New and Old Authoritarianism in a Comparative Perspective

Author(s): Jerzy J. Wiatr / Language(s): English Issue: 2/2017

The third wave of democratization, unlike the first and the second, has not been followed by the reverse wave. However, in several countries (Russia, Belarus, Turkey, Hungary, Poland) democratically elected leaders interpret democracy narrowly, as the rule of majority only. Other conditions for democratic government (the rule of law, protecting human rights) are ignored. Such system of government differs from the authoritarian model (as defined by Juan J. Linz) and can best be called “new authoritarianism”. Poland is a special case because, while after the presidential and parliamentary elections of 2015 authoritarian practices became common, the hold on power by the ruling party (“Law and Justice”) is relatively weak. Future development of Polish politics depends mostly on the next parliamentary (2019) and presidential (2020) elections.

THE SOFT BALANCING OF THE REPUBLIC OF MOLDOVA: BETWEEN THE EU’S NORMATIVE POWER AND EURASIAN ECONOMIC UNION’S EXPANSION IN THE EASTERN EUROPE

Author(s): George Mihai Constantinescu / Language(s): English Issue: 03/2020

Having the 2014-2017 timeframe, we aim to observe the long distance duel between the EU and the EEU, the interests of the two organizations being the most visible in the Republic of Moldova, a state with a soft balancing attitude which is at the same time an observer-member of the Eurasian Economic Union, and also a signatory-member of the Association Agreement with the EU. In order of capturing as faithfully as possible this remote match, we want to analyze the European normative power in relation to the Republic of Moldova by analyzing the main changes that Moldova's trade relations with Brussels and Moscow have suffered following the signing of the Association Agreement in 2014 and the institutional crystallization of the EEU in 2015, using data provided by the Moldavian National Bureau of Statistics and analyzing the official documents which laid the foundations for the recent relationship between the Republic of Moldova and the two organizations.

Perceiving Religious Mysticism in the Key of Political Repression.

Author(s): Ioana Ursu / Language(s): English Issue: 3/2019

L’effondrement des États communistes de l’Europe de l’Est a mis en lumière des histoires d’héroïsmependant la répression et fait parler d’oppression, de survie et de dignité. Cependant, les tendances historiogra-phiques récentes cherchent désormais à comprendre les aspects systémiques des quarante-cinq années de Régimecommuniste en Roumanie. Les études culturelles et sociales, l’histoire comparée, la et l’histoire orale, entre autres,interprètent et redimensionnent nos conceptions sur le mode de vie pendant le communisme. En partant d’uneapproche post-révisionniste, s’appuyant sur une analyse du discours et sur la sémantique, la présente étude sepropose d’interpréter quelques extraits des archives de la police politique (Securitate) concernant l’histoire dugroupe d’intellectuels et de clercs connu sous le nom de Rugul aprins (Buisson ardent), qui ont été cibles de la ré-pression communiste et incarcérés ensemble pour agissements contre l’ordre social. Puisque leurs préoccupations spirituelles et leur philosophie culturelle témoignaient pleinement d’une attitude anti-communiste et d’une cri-tique du régime socialiste, ils sont devenus l’objet d’un suivi informatif de la Securitate, puis inculpés lors d’un procès mené pendant la seconde vague répressive du régime, en 1958. La présente recherche suit la trame narra-tive et les thèmes du discours de la Securitate, en essayant en même temps de proposer une interprétation de la façon dont les institutions répressives se rapportaient face à l’idée de religiosité et de ‘mysticisme’.

CRIME OF AGGRESSION IN INTERNATIONAL LAW AND INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

Author(s): Goran Bandov,Dorotea Ogorec / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2020

The paper focuses on the analysis of the problem of defining the crime of aggression in the international law and international relations, focusing primarily on the historical development of the term from its initial directed efforts, all the way to its modern outcomes. Observing in a historical manner, the establishment of the definition of the crime of aggression, as well as its aligning under criminal offences has encountered several obstacles which resulted in a continuous delay of clear defining what exactly would the crime of aggression encompass. In order to fully understand the matter, the importance of several international documents is undeniable, especially the Charter of the United Nations as well as the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court.

Can Self-organized Criticality Theory help identify Political Mobilization on Social Media?

