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The Ecclesiastical Patrimony of the Romanian Church United with Rome from the Perspective of the Events of 1948

Author(s): Valeriu Median / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2020

The author presents the historical process by which the Romanian Church United with Rome was supressed and forcibly merged into the Romanian Orthodox Church beginning in the late 1940s at the behest of Communist authorities, leading to the loss of its assets. The precursors of this process are presented, especially the efforts by the Romanian People’s Republic to modify the terms of its historic arrangements with the Catholic Church, the Concordat, and the withdrawal of the Romanian State from this arrangement. The study presents in detail, based on archival research conducted by the author in the archives of the former Securitate, and on legal norms (some of them classified at the time) the preparation and the pressure to which the Romanian Church United with Rome, its faithful and its clergy were subjected, in order to successfully force its so-called ‘return’ to the Orthodox Church. The author concludes the study by eliciting the fates of the remarkable clergymen who opposed the forced unification and were brutally punished by the Communist regime.

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LIBERTATE ȘI RESPONSABILITATE

Author(s): Claudia Buda / Language(s): Romanian Issue: 3/2022

On liberty depends on the idea the society progresses from lower to higher stages and that this progress culminates in the emergence of a system of representative. Liberty defined as the protection against the tyranny of political rulers. Complete liberty of contradicting and disproving our opinion ,is the very condition which justifies us in assuming its truth for purposes of action. And on other terms can a being with human faculties have any rational assurance of being right.

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Srbija i euroskepticizam: uticaji nacionalizma, osjećanja prijetnje i nezadovoljstva vladom

Author(s): Asim Delibašić / Language(s): Bosnian Issue: 92/93/2022

The term Euroscepticism denotes a negative attitude towards European integration, and more precisely towards the European Union itself, which is usually expressed as distrust towards the goals, policies, institutions, and expansion of the European Union. In many European countries, Euroscepticismis linked to the desire to retain national sovereignty, which is a feeling usually associated with certain national fears and opposition to certain conditions of European integration. The history of Serbian relations with the European Union is burdened by the Balkan wars in the last century and with the built-up feeling that Europe represents a kind of arch-enemy to the Orthodox culture of Serbian nation. Fierce national resentments over disputed territorial issues, which refers primarily to the Kosovo and NATO’s war against Serbia, along with the deep-rooted anti-Western stance of the Serbian Orthodox Church, constitute the very essence of the Serbian Euroscepticism. The purpose of this research was an analysis of the variables that influence Euroscepticism in Serbia, especially attitudes and feelings, such as those of national pride, trust in the church, feelings of the nation being threatened by the European Union, and feelings of dissatisfaction with the government and state institutions. Statistical analysis showed a weak, although significant, effect of nationalism, trust in the church, and the feeling of national threat from the European Union, but also an extremely strong effect of dissatisfaction with the functioning of the government and state institutions.

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Najwyżej zatwierdzone rozporządzenie Komitetu Ministrów „W sprawie trybu cenzurowania rękopisów kazań wygłaszanych w kościołach rzymskokatolickich” jako instrument kontroli Kościoła rzymskokatolickiego w Imperium Rosyjskim

Author(s): Anton Huz / Language(s): Polish Issue: 14/2022

This article attempts to trace the Russian imperial policy towards the Roman Catholic Church through the lens of a normative and legal document from the times of the Russian Empire – the Highest Approved Regulation of the Committee of Ministers “On the procedure for censoring manuscripts of sermons preached in Roman Catholic churches”. This document established control of the Church by introducing censorship, and thus interfering with the process of preparing, censoring and approving sermons written by the Roman Catholic clergy.

