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Since its establishment in 2003 and until today Facebook has become the most progressive social communication network that represents a medium through which we can freely express our ideas, thoughts, and transfer information. Today we can witness the abuse of the freedom of speech offered by Facebook, a freedom which is among other things used for spreading ideas and thoughts that incite to violence and hatred towards individuals or specific social groups, thus turning Facebook into a platform for propagation of hate speech which is the subject of this study. The research question that we tackle is what are the actual user experiences associated with hate speech on Facebook. The method of the research is based on using surveys to examine to what extent and in what way the users faced hate speech on Facebook, towards whom was it directed, how did they react and how could they protect themselves. The aim of the research is to create a profile of the average user based on the results obtained in the surveys. The results of the research confirmed the initial research thesis by which the users experienced hate speech, but they do not know how to fully evaluate it.
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Ponovna uporaba informacija (re-use of public sector information) označava korištenje informacija koje prikuplja, održava ili izrađuje javna uprava od strane fizičkih i pravnih osoba za svrhe, komercijalne ili nekomercijalne, kojima nisu primarno namijenjene. Pri tome je odlučeno da su informacije pružene na zahtjev ili objavljene u formatu koji omogućuje elektroničku ponovnu uporabu. Trend ponovne uporabe informacija javlja se krajem 1990-ih u Europskoj uniji, a zatim i međunarodnim organizacijama i političkim inicijativama, po uzoru na SAD. Ideja u pozadini koncepta ponovne uporabe informacija jest da su informacije javnog sektora u zajedničkom vlasništvu svih građana te da inovativno korištenje tih podataka, ukoliko nisu ograničeni pravima intelektualnog vlasništva, zaštite osobnih podataka, sigurnosti ili poslovne tajne, treba biti omogućeno čitavom društvu, a u svrhu stvaranja dodane vrijednosti koju oni koji koriste informacije mogu ostvarivati na tržištu ili u javnom interesu. Poticaji ponovnoj uporabi mogu se naći u promijenjenim okolnostima i evoluciji upravljanja na prijelazu tisućljeća – menadžerskoj revoluciji u upravi, koja se okreće korisnicima prema načelima efikasnosti, efektivnosti i ekonomičnosti; tehnološkoj revoluciji u društvu, gospodarstvu i javnoj upravi, koja omogućava korištenje informacija i promjenu načina rada uprave u smislu e-uprave; te političko-demokratskoj promjeni koja u okviru koncepta dobrog upravljanja promiče transparentnost i otvorenost uprave. Građani više nisu samo nositelji prava, već postaju partneri koji sudjeluju u radu uprave i poduzetnici, koji s državom ulaze u ekonomske odnose stvarajući dodatnu vrijednost u javnom interesu.
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This article deals with public, political discourse over One Belt One Road (OBOR) initiative in Poland. OBOR has recently become very popular in Poland as it encapsulates the noticeable fascination on China and on geopolitics among parts of Polish society. This article describes this phenomenon and delaminates the mainstream political discourse over OBOR into two main strands: great geopolitical and/or geoeconomic chance (pro-OBOR discourse) and security threat (anti-OBOR). The advocates of the former see the project as a great geopolitical and economic opportunity for Poland; the supporters of the latter find it a threat to Polish security and/or economic interests. This discourse echoes internal divisions within current Polish government on its China policy and can be observed against the background of China’s dynamic enter to Central and Eastern Europe, particularly to Czech Republic, Hungary and Serbia.
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There has been an increased interest in the field of informational and psychological warfare conducted by the Russian Federation directed at Western countries and their allies following the intensification of the conflict in Ukraine. The most visible example of this are the activities in the field of propaganda, disinformation and psychological operations accompanied the annexation of the Crimea and manipulate the American public during the presidential election in 2016. Trolling as one of using tools of such activity is a highly visible manifestation in which users or automatic comment generation programs manipulate online discussions. This phenomenon is visible and widely discussed in the media discourse. Efforts are being made to develop academically rigorous systems of identification and description. This paper presents the results and main conclusions reached through the application of the author’s method of analysing key words supported by corpus-based analysis in exploring this phenomenon.
