Wybrane aspekty nowelizacji prawnych podstaw członkostwa Polski w Unii Europejskiej – uwagi na tle wyroków polskiego i niemieckiego trybunału konstytucyjnego w sprawie aktów normatywnych stabilizujących strefę euro

Author(s): Magdalena Bainczyk / Language(s): Polish Issue: 1/2014

The judgement of the Polish Constitutional Court of 26 June 2013 compared with the judgment of the German Federal Constitutional Tribunal of 18 March 2014 indicates that some significant amendments should be introduced into the Polish Constitution. Both amending procedures foreseen by the Treaty of Lisbon and the “Schengen method” used to reform the Eurozone imply a necessity to differ between the ordinary revision procedure and the simplified revision procedure also in national constitutional law. Taking into a account German constitutional provisions and jurisprudence of the German Federal Court such an amendment allows to concentrate on a question how to effective secure an influence of Polish constitutional institutions, especially the Sejm, on integration process.

Michael Novak, Writing from Left to Right: My Journey from Liberal to Conservative, [Image Books Press, Bournemouth 2013, 336 pp.]

Author(s): Mark M. Michalski / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2014

Interwencja zbrojna w Kosowie i Libii jako przykłady współczesnych interwencji zbrojnych

Author(s): Marcin Lasoń / Language(s): Polish Issue: 1/2018

Prawicowy populizm w Holandii – Lista Pima Fortuyna i Partia na rzecz Wolności. Kontynuacja czy zmiana?

Author(s): Aleksandra Moroska-Bonkiewicz / Language(s): Polish Issue: 4/2011

Instituce politické strany v mezinárodním srovnání

Author(s): Vojtěch Šimíček / Language(s): Czech Issue: 1/1997

Conference held from February 14-16, 1997, focusing on the institution of political parties in an international context. The event, organized by the Institute for German and European Party Law in Hagen, Germany, featured prominent participants from academia, politics, and various countries. Key topics included the future of democracy in the information society, the state of political party law research in Germany, and the role of political parties in the European Union. The conference highlighted the integration of electronic communication in parliamentary democracy and the interpretation of Article 138a of the Maastricht Treaty regarding European political parties. Presentations from international participants provided insights into political party institutions in their respective countries. The conference underscored the inseparability of political party law from the broader political context and identified the financing of political parties as a persistent issue. Overall, the event facilitated valuable exchanges of otherwise hard-to-access information.

Dohoda jako zdroj práva

Author(s): Ivo Pospíšil / Language(s): Czech Issue: 4/1996

The article discusses Thomas Hobbes' views on the social contract and law. It highlights Hobbes' influence on modern theories of state and law, noting his controversial reception over time. Hobbes is portrayed as a foundational figure in the development of legal positivism and the theory of social contracts, emphasizing the necessity of a strong state authority to maintain order. The article explores Hobbes' belief in the voluntary nature of social contracts, where individuals surrender certain freedoms for collective security. It also examines the interpretations of Hobbes' work by various philosophers, including Jeremy Bentham and Michael Oakeshott, and the ongoing debate about whether Hobbes should be seen as a precursor to totalitarianism or liberalism. The discussion includes Hobbes' views on the role of the sovereign, the nature of laws, and the importance of rationality in establishing social order.

Několik informací a poznámek k instituci ombudsmana pro místní správu ve Velké Británii

Author(s): Soňa Skulová / Language(s): Czech Issue: 2/1996

The institution of ombudsman is stili only being discussed and respectively proposed in the Czech Republic. The object of the paper is to offer certain amount of information and experience of application of one kind of the ombudsman institution - the Local Government Ombudsmen (LGO) in Great Britain and and in greater detail in England, which is represented by the Commission for Local Administration set up by Part III of the Local Government Act 1974, consisting of the Parliamentary Ombudsman and three Local Goverment Ombudsmen. The Commission's main objective, which is set out in each annual report, is the investigation of complaints of injustice arising from maladministration with a wiev to securing, where appropriate, both satisfactory redress for the complaint and better administration. The LGO are in a position to consider complaints against almost all types of local authorities, dealing with significant areas of local administration (the vast majority of investigations involve local councils). The LGO has, in general, the power to investigate, recommend correctvive action, and issue report. lf an LGO reports a finding that injustice has been caused to the complainant in consequence of maladministration, the local authority has a duty to consider the report and notify the ombudsman of the action taken, or what action is proposed to be taken. Not all authorities, however, are prepared to accept the LGO's decision. lf an authority does not satisfactory respond to a further report, the ambudsman may require the authority to publish a statement in a local newspaper, specifying the recommended action they have not taken, and, if they wish, their reasons for not complying with the LGO's reccommendation. The paper tries to fomulate in conclusion that the institute of local ombudsman is an organic part of the system of democratic and effective public administration and the state under the Rule of Law and that time-tested experience in this field should not be neglected.

