente in der Ideologie des »realen Sozialismus«. Studie Nr. 4, Index-Verlag, Köln 1984, 50 Seiten W. Brus/P. Kende/Z. Mlynař: Die sowjetischen Systeme nach Breschnjew. Studie Nr. 5, Index-Verlag, Köln 1984, 47 Seiten Zhores Medvedev: Andropov. Basil Blackwell, Oxford 1983, 227 Seiten, £ 7.50 Ingeborg Fleischhauer: Das Dritte Reich und die Deutschen in der Sowjetunion. Stuttgart 1983, Deutsche Verlagsanstalt, 258 Seiten, öS 171.60/ DM 22.- Karel Kaplan: Politische Persekution in der Tschechoslowakei 1948-1972. Forschungsprojekt »Krisen in den Systemen sowjetischen Typs«, Studie Nr. 3, 55 Seiten. Zu bestellen bei: Dr. Zdenek Mlynař, A-1232 Wien, Porschestraße 21-23/25

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Democratic legitimacy in common commercial policy of European Union – evolution of European Parliament’s role

Author(s): Małgorzata Czermińska / Language(s): English Issue: 44/2022

RESEARCH OBJECTIVE: This article aims to present the principles of decision-making, distribution of competences regarding the common commercial policy (CCP), with attention given to the evolution of European Parliament’s (EP) role and to identify actions taken by the EP in relation to the CCP. THE RESEARCH PROBLEM AND METHODS: Due to the Member States’ delegation of powers to the supranational level and decision-making procedures, allegations that there is no democratic legitimacy in the European Union are of particular relevance to the CCP. In this context, special importance is given to the role of the European Parliament and powers vested in it, especially over the past years. The article employs an analytical and descriptive method. THE PROCESS OF ARGUMENTATION: The first part presented decision-making principles for the EU’s common commercial policy. Next, the evolution of the European Parliament’s role in the shaping of the CCP was discussed. Finally, the last part gives attention to the EP’s actions in practice and attempts to assess what was a decisive factor behind the Parliament’s specific position. RESEARCH RESULTS: The Treaty of Lisbon increased the formal powers of the European Parliament with regard to the CCP, but at the same time, diminished the role of Member States’ national parliaments (which was due to the fact that the CCP coverage was extended and the scope of the EU’s exclusive competences was broadened). The research conducted has revealed that the EP is more and more often taking advantage of its position in the shaping of the EU commercial policy. CONCLUSIONS, INNOVATIONS, AND RECOMMENDATIONS: Due to the fact that the role of the European Parliament in the decision-making process has increased, the issue of a democracy deficit in the shaping of the CCP, which was raised in the pre Lisbon Treaty period, is currently becoming less formally legitimate.

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Почему не распалась Российская Федерация в 1991 г.?

Author(s): Boris N. Mironov / Language(s): Russian Issue: 44/2023

Parade of the sovereignties of the autonomous republics in 1990–1991 led to the disintegration of Azerbaijan, Armenia, Georgia and Moldova and brought the Russian Federation to the brink of collapse. The main centers of separatism in the Russian Federation were Chechnya and Dagestan, but separatist sentiments and movements were widespread in Ingushetia, Tuva, Tatarstan, Bashkortostan, Yakutia and Buryatia. In the 1990s from 31 to 75 points of ethno-territorial tensions in Russia were recorded. Researchers expresses different points of view on the reasons for the development of nationalism in the autonomous republics. According to one of them, in the republics, under the influence of Moscow’s national policy, ambitious national elites were formed, which became the driving force behind the development of separatism. In this article, this point of view is tested on the data of the all-Union population censuses of 1926, 1939, 1959, 1970, 1979, 1989. The analysis of the national composition of the governing bodies in 1917–1989 allows us to propose the following periodization of the process of indigenization of management in autonomies: 1) 1917–1939 — intensive increase in the ethno-political status of the titular peoples and national minorities in general and negative discrimination against Russians, 2) 1940–1956 — democratic alignment of ethnic statuses, 3) 1956–1989 — moderate increase in the ethno-political status of the titular peoples and non-Russian ethnic groups in general and negative discrimination against Russians. Increasing the representativeness and role of non-Russian ethnic groups and the decline in the representativeness and role of Russians in the administration of autonomies were the main trends in the Soviet period.