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The research on the pluralistic nature of the phenomenon of “ketman”, which is at the same time as the art of duplicity, manifested in the sphere of (political) communication, social- psychological and psychological level is the main topic of this paper. Czeslaw Milosz‘s interpretation of this phenomenon was more than instructive in this regard, so his insight gained the central importance in the paper. As a form of dissimulation, the system of response to the political repression, a hidden form of (political) differences and socially shaped form of concealment, “ketman” presents a very complex phenomenon that goes well beyond such a term for masking the sheer fear and opportunism, as determined by one of the critics of Czeslaw Milosz’s study. Starting from the idea of a religious mask, taken from the Islamic tradition, Czeslaw Milosz singled out two of its dimensions: the moral principle that justifies the application of religious cunning disguise, thus providing a kind of satisfaction and sense of superiority of one who practices “ketman”, and the moment of the hypocrisy of skills. Th ese two dimensions of Gabineau’s idea were developed by deepening their psychological, cultural and anthropological sense. Exploring the phenomenon of “ketman” in Polish society under Stalinist repression, the author has come to the definition of modern ideological forms of “ketman”: “national ketman”, “ketman of revolutionary purity”, “ketman metaphysical”, “aesthetic ketman” and “ethical ketman”. Offering meticulous analysis of the circumstances, reasons and consequences of each of these types of “ketman”, both for those who practice them directly and for the society as a whole, the author has focused on the socio- psychological level of phenomena. Th us, in the falsification of identity to the public in its need to survive revealed a complex acrobatics of the mind which should do the cunning duplicity and preserve the moral and psychological coherence despite segregation, and destructive consequences of this form of selfmanipulation. Taking into account all these dimensions of its expression, it can be concluded that “ketman” is transcivilisational and transideological phenomenon, and that the degree of application of “ketman” in a society is an indicator of its repressive system of government, disorders in relations between the private and public spheres, and the states of the public life of that society, as well as its political culture.
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Present day communication creates opportunity to develop participatory model of democracy. Its dominant characteristics are interaction and ability to present individual content and opinion in public sphere. New ways of communication through computers and global network enable greater number of community members to provide their comments and take part in forming public opinion. Information and communications technology allows innovation in traditional media, creation of new forms and produces unlimited amount of information from the political sphere for broad range of users. This in turn enables more informed political choice in democratic society and articulation of prevailing public opinion on broad social issues. Certain examples of forming public opinion, such as was the Arab Spring, revealed the importance and democratic potentials of these new use of media. These social movements increase the responsibilities of politicians in developed democracies, and more importantly present new ways of using media in the process of democratisation of some societies. However, a creation of new ways of communication in a society does not necessarily indicate that a qualitative progress in improving democratic parameters has been achieved. There are still problems related to the technical component of the communication based on computer technology: limited accessibility for some users who are not proficient, but also overload of often unreliable and no quality information. The other type of problems is related to the users of new and innovative means of communication who are the subject of democratic communication at the same time. A citizen must be motivated to search for the information needed for his/her role of an political individual and must show interest in social role of his/her being. The new way of communication reveals that Internet users can be separated and locked out by filtering information and opinions that reflects previous stands, not by ex- change of ideas that would produce productive attitudes and true public opinion. These new way of communication are abundant in negative and extremists views and bigoted polarisation that are miles away from public discussions on all- important social issues and Price’s conversion of media audience to the public. Anonymity reduces the responsibility of the negative effects that written word may have on other people. As widely acknowledged, communication through social media has also been exposed to manipulation and mismanagement. In addition, democratic potential of internet and new media have been marginalised by the way modern governments use these new technologies. Some research has confirmed that the most prevailing model of interaction between government and citizens is more commanding than consultative and inclusive. Governments still use Grunig’s model of public information that aims to distribute information for which feedback is not sought and which supposed to influence the public to support the interest of the organisation it represents. Informational technologies and the types of communications they enable can contribute significantly to democratic processes if some simple rules are obeyed such as: promotion of public debate and behaviour, forming of public discourse not focus on the private one, respect for social norms and ethics and responsibility for written publications. Every successful manifestation of virtual public that is democratic or just advocating democracy confirms the importance and usefulness of the global network and its products for the strengthening of democracy. Such manifestation are not rare globally any more but they may be susceptible to mismanagement and abuses which does not support democracy. The advantage of informational technology and new ways of communication between