Schmoranzova skupina tiskových důvěrníků

Author(s): Milan Vyhlídal / Language(s): Czech Issue: 2/2023

The present article deals with the issue of Zdeněk Schmoranz’s resistance group. This group operated throughout the entire territory of the Protectorate in 1939 and was mainly engaged in intelligence activities against the German occupants. This research deals with the regional aspects of the aforementioned group in the city of Olomouc and the specific activities of the former member of Czechoslovak Army Jaroslav Hess (1896–1940).

NATO - RUSSIA RELATIONS AND THEIR IMPACT ON THE EURO-ATLANTIC SECURITY

Author(s): Nicu BEGANU / Language(s): English Issue: 2/2010

Both NATO observers and Russian foreign policy experts seem to agree that the relations between NATO and Russia have reached an important point. In this respect, the author takes an approach to the tragic events of September 11, 2001, which opened a new chapter in the NATO-Russia cooperation. In fact, Russia has expressed its solidarity with the Western countries against the threat of international terrorism, which has paved the way for a NATO-Russia strategic partnership, an improved and reformed one, directed against the common enemy – terrorism. Moreover, the NATO-Russia Council has been the basis of certain programmes of increasingly ambitious military cooperation, such as threat assessment, exchange of views on non-proliferation of weapons of mass destruction, search-rescue operations meant for submarines, nuclear warheads storage and transportation, antimissile defence in theatres of operations and increased Russian participation in PfP activities, as well as in the NATO maritime surveillance and monitoring operation “Active Endeavour”.

CENTRAL ASIA - WHERE POWER, POLITICS AND ECONOMICS COLLIDE -

Author(s): Tamara MAKARENKO / Language(s): English Issue: 2/2010

The author writes about the growing interest in Central Asian countries’ increasingly important resources, location and allegiances and about how this interest has played out. First, she mentions that Central Asia is continuously recognised as an important stakeholder in the Caspian energy game, a conduit to Chinese energy security, a playground of Russian power politics, and a transit area for criminal activity and religious fervour that is played out to its extreme in Afghanistan. Then, she points out that the heightened importance of the region in the post-9/11 environment has created an altered reality; however, one in which the fundamental games have not changed, merely the ways in which they are played. Although the immediate impact of this slight twist in context is not obvious, there is a danger that in building an economic house of cards, Central Asia will be in a position to affect regional instability more directly. She concludes by writing that as long as the US, Russia and China continue to play geo-economic games in the region, there will remain a semblance of stability. It is in their interests to ensure that this is the case.

THE JOINT OPERATING ENVIRONMENT 2008 - CHALLENGES AND IMPLICATIONS FOR THE FUTURE JOINT FORCE

Author(s): Not Specified Author / Language(s): English Issue: 3/2009

Competition and conflict among conventional powers will continue to be the primary strategic and operational context for the Joint Force over the next 25 years. For the purpose of the Joint Operating Environment, a “conventional power” is an organization that is governed by, and behaves according to, recognized norms and codes – conventions. Such institutions may be political (the state), financial, judiciary, business and economic, academic, and many more.

Národní, globální, anebo kosmopolitní: české občanské vzdělávání na rozcestí

Author(s): Michaela Dvořáková,Ondřej Lánský / Language(s): Czech Issue: 3/2023

The place of civics in lower secondary education is somewhat at odds with the demands that the current political, economic, and environmental situation places on citizens regarding their preparation for life. In this text, we have focused on analyzing approaches to civic education from an international perspective. We have analyzed the Czech practice of civic education from 1992 to the present based on the analysis of internationally discussed types of teaching civic education and basic social sciences and selected key curriculum documents. Using an illustrative analysis of selected textbooks’ content, we could point out problematic areas of the still valid curriculum and differences in content between the curriculum and practice.

Evropská unie v učebnicích občanského vzdělávání: limity, inovace a výzvy

Author(s): Daniela Prokschová / Language(s): Czech Issue: 3/2023

This article deals with one of the important but neglected aspects of civic education, namely the portrayal of the European Union in textbooks. It aims to comprehensively describe the content and form of the chapter on the European Union in 22 didactic materials (textbooks, workbooks, and teacher’s guides) for civic education and national history in Czech primary and lower secondary schools. The text answers the following questions: 1) How much space is devoted to the European Union? 2) In what context is the European Union mentioned? What actors and themes are emphasized? Do textbooks evaluate the EU and its relevance for the target groups? 3) What didactic approaches and tasks do the textbooks suggest for pupils in teaching about the EU, and how is the material presented visually? Quantitative and qualitative content analysis will be used to answer the research questions. This study has shown that the EU is approached from the pupil’s perspective and is portrayed mainly positively. Over the years, us vs. them framing has evolved, and the textbooks present the Czech Republic as an active part of the European Union. The tasks for pupils in the texts are heterogeneous and do not lead pupils to work critically with sources of information. The article also aims to offer recommendations for textbook authors and teachers. The outcomes of this study are put in an international context.