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BOKO HARAM INSURGENCY AND THE INTERPLAY BETWEEN RELIGION AND POLITICS IN NIGERIA

Author(s): Ejiroghene A. Oghuvbu / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2022

This study examines the roles religion and politics play in the Boko Haram insurgency. In Nigeria, politics and religion occupy a central space. While the two individually generate a plethora of events of varying levels and implications for Nigeria, religion and politics often create a mixture of circumstances and occurrences. The Boko Haram insurgency is one of the many entities that represent the combustible nature of politics and religion in Nigeria. Its activities in the North-East have constituted a challenge to Nigeria’s security. The study adopts the human needs theory to explain Boko Haram Insurgency and its effects on religion and politics in Nigeria. The study employs the qualitative method and relies on secondary sources of data. Specifically, the study draws data from books, book chapters, journals, conference proceedings, newspapers, and online sources. These data are analysed with the use of thematic analysis, to structure the arrangement of the data retrieved by following the objectives of the study. The findings of the study reveal that corruption, radical Islam, and poor governance played salient roles in the development of the sect. In line with these findings, the study recommends that the government must curtail and ultimately defeat the Boko Haram insurgency. To do this, the government must intensify its intelligence-gathering efforts.

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Була папе Николе V деспоту Ђурђу Бранковићу (Рим, 24. октобар 1453. године) у контексту папске крсташке политике

Author(s): Igor Stamenović / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 1/2023

Pope Nicholas V issued a bull to Serbian despot George Brankovic on October 24, 1453, in which he took the despot under papal protection. The bull was analyzed within a broader context of the anti-Ottoman crusading policy of the papacy after the Ottoman conquest of Constantinople (1453). Crusading projects of the Curia and King Alfonso V of Aragon considered the involvement of Balkan Christians in the war against the Turks. The Serbian Despotate, as a state on the direct frontier with the Ottoman Empire, was an integral part of these projects. The growing Ottoman threat caused more intense contacts between despot George and pro-Crusade Western powers, resulting in the issuance of the mentioned bull. The first part of the bull calls on the secular and church authorities to show solidarity with the despot during his confrontations with the Ottomans. The protection of George’s land and personal property during the war was guaranteed. In the next part of the bull, the Pope threatened to punish those who desecrated churches and icons in the despot’s land. This note most likely refers to Franciscan missionaries who were known for their aggressive methods in the conversion of the Orthodox in the border area between the Serbian Despotate, the Kingdom of Bosnia, and the Kingdom of Hungary. The Pope’s note in the bull was probably given to reduce the impact of religious tensions, thus creating conditions for the implementation of the church union. The policy of the union was equally motivated by the religious and political idea of Christianity unified in the anti-Ottoman Crusade. In the last part of the bull, despot George’s confession of faith was confirmed to be in compliance with the faith defined by the Council of Florence (1439). The Serbian Despotate was most probably involved in negotiations about the church union before 1453 at the Councils of Basel (1431–1449) and Ferrara/Florence (1438–1439). Despot George was probably aware of the correlation between the church union and the anti-Ottoman crusading policy. Therefore, the union served as a theo-political means in the mentioned period, as well as in 1453. In the papal bull, George was given the right to observe the Eastern Christian customs, which was in accordance with the decisions of the Council of Florence and the way they were implemented in the East. Contemporary notes of friar John of Capistrano against the validity of despot George’s religious beliefs have been cited as the key reason for doubting the unionist information from the bull. Capistrano’s accusations, however, should be observed separately from the Serbian Despotate’s relations with the Curia. They were primarily the result of the friar’s rigorous attitudes towards non-Western Christian traditions, as well as his active support to the Franciscan missionaries criticized by the papal bull. The alignment of despot George’s faith with the Florentine Confession implied acceptance of the purgatory doctrine. In that way, from the papacy’s point of view, the indulgences given by the crusading bull Etsi ecclesia Christi (1453) could apply to the despot. Despot George’s distancing from the idea of the church union no later than 1456 confirmed the interdependence of crusading and church union policies in his political actions. By that time, despite all the attempts and projects, it became clear that the actual crusade would not be waged.

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THE REALITIES OF CURRENT ORTHODOX LIFE IN UKRAINE DURING THE RUSSIAN-UKRAINIAN WAR

Author(s): Liudmyla Fylypovych / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2023

The article analyses the current situation in Ukrainian Orthodoxy that developed during the Russian-Ukrainian war. War exacerbated the existing confrontation between the Ukrainian Orthodox Church and the Orthodox Church of Ukraine, between church and state. The attitude of society, the state, and the churches to the intra-Orthodox conflict is extremely polarized. The escalation of the crisis is accompanied by the absence of a unified position of the churches, the state, and society on the issues of war. Relations between the State and the Ukrainian Orthodox Church have deteriorated significantly. The Ukrainian Orthodox Church does not engage in dialogue with the authorities, accusing them of persecuting the Orthodox faith and institutions. Society is waiting for an adequate conflict resolution between church and state, between the Ukrainian Orthodox Church and the Orthodox Church of Ukraine.