communities are beneficial to the Serbian society as much as this technology is being developed and becoming informational. But, how much it can contribute towards democratic processes in Serbia? Electronic versions of traditional media offer more opportunity for interaction and in addition to that, more citizens of Serbia use social network. However, there are some impediments in all these parameters of the use of the new ways of communication in Serbian democracy – complex socio- economic environment that threaten traditional media and influence the use of the global network, non- existence or disrespect for public debate or hiding behind anonymity that breeds extremism. Perhaps the most important flaw in the Serbian political life is the lack of support for consultative and participatory model of communication with the public. Instead, indirect information through traditional media still prevails and this is subjected to various non-media influences of the political elite and private businesses. Further investigation of the Serbian political scene should examine current use of new technologies for enabling two way communications between power holders and citizens as it is the precondition for democratic development. There is also a need to analyse positive examples of respectful and responsible treatment of prevailing opinion of the majority by decision makers.
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This paper has a goal to mark new dimensions of power as crucial factors for nation’s image promotion in modern globalized word, in which media play a central role. Without the development of the all- inclusive strategy, founded on soft and smart power, and implementation of well- known marketing and management tools it is not possible to create and promote image of any nation. Field of new power dimension gives a good opportunity for creation and promotion of image of nations which don’t have traditional power resources, among which is Serbia as well. By creation and implementation of this kind of strategy it is possible to exceed limits and prejudices related to certain nations in international public, which is prerequisite for their joining to modern international political and economical relationships. This is a reason why nation image promotion should be seen as an investment in better future. In spirit of that, national identity and nation’s distinctions have fundamental importance, even though it is one of the contradiction of globalization.
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In the paper author wrote on corporative public relations in institutions of (neo)liberal and social states, paying special attention to the notion, structure and functions within theoretical-methodological approach in, for example, the works of Jurgen Habermas, Luckman and other relevant authors in this field. In a dilemma regarding (neo)liberal and welfare state the author supports a social welfare state model, taking into account its all positive and negative consequences. Through an analysis of a model of corporative public relations, the author shows that essentially he supports the (neo)liberal state concept, in particular the ideas of Milton Friedman and other proponents of the monetary school in business economy, politics and more broadly in whole society. The corporative public relations are indeed a socio- economic and political indicator of possible modern state model in 21st century which after all, considering globalization of the world law, economy and politics, is going to be based on innovations, knowledge and communications or information society. Therefore the corporative public relations in the state institutions are the indicator of a social, political and economic character of a society, especially in case of a transitional society.
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Quality is a pervasive notion that can be found in a wide variety of societal domains. Within the cultural domain its intrinsic articulation with aesthetics, beauty, civilisation and culture as such has produced a Gordian knot that is virtually impossible to untie. But at the same time the quality concept, however complex and multi-layered it might be, unavoidably incorporates and invigorates processes of distinction, hierarchisation and judgement. Without stepping into the trap of the nihilist forms of cultural relativism, this text wants to investigate the possibilities of opening-up the quality concept to more political-democratic discourses, which show, on the one hand, its potential for an articulation of quality within a democratic framework, but which also allow for the deconstruction of the quality concept’s rigidity. The starting point of this investigation is an overview of more traditional perspectives of, or discourses on, quality, which articulate quality as aesthetic/artistic, professional or technological. Also a number of (slightly) less conventional discourses on quality, which have evolved out of the discussions on (mainly) aesthetic and professional quality are discussed here. They have been termed audience-based and social quality. In the second part of this text, especially the notion of social quality is used as a starting point to expand into the realm of political-democratic. Here, the concept of democratic quality is elaborated, which values a set of specific attributes of media practices, processes and outputs, by revisiting an earlier developed typology on democratic and journalistic practices (Carpentier, 2007). The third part of this text uses a small group of interviews with community media producers in Austria and Switzerland to argue that through the participatory cultures of these radio stations, another quality concept can be observed and theoretised. The producers do deploy a democratic quality discourse and a re-articulated (de-professionalised) professional quality discourse, but they also use a discourse on quality which can be termed negotiated quality, as it is not longer defined as fixed and given, but seen as part of the negotiation(s) between different actors at the radio stations, including staff members, board members, programme makers and members of the audience. These radio producers show that the universalised quality concept can be deconstructed without destroying it, opening up the way for rethinking the quality concept.