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EU ASSISTANCE MISSIONS TO FAILED STATES. AN ASSESSMENT OF THE LIBYAN AND SOMALI CASES

Author(s): Vasile-Dumitru RAȚIU / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2023

Failed states are a threat to international security. This issue has been recognized and presented in all the security strategies of the European Union (EU). Since 2003, through the adoption of the European Security Strategy and continuing with the Report on the Implementation of the European Security Strategy of 2008, the Global Strategy of the European Union for Foreign and Security Policy of 2016, and the Strategic Compass of March 2022, failed states have been identified as threats to the EU. The policy of the EU towards failed states is being realized through a series of missions aimed at supporting the governments of states belonging this category. This support is given to various government institutions that need to be strengthened in order to provide security and prosperity to their citizens. Among the missions conducted by the EU in failed states and their near neighborhood, this article analyses those concerning Libya (EUBAM Libya and EUNAVFOR MED IRINI) and Somalia (EU NAVFOR ATALANTA, EUCAP Somalia, and EUTM Somalia). For the EU, helping these failed states has become a priority, because the EU is a global actor that aims to get more involved in the problems that could have a negative impact on it. These problems include the disruption of international maritime traffic, illegal migration, and organized crime. The purpose of the present article is to highlight how the EU is actively involved in these failed states. Starting from the hypothesis that the involvement of the EU in strengthening the governments of these states is necessary, we will analyse the specifics of the missions sent to these countries.

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ZEMPRO/DOPOS: prisilni otkup poljodjelskih proizvoda u Nezavisnoj Državi Hrvatskoj

Author(s): Nikica Barić / Language(s): Croatian Issue: 23/2023

The paper presents the activities of enterprises established by the Independent State of Croatia (Nezavisna Država Hrvatska, NDH), whose aim was to collect food surpluses from peasants. These enterprises were Central State Enterprise for Agricultural Products (Državna poslovna središnjica za zemaljske proizvode, ZEMPRO) and Central State Enterprise for Supplies (Državna opskrbna poslovna središnjica, DO-POS). NDH proclaimed a state monopoly on agricultural products and peasants were forced to sell their surpluses to the state which then distributed this food to other parts of population and to armed forces. Slavonia and Syrmia were the main agricultural regions in NDH and the activities of ZEMPRO and later DOPOS was to a large degree concentrated to those regions. With the development and strengthening of the People’s Liberation Movement and its Partisan army and constant military operations on NDH territory, collection and distribution of food became a major problem for NDH administration. Peasantry was generally disinclined to sell its surpluses to the state, because these were inadequately paid, in fact paid in NDH’s currency whose value was diminished by rising inflation. Very often peasants were not able to purchase other goods with money, while black market offered the peasants better opportunities to barter food for other goods. From 1943 NDH authorities tried to resolve this problem by offering the peasants industrial and other products for their food surpluses. The representatives of NDH authorities and its ruling Ustasha movement were aware that forced requisition had created dissatisfaction among peasantry and the regime wanted to retain its loyalty. In fact, during 1943 there were certain initiatives among NDH’s ruling circles to restructure the system of forced collection of agricultural products. Instead of state imposed requisition, this duty was to be delegated to peasants’ cooperatives, which had tradition among Croatian peasantry. But, ultimately, the NDH authorities did not accept such solution, obviously because they did not have faith that agricultural surpluses could be collected without the strong government control. The end of World War II and the establishment of the new communist regime in Croatia, now as a federal unit in the new Yugoslav state, presented a distinctive break with the NDH regime. Nevertheless, the new regime retained the system of forced requisition of food from peasants, which brought new conflicts between the peasantry and the communist regime lasting until the early 1950s.

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THE INFLUENCE OF THE ISRAELI-PALESTINIAN WAR (2023) AND RUSSIA IN DISRUPTING THE SILK ROAD – A SOCIOLOGICAL ANALYSIS

Author(s): Enache Tuşa / Language(s): English Issue: 1-2/2023

In the new international context of the conflicts that broke out in Ukraine and the Gaza Strip, we can speak of a very sensitive economic environment. Analysts described the threats of global trade disruption and China's potential economic opportunities and supremacy, whose influence in the Middle East has grown considerably over the past 15 years. The reconfiguration of American policy and the shift of the United States' center of gravity from the Indo-Pacific area due to the war generated by the Russian invasion has left uncovered a critical area in the commercial flows that ensure global trade. The triggered humanitarian crisis and the thousands of civilian victims in Gaza represent opportunities for China and Russia to blame American policies on the Middle East for the instability there. The article presents the main vulnerabilities that the two conflicts create in the global economy and how the disruption of trade flows would generate major crises globally.