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STILL STICKING TO THE BIG BROTHER HISTORY, GERMAN PROTESTANTISM AND THE UKRAINIAN WAR

Author(s): Katharina Kunter / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2023

This article examines statements on church policy by leading representatives of the Protestant Church in Germany and the World Council of Churches in the first year of the Ukraine war (2022/23) and places them in a church-historical perspective. Ahistorical appropriations and peculiarities become clear, such as an anachronistic use of Ostpolitik, a Russia-friendly assessment and a largely secular evaluation of the situation in Ukraine.

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POPE FRANCIS AND RUSSIA’S WAR AGAINST UKRAINE

Author(s): Thomas Mark Németh / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2023

This article aims at analysing and commenting the approach and position of Pope Francis and the Holy See in the issue of Russia’s war against Ukraine (2014–) since the full-scale invasion of 2022. Statements and gestures of the Pope that joined Russia and Ukraine together, were often received negatively in Ukraine. The encyclical Fratelli tutti, Vatican neutrality and Ostpolitik raised questions concerning peace ethics and reconciliation. The article presents guiding principles and ideas of the Catholic Church leadership on these issues and shows that there is a demand for active involvement of the Ukrainian side in the discussion process.

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Prawicowość nazizmu? Uwagi na marginesie niemieckiej edycji Mein Kampf Adolfa Hitlera oraz innych publikacji dotyczących narodowego socjalizmu. Problem badawczy

Author(s): Krzysztof Kosiński / Language(s): Polish Issue: 1/2022

Contemporary literature on the subject predominantly regards German National Socialism as a “right-wing” or “radical right-wing” phenomenon. This trend is particularly evident in German and Anglo-Saxon historiography. However, examples from the theory and practice of National Socialism show that this ideology was in many ways the opposite of the traditional right. Hitler’s programme pronouncements demonstrate that he himself positioned himself outside the traditional right and left. Different understandings of rightism and leftism in different countries in Europe and in the United States result in misunderstandings in scientific and journalistic discourse. This is particularly evident in the case of Germany and Poland. A side effect of this phenomenon is the fact that some historians and publicists draw an analogy between German Nazism and Polish National Democracy, as allegedly two variants of nationalism, despite their polar opposite axiology. The far-reaching goal of National Socialism was to overcome and overthrow Christian civilisation, which, to some extent, linked this ideology to the French Revolution and the Bolshevik Revolution.

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Daniel Jurek: Eine kleine Kirche in Europa. Die Tschechoslowakische Hussitische Kirche im Wandel zwischen Nationalkirche und europäischem kirchlichen Akteur

Author(s): Johannes Gleixner / Language(s): German Issue: 2/2023

Review of: Daniel Jurek: Eine kleine Kirche in Europa.Die Tschechoslowakische Hussitische Kirche im Wandel zwischen Nationalkirche und europäischem kirchlichen Akteur. (Veröf-fentlichungen des Instituts für Europäische Geschichte Mainz 2017, Bd. 258.) Vanden-hoeck & Ruprecht. Göttingen 2017. 312 S. ISBN 978-3-525-59379-0