THE ILLIBERAL DISCOURSE IN THE CONSTRUCTION OF POLITICAL BRANDS: A COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS BETWEEN ROMANIA AND HUNGARY

Author(s): Mark C. Lukács / Language(s): Romanian Issue: 37/2024

This paper investigates and compares the impact of illiberal discourse on political brand construction in Romania and Hungary. In recent years, illiberal rhetoric has surged in Eastern Europe, significantly shaping political landscapes. This study defines illiberal discourse, elucidates its role in political branding, and analyzes the profound effects on brand development and public perception. By examining the complex communication strategies, the research highlights both the similarities and differences in political branding approaches in Romania and Hungary. Furthermore, it delves into the critical role of media in promoting and sustaining these political brands, alongside the societal and democratic implications. The paper aims to provide a comprehensive understanding of how illiberal discourse influences political dynamics and threatens democratic values in both countries.

Wspólna Polityka Bezpieczeństwa i Obrony w 2022 r.: systemowe słabości i wojenny zwrot na wschód

Author(s): Marek Madej,Marcin Terlikowski / Language(s): Polish Issue: 28/2023

The article analyzes the functioning of CSDP in 2022. The introductory part discusses main determinants of its development in 2022, particularly the impact on CSDP of the outbreak of the war in Ukraine due to the Russian invasion and of the changes caused by the war in Germany’s approach to European security. The second section discusses the content of the Strategic Compass – an official EU document intended to shape future directions, mechanisms and principles of CSDP’s functioning and evolution. Then the main efforts undertaken by the EU in 2022 to improve its defense and military capabilities are discussed and assessed, with special attention given to new financial instruments introduced by the European Commission and to the advances in projects within the PESCO and EDF frameworks. The next section is devoted to operation activities of the EU, especially its assistance to Ukraine, including the use for that purpose of the European Peace Facility. This part also deals with the changes in CSDP missions and operations in 2022, particularly those deployed in Africa. The article concludes with an assessment of the results of EU CSDP evolution in 2022 and an initial prognosis of its further development.

Konflikty zbrojne w 2023 roku: intensywność, dynamika i regionalne znaczenie

Author(s): Kamila Pronińska,Bolesław Balcerowicz,Wiesław Lizak,Leon Pińczak / Language(s): English Issue: 29/2024

The world experienced turbulent changes in armed conflict dynamics in 2023. Some of the intense armed conflicts of the last decade – measured by the number of battle-related fatalities – significantly weakened (Afghanistan, Syria, Ethiopia-Tigray), while others intensified even more (Russia-Ukraine, Yemen, Myanmar), and some broke out, very quickly reaching the level of 1 000 battle-deaths (Israel- Hamas, Sudan). Many regions remained highly unstable, and ongoing high-intensity armed conflicts (i.e. wars) involved numerous non-state actors, including jihadist groups, tribal militias, clans, and warlord groups, which led to their internationalization (Somalia, conflicts in the Sahel region). This chapter aims to select and analyze the dynamics of some of these conflicts in 2023. Given the increase in the number of wars, selecting armed conflicts based on the criteria of their intensity, regional importance, and internationalization becomes more difficult. In this year’s edition, the attention is focused, first, on two wars – in Ukraine and in Gaza – and solely on their military dimension. Secondly, the conflict in Yemen took on a new international context at the end of 2023 due to Houthi attacks outside Yemen (attacks in the Red Sea region). Among numerous African wars, attention is paid to a new conflict in Sudan – the “war of the generals”, which, apart from large-scale military operations, brought mass victims of one-sided violence, including in Darfur. Among the Asian conflicts, the war in Myanmar is selected for analysis since it has been one of the most intensive armed conflicts, and the armed clashes between the junta and rebels have been accompanied by brutal attacks on the civilian population. Finally, the chapter ends with the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict, which was not as intense in 2023 as the other analyzed wars, but Azerbaijan’s military operation brought a turn in the history of this one of the longest conflicts in the post-Soviet space, leading to the capitulation and dissolution of the quasi-state – Republic of Nagorno-Karabakh.