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The paper problematizes importance of religion in the countries in transition for the development of the culture of peace and the globalization of understanding and solidarity, ie. for realization of socio- cultural integrative role that religion plays in contemporary world. The paper especially focuses on the relation among three factors: religion, the media and the culture of peace.The paper’s starting point is the following (hypo)thesis: the implosion of socialism in most postsocialist societies has brought about a cultural shock, causing those societies to find themselves in a state of anomia and trauma, and in an unprecedented gap between the past and the future. It is in such a situation, when the old system of hegemony has disintegrated and the values and mechanisms of the new one have not yet been established, that religion and the media can represent a factor of both integration and disintegration, of both stabilization and destabilization. This particular relation is explored using the example of the Balkans in the periods between 1990 and 2000, and between 2000 and 2010. In the former period, religion and the media in this geospace, and especially in former Yugoslavia, being instrumentalized by the political factor, played a negative role, encouraging ethnopolitical conflicts and the senseless game of ‘’murderous identities’’, of national particularities gone wild, which brought about not only the disintegration of the Yugoslav political community, but also the destabilization of various nations through their reethnization and rebalkanization.Yet another focus of the paper is the research of the positive integrative function of religion and the media, when they, in a postconflict situation, have the potential to open the roads of globalization of under- standing and co-operation among various nations and cultures.
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Objective of this text is to present basic controversies in understanding of the public sphere on the line of separation of modern and post- modern thinking. Taking this objective into consideration, firstly there are presented basic ideas of Habermasian- Arendt (modern) concept of the public sphere, and then they are compared with the ideas of Michael Foucault, Jean Baudrillard and Francois Liotard that reflect three types of contemporary post- modern objections to this concept: the type of objections that are in regard to the „power objection“ (M. Foucault), epistemological objection (F. Liotard) and ontological objection (J. Baudrillard). Although the word here is about irreconcilability of the theoretical positions, it does not necessarily imply the necessity for abandoning some of them, but, on the contrary, the encouragement for its further reflections and (im)possible harmonization. Although contemporary objections of the narrative of the public have their own undoubtful relevancy, the question remains as to whether the concept of the public sphere without normative principles might be a social project that is relevant for the critiques and development of democratic practice in contemporary society.
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Undertaking a content analysis and analyzing the literature corresponding both to the role of the Internet in modern election campaigns (cyber campaigning), as well as that which assesses the crisis of public communication and the democratic potential of the Internet, this article explores: a) how and to what extent did Croatian political parties utilize the marketing potential of the Internet during the 2007 parliamentary elections; and b) how and to what extent did they use the Internet to encourage citizens (on or offline) to participate in the political sphere. The results indicate that during the 2007 Croatian Parliamentary elections, political parties only partially utilized the potential advantages of Internet marketing. An analysis of the elements of interactivity revealed that campaigning parties generally did not use the Internet as a means to engage voters. The results in this study, however, confirm a number of trends found in other countries. The use of the Internet as an instrument to engage citizens online and increase political participation has not confirmed the optimistic predictions surrounding this issue.
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In this article, the authors analyze face-to-face and interactive tours of Robben Island, South Africa. Using ethnographic and rhetorical research methods, they consider the ways in which the Island employs themes of triumph over oppression as a form of nation building. In addition, they consider the ways in which museum narratives may limit how visitors think about social justice in contemporary South Africa.
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The project to link Russia to Crimea is on schedule, Russian engineers say.