Author(s): Natalia Barabash,Dmitry ZHUKOV / Language(s): English Issue: 25 (1)/2020

One of the challenges of monitoring political mobilization on social media is the setting of formalized mobilization criteria to identify early symptoms of political mobilization across different groups. We propose and test a tool for identifying groups that display a high level of political mobilization. This tool is based on the hypothesis that strong engagement of users in group activities and discussions is common to groups in a state of self-organized criticality (SOC). An attribute of SOC, known as pink noise, can be observed in time series. To test this hypothesis, we sourced data on activity in 200 Facebook groups in France and Germany.

SOFT POWER CONTEXT OF CHINESE INVESTMENTS TO THE EUROPEAN UNION: CHALLENGES VS. OPPORTUNITIES

Author(s): Daniela Cvetanovska / Language(s): English Issue: 2/2020

This paper presents a constructivist take on soft power, by analyzing the contextual factors which influence Chinese investments (COFDI) to the EU as a relevant soft power resource. The contextual analysis shows which constraining and stimulating (internal and external) factors condition COFDI in leveraging soft power for China. Additionally, the article provides solutions for soft power optimization, since soft power resources aim to entice and foster cooperative relations toward a ‘win-win’ behavior. The issues presented here have profound implications for future studies on soft power and the political economy of Chinese investments in the EU.

THE PROBLEM OF THE ‘OLD’ WORKING CLASS DEPRESSION ESPECIALLY THROUGH THE PRISM OF THE USA PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION IN 2016 AND 2020

Author(s): Slavejko Sasajkovski / Language(s): English Issue: 2/2020

Digital economic and overall social transformation does not shape the future in an economic-sociological/socio-economic direction and with content that contributes as an important factor for raising the level of social integration and cohesion that is social capital. In reality, the economic-sociological/socio-economic problem of the ‘old’ working class, a working class that is not optimally involved in the structures of digital technology, economy and society, is imposed as a key problem. The most provocative expression of the significance of this class, in particular the American white working class, that ‘old’ white working class, is its impact on the outcome of the presidential election in the US in November 2016. The decisive factor for Trump's victory was the acquisition of an economically-sociologically/socially-economically disadvantaged or even depressed American white working class concentrated in several major states in the US West and the Midwest, which carry a large number of electors in the electoral college. Therefore, the primary goal of potential democratic presidential candidates is to take, that is, to restore this American white working class as its electorate. То this end, ideological and political variants of the concepts of democratic socialism (exclusively Bernie Sanders) and democratic capitalism (practically all other Democratic presidential candidates) are being created.

THE ALBANIAN QUESTION AT THE PARIS PEACE CONFERENCE DURING 1919-1920

Author(s): Erjon Dervishi / Language(s): English Issue: 2/2020

This paper aims to bring to the public one of the most important moments in the history of modern times of Albania. After the Albanian independence on 28 November 1912 and international recognition of Albanian state on 29 July 1913, in 1919-1920, many national and international events unraveled which initially posed a real danger for Albania to become an independent state. The Paris Peace Conference, organized after the First World War by the Great Powers which win the war, and in which 27 winning states took part, became the real world center of that time. The Albanian point of view was headed directly at this Conference, with the hope to gain its independence and to win the right of self determination for its people. The main issues of the Conference were: border correction, especially in the southern part of Albania, relations between the Balkan states regarding Albania, the position of Italy, Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes, and the position of Greece over Albania, and the real threat of secret pact during the First World War and the new role of American President, Woodrow Wilson. This paper also aims to bring the attitude of the Albanian delegation at the Paris Peace Conference and the position of Italy, France, Great Britain and Greece.

Историческите изследвания от периода 1984 – 2011 г. за електоралните регулации и изборния процес в докомунистическа България: тенденции и проблеми

Author(s): Svetoslav Zhivkov / Language(s): Bulgarian Issue: 4/2020

The article analyzes the historical surveys concerning the elеctoral regulations and the competition between the parties at the parliamentary elections in Bulgaria from the Liberation (1878) to the WW2. The reasons of the lack of scientific interest in the years of the communist rule are pointed out. The revival of the competitive elections since 1990 brought about for the growth of the surveys concerning the Bulgarian electoral past. There are some gaps, however. Yet many issues are unresearched. The article analyzes the historical surveys concerning the electoral regulations and the competition between the parties at the parliamentary elections in Bulgaria from the Liberation (1878) to the WW2. The reasons of the lack of scientific interest in the years of the communist rule are pointed out. The revival of the competitive elections since 1990 brought about for the growth of the surveys concerning the Bulgarian electoral past. There are some gaps, however. Yet many issues are unresearched.