Stany Zjednoczone 2023: podzielona Ameryka w coraz bardziej podzielonym świecie

Author(s): Aleksandra Jarczewska / Language(s): Polish Issue: 29/2024

“Bringing America together” was the primary focus of Joe Biden’s 2021 inaugural address. Meanwhile, in his third year in office, the internal politics became increasingly strained, with restoring unity remaining a hazy campaign promise. Domestic challenges included numerous disputes in Congress and a legislative gridlock, followed by reciprocal claims of abuses and suspected law violations by the Joe Biden and Donald Trump teams. The lack of consensus has resulted in an overall slowdown and ineffectiveness of political processes. Even the initially undisputed assistance to Ukraine (later also aid to Israel in response to the Hamas attack) became a political obstacle. The US foreign policy, meant to restore US reputation and global credibility, likewise failed to generate spectacular results. The initial mobilization of the US and the West around the Ukrainian crisis has faded. Also, the Ukrainians’ reluctance to push back against Russia fuelled a broader dissatisfaction of the US and its allies. Furthermore, the Hamas attack on Israel, in the second half of the year, and the Israeli retaliation merely worsened the situation in the Middle East. The US relations with China and Russia remained extremely tense. Additionally, strengthening ties between the so-called “rest” countries, marked by the expansion of BRICS, presented an additional challenge to US diplomacy.

Po pierwsze, bezpieczeństwo: polityka zagraniczna Polski w drugim roku agresji Rosji na Ukrainę

Author(s): Agnieszka Bieńczyk-Missala / Language(s): Polish Issue: 29/2024

The chapter examines the evolution of Poland’s foreign policy in the second year of Russia’s aggression against Ukraine, focusing primarily on security issues. Po -land continued to pursue the enhancement of its military capabilities through the procurement of military equipment and the development of its armed forces. It declared its intention to bolster NATO and European security capabilities, albeit inconsistently. It refrained from engaging in cooperation with France and Germany and did not participate in any major European projects. In 2023, Poland allocated 3.9% of its GDP for military expenditure, the highest among all NATO countries. The comprehensive understanding and positive cooperation between Poland and Ukraine were put to a serious test in 2023 due to the so-called “grain conflict”. Russia’s aggressive policy, pursued in close cooperation with Belarus, was considered by Poland to be the greatest threat to peace in Europe, including Poland’s security. Poland systematically had to confront hostile actions in cyberspace and disinformation. During the rule of the Law and Justice Party, the country did not fully leverage the potential inherent in foreign policy instruments to pursue state interests. While the authorities participated in various consultations regarding future agreements up until the NATO summit in Vilnius in July, in the subsequent months, their focus shifted to the electoral campaign. The post-election turn in Poland, with Donald Tusk returning to the position of Prime Minister and Radosław Sikorski returning to the position of Minister of Foreign Affairs, largely signifies a return to predictable foreign policy that Poland pursued in the years 2007–2015.

CONCLUDING REMARKS: LANGUAGES OF POWER AND ELITE LEGITIMISATION IN POLAND AND NORWAY, 1000–1300

Author(s): Nóra Berend / Language(s): English Issue: 129/2024

The articles in the volume demonstrate that comparative history can break out of the straight-jacket of supposed geographical constraints, and show how more detailed comparative studies of various aspects of legitimisation can reveal the nuances behind seemingly uniform patterns. The concluding remarks further elaborate on these points and raise questions concerning the terminology of centre and periphery.

“When the immigrants faced the Statue of Liberty”: Critical Discourse Analysis of National Narratives in Greek Parliament

Author(s): Nikoletta Panagaki,Vasia Tsami,Kyriakoula Tzortzatou / Language(s): English Issue: 01/2024

The increased arrival of immigrant/refugee populations often leads to public debates. These debates about immigrant/refugee policies are often raised in parliament. Inside parliament, speakers use specific arguments to persuade their audience, aiming to construct specific national identities, and to promote the national homogenizing discourse. To accomplish this, the politicians often exploit narratives and more specifically, national narratives, reframing aspects of history in order to shape the national conscience. The aim of this research is to analyze how two political leaders of opposite Greek parties, Kyriakos Mitsotakis and Yanis Varoufakis, use narratives on the Greek immigration/refugee movement to the USA in the 1920s to argue about the contemporary Greek policy toward immigrant/refugee issues. To analyze their narratives, we utilize the model of positioning suggested by Bamberg (1997), drawing a distinction between three levels: the narrative world, where we focus on how the characters are positioned in relation to one another within the reported events; the narrative interaction, where we examine how the narrator positions him/herself in relation to the audience through specific argumentative strategies (Reisigl and Wodak 2001); and the broader socio-ideological framework, which concerns the positioning of the narrator toward the Discourses, namely, toward the ideologically defined ways of representing reality. According to our findings, at the level of the narrative world the two politicians construct differently the USA immigrant/refugee policy. These constructions result to different arguments at the level of the narrative interaction, where Mitsotakis promotes as a norm the exclusion of the Others, while Varoufakis promotes their assimilation. Given that both the exclusion and the assimilation of the Others comprise homogenizing practices, we realize that, at the level of the broader socio-ideological framework, both political leaders, each from a different perspective, reinforce the national discourse.