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THE CHANGING OF POST-COLD WAR GLOBAL ORDER: NEW CENTERS OF POWER ARE EMERGING – THE SHIFT TOWARDS A MULTIPOLAR PERIOD –

Author(s): Romică Cernat / Language(s): English Issue: 4/2023

The post-Cold War period, which began in the early 1990s and was generally considered a unipolar stage, with the United States as the only superpower, has passed into a new phase, largely, due to the global consequences of Russia and China’s actions, marked by the events generated by Russia from 2006 until 2014 and in particular by the triggering, on 24 February 2022, of a new unprovoked war against Ukraine, a country invaded for the first time in 2014 and partially occupied for almost nine years but also by China’s actions in the South and East China Sea. The last decade and, in particular, the recent period is characterised by a global strategic competition between the US, China, and the Russian Federation and the alliances they belong to, accelerated by the Ukraine war and the tensions in the Indo-Pacific region, with consequences, among others, on the aspects regarding international order and defence-related aspects to the global strategy. BRICS has firmly committed to promoting the interests of the Global South, to creating a new more inclusive international order, forcing major structural changes to global and regional security architectures. Thus, a conflict of interests emerges between the actions and the role of the US, as a superpower, in the world arena and the actions of China and the Russian Federation, mainly to create a highly multipolar global situation and to evolve as a regional and global hegemon.

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HYBRID THREATS AND THE MILITARISATION OF GLOBALISATION: RUSSIA VS NATO

Author(s): Iulia Anghel / Language(s): English Issue: 3/2018

The deterioration of the security climate in Eastern Europe is likely to validate the hypothesis of reopening the rites of succession at the end of the Cold War. The proliferation of hybrid conflicts and the birth of a new type of asymmetrical threat can be thus correlated with a process of militarisation of globalisation. The article assumes that the main feature of hybrid threats from the most recent history refers to the rising influence of non-state actors and only in the alternative to the emergence of new formulas of power projection, based on non-military or subversive means. The study proposes a brief look at the security landscape in the area of the two major blocs – NATO and the Russia Federation, in relation to the phenomenon of hybrid conflicts. An approach from the angle of geopolitical theory may prove itself to be useful both from the perspective of the ability to identify the main tendencies of evolution and through the possibility to integrate them in the wide logic of processes regarding arms and militarisation of globalisation.

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ТРИЪГЪЛНИКЪТ ЛОГИКА, СТРАТЕГИЯ И КЪСМЕТ В УПРАВЛЕНИЕТО

Author(s): Todor Tanev / Language(s): Bulgarian Issue: 4/2023

Only fools leave their future to chance. Strategy is the „shepherd's leap“which jumps over contingencies. Even the best non-strategic plans cannot come close to the perfection with which strategy overcomes contingencies and replaces them with the primordial desires of a well-intentioned leadership. Get ready to invite luck into your organization by creating a true strategy. However, when it comes to the rapid development of an organization, there are as many as three main factors that play a role: strategy, logic and good luck.

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EUROPE FROM DIVISION TO REUNIFICATION (1947-2004). THE STORY AND THE SUB-TEXT

Author(s): Gérard-François Dumont,Pierre Verluise / Language(s): English Issue: 2/2016

What have been the major stages in the unification of part of geographical Europe? After four decades of division, the opening of the iron curtain in the second half of 1989 marked a break in the strategic order. In fifteen years, NATO, and then the EU, took in three former Soviet Republics and USSR satellites. The USA won the Cold War and the post-Cold War, leaving the EU to carry part of the burden from the victory by taking on board countries impoverished by communism.

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Determining Air Sovereignty System Sufficiency

Author(s): Svetoslav Slavov,Petrana Kokudeva / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2024

In order to understand the necessary potential of the air sovereignty system to cope with modern challenges, it is necessary to understand it as a complex system, including different but functionally related systems and the operational environment, whose role is reduced to the formation of requirements for these systems. For this objective, the components of the air sovereignty system and their associated criteria and benchmarks are considered. Analyzing the main components of the air sovereignty system, an attempt has been made to assess its sufficiency through the use of appropriate criteria and indicators.

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THE ROLE OF THE EUROPEAN UNION IN CONFLICT RESOLUTION IN UKRAINE

Author(s): Mihaiela Buse / Language(s): English Issue: 2/2015

The European Union (EU) is a regional player that aims to strengthen its global status by becoming involved more actively and effectively in maintaining peace and stability in the world. In the EU vision, conflict resolution methods should be peaceful, the organisation choosing to respond to violence through mediation and dialogue and not through military force. Since the beginning of the conflict in Ukraine, the EU has sent its representatives to assist it in the difficult situations it has been experiencing. Various instruments have been involved in solving the crisis, such as restrictive, diplomatic, economic measures merged with mediating and facilitating dialogue.