Populizm jako forma przywództwa politycznego: trzy tradycje teoretyczne i perspektywy badawcze

Author(s): Jan Pakulski / Language(s): Polish Issue: 1/2020

In a contemporary political sociology, experiencing a renaissance in political leadership studies, the populism – defined as a specific type of anti-establishment leadership – is quite well known not only from current „rises”, but also from former cyclic „tidal waves”. Even if there are visible parallels to former waves of populist politics, few socio-political analyses of the current „third wave” sweeping across Europe and the US benefit from the theoretical body of researches of previous waves. The current approach focuses on a shallow theoretical-historical approach to populism as a sui generis novum, as a critical backlash to contemporary development trends (ie. globalism, centralized government, neo-liberal politics, etc.). Thus this paper aims at reminding three important analyses relating to three consecutive waves of populism. All three point at populism as a manifestation of democratic trends and focus attention on leadership groups. Alexis de Tocqueville viewed populist campaigns of Louis Napoleon in France as manifestations of a „despotic democracy”. Max Weber judged European populisms he witnessed as manifestations of a „plebiscitary democracy”. Contemporary neo-elitists focus their attention both on leaders and on the structure of leadership groups as well as on relations between leaders and their „electorate”. Such leadership focused perspective is a necessary addendum to the research on contemporary populism.

Długi marsz przez instytucje kultury. Polityka Zjednoczonej Prawicy a wymiana elit w nowym ładzie kulturalnym państwa po roku 2015

Author(s): Piotr Kulas,Paweł Śpiewak / Language(s): Polish Issue: 1/2020

This text aims to analyse the project of elite change implemented by the United Right in Poland in the field of cultural production. The authors argue that culture is recognized by right-wing politicians and intellectuals as a particularly important way of legitimizing its domination also in other fields. The special role of culture can be interpreted by the nature of the public sphere in Poland and the importance of the intelligentsia, who converted cultural capital into other types of capital (the political, the social, and especially the symbolic capital). The authors argue that the replacement of cultural elites serves the revision of history and assertion of power. Although, the elite change project is conducted not only within the cultural field, however, the latter is seen as a particularly important for the right-wing intelligentsia. We argue, that this exchange is based on the long-formulated announcements and is justified by the right-wing intellectuals and politicians who argue for a traditional, Polish model of culture. However, it also conceals political goals. The main goals of the replacement are to change the old elites with people favouring new order and, in the long run, to form right-wing elites, who, referring to the one-dimensional model of culture, will play a hegemonic role in the social life.

Bevezető a Fordulat 27. számához

Author(s): Zoltán Sidó,Kristóf Nagy,Mátyás Domschitz,Márton Fabók,Sára Lafferton,Ágnes Gagyi,Virág Buka / Language(s): Hungarian Issue: 27/2020

The 27th issue of the Fordulat maps the possibilities of a social-solidarity economy with a special focus on the Eastern European post-socialist conditions.

FREEDOM OF EXPRESSION IN TIMES OF COVID-19: CHILLING EFFECT IN HUNGARY AND SERBIA

Author(s): Kristina Ćendić,Gergely Gosztonyi / Language(s): English Issue: Suppl./2020

New technologies have opened several risks to safety of journalists. More importantly, in the state of emergency caused by the Covid-19 outbreak, journalists and media actors have shifted their activities online more than ever, which also made them more prone to digital threats and attacks. In some regimes there are even organized intimidation campaigns against political opponents causing chilling effect and self-censorship, and jeopardizing freedom of expression in general. Hungary as a member of the European Union since 2004 and Serbia as a leading candidate to join the EU are two countries where the problems and concerns about media freedom is growing every day. The fear from the unknown during the international pandemic gave opportunity to some governments to hide their real political agendas and cover their desire for the 'good-old-fashioned' censorship. The number of countries where some kind of censorship could be found is growing every day. The authors will show two country-case-studies from Hungary and Serbia, where the leaders and the political situations are very similar and could show a (good or bad) example to other countries that would like to follow the illiberal views on media issues.

CHINA’S PUBLIC DIPLOMACY: EVOLUTION, CHALLENGES, AND THE GREEK CASE

Author(s): Georgios Zacharias / Language(s): English Issue: 03/2021

The construction of a positive international image is profoundly correlated with advancing one’s national interests abroad. Influencing foreign audiences and creating multisided links with countries of interest, is the main objective of public diplomacy. In the highly interconnected XXI century, countries have increasingly invested in that practice, assisted by major technological advancements. China is not an exception. The current paper will examine in which ways the latter conducts public diplomacy and through which actors. The study will also try to showcase the evolution and challenges that took place in this domain. Afterward, the case study of Greece will be considered, presenting the Chinese actors engaging in the country, the practices they use, and how the bilateral relationship has been affected. The essay will conclude with estimating the total effectiveness of the practices, possible challenges that exist, and several insights for future reference.