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The main goal of the article is to analyse censorship interventions made in articles raising the topics of the referendum and the election to the Legislative Sejm which were prepared for print in the periodicals of the Polish People’s Party. The material developed by the Main Office of Control of Press, Publications and Shows in Warsaw and by its regional divisions constituted its basic source of information. I conducted a quantitative analysis of the interventions using a sample of the reports of the censorship institution regarding the “Polska Ludowa” periodical. I have also discussed the content removed from print. Within the studied area, censorship most often prevented the PSL periodicals from publishing information regarding the repressions of the PSL’s activists, informing about the organisation of both events and suggesting the fact of forging votes.
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The present work aims to address the relationship between war memory and media culture, along with present political and social issues. Through an analysis of the Italian development and construction of Holocaust memory by means of movies and television, I endevour to show how the subject of war memory has been the result of the interplay of both media logic and political ideology, whose aim vary according to the socio-political needs of the ruling class and of the cultural industry. The disappointing absence in the Italian memory of the Holocaust, of any conscientious attempt to face the historical responsibility of the war, of the racial laws (1938), and of the Shoa itself, reveal how the inclusion of narratives of victimhood, of innocence, and of redemptive Resistance, are not only the result of aesthetic representational choices, but are part of a wider cultural practice which, by all means, is ideological.
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The time of single-party system that ocurred after World War II has set up the public frames which, especially in Montenegro –the most conservative former Yugoslavian state– have kept up their far-reaching and dominant influences till the Modern epoch and the emergence of popular culture. Basic characteristics of postwar Yugoslavia media practices are recognized in a more intensive media focus on social prosperity and its idealization, along with a more important role of photography in terms of promoting positive effects of Yugoslav Front, building a new society, its easthetization of ideology and the ideologization of aesthetics. The chosen examples suggest that press from that era is implicative of gender identities being created on the imaginary world of community, which acts as a manipulating connection between ideology and ordinary man. Dominant power via media images constructs ideals of mass society, their aesthetics, sensual experience of a world, consumer habits and the relation to the body of an individual. The purpose of this manuscript is also to hint at the very suggestive role of the public photography, as well as at the role of that kind of photography which through the front page of the newspapers carried the image of printed media and was the voice of new representations and understanding of social freedom. This paper is grounded on the motive of discussion inspired by a Slavoj Žižek’s statement that reality is never direct, never alone, but only mediated through symbols and apparatus.
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The aim of the paper is to point to the role of television (mainly state owned and controlled) and ritual actions, in creating and distributing messages concerning important social and political events during the 1990s. The main argument is that the urban street political protest actions that were performed by the political and social opponents of the ruling regime, mainly in Belgrade streets and squares, were a logical outcome of the regime’s media policy, and closely dependent on it. The aim of that policy was to silence the opposing voices and make them invisible, but also to avoid speaking about events that might threaten the image of the ruling regime as tolerant, peaceful and patriotic, the examples of which were information on war crimes, and devastations of Vukovar, Dubrovnik and Sarajevo. Political protests and ritual actions have created a place where these issues could safely be spoken out, thus creating an emerging public counter sphere. Instead of considering media and rituals as separated ways of communication, it will be showed how in particular social and political context in Serbia during 1990s, television and rituals have reached a point of mutual constitution and articulation.
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The main characteristic of postmodern capitalism is a thorough commoditization and resourcification of culture and culture production. Images also are produced and consumed. They entrench visual commodity relations. These relations ground registers of exploration and interpretation. Rapid development of information and telecommunication technologies turns everybody into a producer and consumer of various images. This transformation provides the means for storing that production and thus enforcing the attitude of seeing the human world as the storage of inexhaustible visual resources. The flood of images in media industries is stimulated by the capacity of images to induce human susceptibility directly, evading the rational intellect. This capasity is used in public policy by public relation firms which produce political images. Thus inevitably public policy is conducted according principles of marketization and advertising. The article deals with three main questions, namely, a) how postmodern production of images impact on individual identity construction, b) what basic attitude grounds the sphere of media industries and advertisement, c) how produced images determine relations in the sphere of political communication and public policy.
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