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PAŃSTWO ISLAMSKIE PRZECIW SYSTEMOWI ŚWIATOWEMU

Author(s): Kornel Sawiński / Language(s): Polish Issue: 15/2022

The world system, understood as one organism, from time to time experiences an attack by “microorganisms” interested in its annihilation or at least in its weakening. A few years ago, this role was played by the Islamic State, with the goal of fighting the rotten, hypocritical and injust international system. According to the Islamists, this system included all countries of the world, as well as Muslims who did not swear allegiance to the Caliph Baghdadi. The Islamic State was a state entity completely different from any other country in the world. It was not recognized by anyone, it was not a member of the United Nations, or any existing international organization. Even though, as a state, it was not recognized by anyone, Daesh was recognized by everyone as a terrorist organization that should be exemplarily and comprehensively annihilated. The ideology used by the Islamic State was Salafism as an apocalyptic response to the injustice and lie of the “system”. Poverty, the lack of a radical and comprehensive ideological alternative for people who are excluded, angry at the lack of perspectives, meaninglessness, double standards and hypocrisy have fueled the Islamists. Utopism for complete equality resembled the first Bolsheviks or early Christians, with the motto “there is no Greek or Jew”. The Islamic State, driven by Salafism, has thrown down the gauntlet to the world order, largely created by the West. This time the world system defeated the “microbes” that were attacking it. Its “guardians”: politicians, journalists, philosophers and religious leaders should, however, think deeply about the condition of the “immune system” for the future, re-evaluate some of the ways of functioning and the dominant norms that govern the system, because successive victories over successive “microbes” in changing civilisational conditions are not at all obvious.

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Mapping religious conflicts in contemporary world: causes, trends and solutions

Author(s): Ioan Dura,Ion Apostu,Ştefan Lazăr,Ion Partebună / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2022

With regret, we note that in the 21st century the culture of peace is a desirable reality. Desirable because today's global engagements, which have accumulated energies of common intent, show us that they fail to stabilize certain poles of conflict in the harmony of peace. Quite simply, religious conflict, whatever the reasons or motives behind it, is present in the world. This study provides an overview of the current situation of religious conflicts and terrorist attacks in the world based on data from Religion and Armed Conflict (RELAC) and the European Union Terrorism Situation and Trend Report (TE-SAT), with an indication of the particular elements involved in the process of generating, carrying out and possibly resolving them. Tangentially, although necessary for such a study, we will attempt an answer to the question: is interreligious dialogue a concrete solution to minimize the religious conflicts?

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Cǎtălin Raiu. 2021. Libertatea religioasă între politică şi politici - O analiză politică a standardelor internaţionale, legislaţiei naţionale şi practicii guvernamentale în pandemie. Iaşi: Doxologia, 254 pag.

Author(s): Emilian-Iustinian Roman / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2022

Review: Cǎtălin Raiu, Libertatea religioasă între politică şi politici - O analiză politică a standardelor internaţionale, legislaţiei naţionale şi practicii guvernamentale în pandemie. Iaşi: Doxologia, 2021; 254 pag.

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ПРАВНИ СТАТУС ЦРКАВА И ВЕРСКИХ ЗАЈЕДНИЦА У РЕПУБЛИЦИ СРБИЈИ - ПОЗИТИВНОПРАВНИ ОКВИРИ И ПИТАЊЕ ВЕРСКЕ РАВНОПРАВНОСТИ

Author(s): Aleksandar Matković / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 50/2017

In this paper author analyzes the matter of legal positions and mutual relations between churches and religious communities in the Republic of Serbia. Research involves the study of the Constitution of the Republic of Serbia, the Law on Churches and Religious Communities, the Law Against Discrimination, as well as the Register of churches and religious communities. It is noted that Serbia’s legal system guarantees religious freedom, religious right sand equality, and that the legal provisions generally follow the constitutional concept of equality and religious liberality. On the other hand, there are certain differences between constitutional principles and legal provisions that may represent direct or indirect forms of violations of religious equality and one of the forms of legalization and legitimization of discrimination on religious grounds. In this sense, author primarily emphasize the legal separation of the “traditional” churches and religious communities, as well as the statutory exceptions to the exercise of discrimination concerning the behaviour of priests and religious officials.

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The Romanian Orthodox Deanery of Chişinău-Criş (1765-1918). Attestation and evolution

Author(s): Alin-Florin Ciotea / Language(s): English Issue: 2/2022

The Orthodox Romanian deanery of Chişinău-Criş is one of the historic tracts within the Eparchy of Arad. Attested by documents in the second half of the 18th century, for two hundred years it will contribute to the development and good running of church, social and even national-political life. Taking into account the multi-ethnic, multicultural and multi-confessional challenges in these parts of the country we will realize that the effort made in this regard was colossal. Endowed by God, through the diocesan authorities, with capable Archpriests and vocational priests, the Chişinău-Criş Archdiocese will endure the hardships of the times, including after the establishment of the communist regime in Romania. However, shortly after its bicentennial, in 1968 it will be abolished. Thus ends the existence of one of the oldest and most dynamic deaneries that has shaped the history of the Arad's Episcopate for two centuries.