THE ESCALATION OF CONFLICT BETWEEN ARMENIANS AND AZERBAIJANIS AND THE PROBLEMS OF PEACEFUL RESOLUTION OF THE NAGORNO-KARABAKH WAR

Author(s): Valeri Modebadze / Language(s): English Issue: 03/2021

This article explains why it is so difficult to achieve peace in Nagorno-Karabakh and what factors prevent the peaceful resolution of the conflict. This conflict is very difficult to resolve because the conflicting parties have contradictory geopolitical interests and cannot achieve consensus during negotiations. We have to take into account Russia’s geopolitical interests in South Caucasus that Kremlin is interested in freezing this conflict to weaken both states, Azerbaijan and Armenia, and bring them back to Russia’s orbit. Moscow aims to establish firm control over South Caucasus which was viewed in the past as a ‘Russian backyard’. Russia still views South Caucasus as its zone of influence and tries to bring this region back into Russia’s orbit.

Wstęp

Author(s): Piotr Mickiewicz / Language(s): Polish Issue: 2/2020

THE EUROPEAN UNION AND BREXIT: ANALYSIS FROM THE PERSPECTIVE OF THE VISEGRAD GROUP COUNTRIES

Author(s): Adrian Chojan / Language(s): English Issue: 2/2021

The article aims to analyze Brexit from the perspective of the Visegrad Group countries in the context of the future of the European Union. Addressing this issue is important from the point of view of assessing the role of the EU for the Visegrad countries. The main thesis of the research is that Brexit will not lead to a reform of the EU in the coming years, which is what some of the Visegrad Group countries are trying to do. The article is provocative, because, during the migration crisis, the Visegrad Group was shown as a brake on the European integration process. After Brexit, it was considered that some of EU Member States could follow Great Britain and leave the EU. The article complements the scientific achievements in this field, as it presents the view from the country of Central and Eastern Europe.

Socjologia publiczna epoki transformacji: Zygmunt Bauman i Jerzy J. Wiatr wobec przełomu ustrojowego

Author(s): Jacek Raciborski,Jarosław Kilias / Language(s): Polish Issue: 1/2021

The paper deals with the public sociologists of the former Julian Hochfeld’s circle in the time of the political system change in Poland. Among the sociologists of that school Jerzy J. Wiatr played the most important role as both a traditional and an integral public sociologist involved in the Left-wing party politics. The paper depicts his activities as a public intellectual who became an eminent political leader, as well as his work as a social and political analyst. The paper confronts his vision of the political system change, as presented in the writings of the 1989–1991 period, with the work of another eminent sociologist of that school, Zygmunt Bauman. The latter did not play any political role and was much less involved in commenting the political change that was happening at that time, being a lot more skeptical about its result.

The US 2020 Election and Learning from History

Author(s): Adam Przeworski / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2021

The US 2020 presidential election constitutes an anomaly for the general paradigm of learning from history that organizes cross-national research in politics. Was it a unique event that can be ignored or must we consider that history is no longer a reliable guide?

RUSSIA AND COVID-19: RUSSIAN ADAPTIVE AUTHORITARIANISM DURING THE PANDEMIC

Author(s): Aram Terzyan / Language(s): English Issue: 3/2021

This paper explores Russia’s response to Covid-19, with a focus on its implications for political freedoms and human rights across the country. It investigates the relationship between the pandemic and reinforcing authoritarianism in Russia. This paper is an in-depth case analysis that uses policy analysis and process tracing to examine Russia’s response to Covid-19 and its effects on Russian domestic politics. The study concludes that the Russian authorities have considerably abused Covid-19-related restrictive measures, not least through curtailing the freedom of assembly and expression. In doing so the Russian authorities have conveniently shielded themselves from mass protests amid constitutional amendments and upcoming legislative elections. Nevertheless, while the authoritarian practices that the Kremlin resorted to during the pandemic are not much different from those of other authoritarian regimes, they proved insufficient in curbing anti-regime dissent. This study inquires into the political repercussions of crisis management in authoritarian regimes and concludes that their authoritarian reactions lead to further crackdowns on civil liberties and political freedoms.