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Polityka zagraniczna Chińskiej Republiki Ludowej w kontekście wojny Rosji w Ukrainie

Author(s): Dominik Mierzejewski,Przemysław Ciborek,Mateusz Chatys / Language(s): Polish Issue: 28/2023

One of the most significant events on the international stage in 2022 was the Russian invasion of Ukraine. The article aims to analyze the relations of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) with the Russian Federation as well as the United States’ and China’s policy at the United Nations (UN) from a broader perspective. In the context of bilateral relations, the Authors focus primarily on Beijing’s propaganda support for Moscow’s actions and economic issues, with particular emphasis on the growing role of Chinese-Russian cooperation at the local government level. Moreover, in the international dimension, they emphasize the problems of Beijing-Washington relations, whereas the case of Taiwan is still a litmus test. This is particularly evident in the so-called “fourth Taiwan Strait crisis”, resulting from the visit of the Speaker of the US House of Representatives, Nancy Pelosi, to Taipei. The last element of the global activities of Chinese diplomacy which is the subject of the analysis is China’s activity on the UN forum in connection with the war in Ukraine and Sino- -American rivalry.

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The Art of Self-selection or the Intervention of the Voters? The 2023 Election and the Shifting Social Bias of Slovak Parliamentary Elites since 2006

Author(s): Elisabeth Bakke / Language(s): English Issue: 2/2024

Recent research has shown a trend towards more participatory nomination procedures in new as well as more established parties. However, in Slovakia most politically relevant parties have equally centralised, leadership dominated, and exclusive candidate selection modes. In the first part of the article I draw on the elite literature to investigate cross-party variation in the social bias of parliamentary elites since 2006. Using the 2023 election as a point of departure, I go on to assess how representative MPs are of their own voters, and why social bias varies across parties despite their similar selection modes. The analysis demonstrates that the impact of the selection mode as well as of voter preferences is contingent on the nomination practices of the individual parties. I found strong elements of self-selection in nearly all parties: the members of the presidium nominated themselves, and the composition of the parliamentary elites thus to a considerable extent reflects who the presidium members are. The influence of the voters is limited, because they tend to confirm the priorities of the selectorates; however, in the case of the four smallest parties in 2023, preference voting to some extent mitigated the effect of self-selection. The main drivers of preference voting were the idiosyncratic nomination practice of Ordinary People, and the presence of organised groups and parties on the list (informal alliances).

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Pakt senacki jako strategia polskich partii demokratycznych w wyborach parlamentarnych 2019–2023

Author(s): Jakub Kuźniarski / Language(s): Polish Issue: 58/2024

In 2019, the parties representing the Polish democratic opposition, decided to conclude an informal agreement before the parliamentary elections, called the Senate Pact. This agreement not only increased the chances of gaining an advantage over the ruling party in the Senate of the Republic of Poland, but also – was successfully repeated before the next elections. The author of the article points out that the Senate pact is a completely new and at the same time thoroughly thought-out handout of the democratic opposition, which brought the expected results. He also makes a characterization of the rule of Law and Justice in 2015–2023, which was the main reason for the establishment of the agreement. The thesis of this paper is the statement of the impact of the Senate pact on the advantage of democratic political groups in the parliamentary elections for the Polish Senate. The hypothesis adopted, on the other hand, assumes that prior to the establishment of the Senate pact, there was a real threat of the Law and Justice party’s use of the so-called “legislative express”, which led to the implementation of important laws that hooked on the amendment of the Constitution or harmful bills that were questionable in terms of legal legality. The research method used in the article is descriptive and predictive. Because the subject of the establishment of the Senate pact and its analysis as a novelty in Polish politics, is a relatively new phenomenon, not many scientific studies have yet been written that exhaust the subject of the impact of the agreement on parliamentary elections.

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“Politics of memory” in Poland in the first half of the 21st Century: Historical narratives, challenges and disputes. A case study

Author(s): Przemysław Łukasik / Language(s): English Issue: 58/2024

The aim of the article is to present the specifics of Polish memory policy at the turn of the 20th and 21st centuries and to trace the most important threads of the discourse surrounding it. The aim of the author is to characterize the conditions of continuation and modifications, and, above all, the challenges facing the Polish historical narrative. The research method used in analysis was the case study. The shaping of Polish politics of memory in the last three decades has been the result of many factors, including the post-communist nature of the state, the dispute over its role in narrating history, the Polish-Russian conflict over memory, the discourse on Polish-Jewish wartime relations, the internationalization of Polish historical narrative, as well as the “memory boom” and the development of public diplomacy. All the factors mentioned above influence the content of the Polish historical narrative. The Polish historical narrative, as in the case of many countries, includes a path of narrative about freedom and the presentation of the greatest scientific and cultural achievements. Regardless of the content of the Polish historical narrative, its greatest challenge is the asymmetry of knowledge about Polish past beyond its borders, not only in the context of losses suffered during World War II.

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