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Identity, Nostalgia and Religion: Making Sense of Turkey and the Balkan Relations in the Twenty-first Century

Author(s): Ahmet Erdi Öztürk / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2023

This article deals with Turkey’s increasing involvement and activism in the Balkan Peninsula between 2002 and 2022, under the rule of the Justice and Development Party and asks two different questions 1) If the Balkan elites perceive the policies implemented by Turkey differently and relatively pejoratively, what is the reason for this and how can we explain it theoretically? 2) What kind of differences does the current position of Turkey-Balkan relations cause us to observe in classical international relations? To answer these questions, this study seeks to shed much needed light on this aspect of Turkish relations with its Balkan neighbours in the context of the broader shift in Turkish domestic and foreign policy under the AKP from a realist-secular orientation to an ambiguous Sunni Islamic. Therefore, it explains the complex relations between religion, nostalgia and identity, and its reflections on state power.

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O retorycznej sile łączenia motywów religijnych i politycznych w analogiach i przykładach stosowanych w kazaniach inaugurujących sejmy doby przedrozbiorowe

Author(s): Małgorzata Dawidziak-Kładoczna / Language(s): Polish Issue: 39/2022

On the rhetorical power of combining religious and political motives in the analogies and examples used in the sermons inaugurating the parliaments of the pre-partition era The subject of the article are sermons delivered during the inauguration of the Polish Sejms of the pre-partition era. The content and selection of the linguistic means used in these speeches are known from the reports contained in the parliamentary diaries, especially those created in the 18th century. Preachers combined political and religious threads using the form of analogy and example. The former are always aimed at connecting the spheres of the sacred and the profane. Clergy refer to the truths of faith or ethical concepts and categories as well as to the liturgical calendar, and also use polysemy. In turn, the sources of examples are biblical characters and events and the saints of the Catholic Church.

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The Impact of Violent Religious Extremism on Various Cultural Components of Pakistani Society

Author(s): Syed Subtain Hussain Shah / Language(s): English Issue: 2/2022

Aim. The aim of this research paper is to investigate threats of religious extremism to the various cultural components of Pakistani society. Religious extremism has rapidly increased in Pakistan since the 1970s, but this study is particularly focused on its impact on cultural elements of the country in the post 9/11 and post-Arab Spring eras. Methods. The author applied the process tracing method of qualitative approach for examining chains of the events related to the question of the impact of religious extremism on the various cultural components of Pakistani society. The situational analysis also explored the various situations connected with threats of extremism to Pakistani culture. Results. The study identified the threats of religious extremism to a number of cultural aspects of Pakistani society, such as schooling (education), traditional literature (Sufi poetry), customary art and folk music, social cultural networking, and sports in the tribal areas and other regions in the country. Conclusion. The cultural life of a state encompasses various traits of the cultural aspect of national security. In the case of Pakistan, initially two important developments; Islamization of the country and Afghan Jihad in the 1970s both severely affected the society. Then, the eras of post 9/11 and post Arab Spring further witnessed the fast emergence of threats by religious extremists to the cultural elements in various parts of the country, including its tribal regions bordering Afghanistan, and these trends also impacted other regions of the country.

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Ruski svijet kao moralna zajednica i vanjskopolitička doktrina

Author(s): Marko Boris Bajt,Stipe Buzar / Language(s): Croatian Issue: 1/2023

In this paper the authors approach the concept of the Russian “world” as a moral and civilizational concept in the service of Russian foreign policy. The main idea of the Russian world is that there is a distinct Russian civilization that is dominant to the cultures of neighboring countries, but also to that of Western civilizations from which it differs significantly in its cultural and moral values. The concept of the Russian world has a long history, beginning in the 1990´s. Since the first decade of Putin’s rule, its content changed and the concept has been promoted among the central concepts of Russian foreign policy doctrine and practice. The concept of the Russian world is fluid, its elements often contradict each other.The concept enjoys significant support from the Russian Orthodox Church, which gives it its spiritual blessing and enables its wider approval. It is also controversial because it leaves neighboring countries only limited sovereignty in their decision-making, while it serves Russia as a means of justifying interventions into their internal affairs.

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