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Military coups (coup d’état) have an important position in Turkish political history. Many military coups or coup attempts have been made from the proclamation of the republic until today and each government or candidate for government has created written texts or oral texts so as to explain their objectives i.e. why they are devoted. Those political texts offer an important resource for researches in all fields. Military coup texts are not randomly prepared ones; rather, they are generated with a rational and logical reasoning. The prepared texts require appropriate editing according to the target audience and conditions of those specific periods for they reach to a large number of people via mass media. Thus, approval of the target audience is taken into consideration. Political texts as well as other texts have its characteristic features and they are influenced by the periods in which they are created. Therefore, the aim of this study is to reveal how text creators form declaration texts using the linguistics tools. Accordingly, text of the 12 September 1980 military coup speech delivered by Kenan Evren will be analysed based on the textlinguistics methods. Knowledge on the text, textlinguistics and corpus will be given, and then a textual analysis will be made. It is aimed to show how the text in question was arranged for the reader at that time by means of considering conditions for the text production. Sentence connections constituting intratextual meaning will be examined. How the text in question was constituted and how the constituted textual structures were associated with the function of the text will be determined and revealed. Therefore, what the text aimed to tell will be much easily conveyed by means of the parts constituting the whole text.
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Since its establishment in 2003 and until today Facebook has become the most progressive social communication network that represents a medium through which we can freely express our ideas, thoughts, and transfer information. Today we can witness the abuse of the freedom of speech offered by Facebook, a freedom which is among other things used for spreading ideas and thoughts that incite to violence and hatred towards individuals or specific social groups, thus turning Facebook into a platform for propagation of hate speech which is the subject of this study. The research question that we tackle is what are the actual user experiences associated with hate speech on Facebook. The method of the research is based on using surveys to examine to what extent and in what way the users faced hate speech on Facebook, towards whom was it directed, how did they react and how could they protect themselves. The aim of the research is to create a profile of the average user based on the results obtained in the surveys. The results of the research confirmed the initial research thesis by which the users experienced hate speech, but they do not know how to fully evaluate it.
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Undertaking a content analysis and analyzing the literature corresponding both to the role of the Internet in modern election campaigns (cyber campaigning), as well as that which assesses the crisis of public communication and the democratic potential of the Internet, this article explores: a) how and to what extent did Croatian political parties utilize the marketing potential of the Internet during the 2007 parliamentary elections; and b) how and to what extent did they use the Internet to encourage citizens (on or offline) to participate in the political sphere. The results indicate that during the 2007 Croatian Parliamentary elections, political parties only partially utilized the potential advantages of Internet marketing. An analysis of the elements of interactivity revealed that campaigning parties generally did not use the Internet as a means to engage voters. The results in this study, however, confirm a number of trends found in other countries. The use of the Internet as an instrument to engage citizens online and increase political participation has not confirmed the optimistic predictions surrounding this issue.
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In this article, the authors analyze face-to-face and interactive tours of Robben Island, South Africa. Using ethnographic and rhetorical research methods, they consider the ways in which the Island employs themes of triumph over oppression as a form of nation building. In addition, they consider the ways in which museum narratives may limit how visitors think about social justice in contemporary South Africa.
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In political discourse, the notion of sustainability frames a worldwide debate on how to ensure future constructive development on a global scale. Decades ago, the finiteness of natural reserves firstly initiated an awareness for the need of sustainable economic development. Recently, political agendas on sustainability and sustainable development also comprise the pillar of social sustainability. While intercultural understanding is seen as a necessary condition to ensure social sustainability, a corresponding concept of the sustainability of intercultural understanding has not been elaborated any further, yet. This article fleshes out the normative frameworks of the political discourse on sustainability. It will then explore the contemporary field of intercultural communication research to find out in what ways the existing research can contribute to specify the role of intercultural understanding in sustainability discourse. Centrally, potential normative orientations underlying intercultural communication theory and research need to be identified to build a bridge to the normative discourse on sustainability.
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The project to link Russia to Crimea is on schedule, Russian engineers say.
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The main goal of the article is to analyse censorship interventions made in articles raising the topics of the referendum and the election to the Legislative Sejm which were prepared for print in the periodicals of the Polish People’s Party. The material developed by the Main Office of Control of Press, Publications and Shows in Warsaw and by its regional divisions constituted its basic source of information. I conducted a quantitative analysis of the interventions using a sample of the reports of the censorship institution regarding the “Polska Ludowa” periodical. I have also discussed the content removed from print. Within the studied area, censorship most often prevented the PSL periodicals from publishing information regarding the repressions of the PSL’s activists, informing about the organisation of both events and suggesting the fact of forging votes.
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The present work aims to address the relationship between war memory and media culture, along with present political and social issues. Through an analysis of the Italian development and construction of Holocaust memory by means of movies and television, I endevour to show how the subject of war memory has been the result of the interplay of both media logic and political ideology, whose aim vary according to the socio-political needs of the ruling class and of the cultural industry. The disappointing absence in the Italian memory of the Holocaust, of any conscientious attempt to face the historical responsibility of the war, of the racial laws (1938), and of the Shoa itself, reveal how the inclusion of narratives of victimhood, of innocence, and of redemptive Resistance, are not only the result of aesthetic representational choices, but are part of a wider cultural practice which, by all means, is ideological.
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This paper aims to question of the relationship between the phenomenon of "Islamic radicalization" supposed to be a breeding ground for terrorism and the concept of territoriality that suggests the occupation of spaces like prisons by the actors suspected to be associated with these phenomena.
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The time of single-party system that ocurred after World War II has set up the public frames which, especially in Montenegro –the most conservative former Yugoslavian state– have kept up their far-reaching and dominant influences till the Modern epoch and the emergence of popular culture. Basic characteristics of postwar Yugoslavia media practices are recognized in a more intensive media focus on social prosperity and its idealization, along with a more important role of photography in terms of promoting positive effects of Yugoslav Front, building a new society, its easthetization of ideology and the ideologization of aesthetics. The chosen examples suggest that press from that era is implicative of gender identities being created on the imaginary world of community, which acts as a manipulating connection between ideology and ordinary man. Dominant power via media images constructs ideals of mass society, their aesthetics, sensual experience of a world, consumer habits and the relation to the body of an individual. The purpose of this manuscript is also to hint at the very suggestive role of the public photography, as well as at the role of that kind of photography which through the front page of the newspapers carried the image of printed media and was the voice of new representations and understanding of social freedom. This paper is grounded on the motive of discussion inspired by a Slavoj Žižek’s statement that reality is never direct, never alone, but only mediated through symbols and apparatus.
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The aim of the paper is to point to the role of television (mainly state owned and controlled) and ritual actions, in creating and distributing messages concerning important social and political events during the 1990s. The main argument is that the urban street political protest actions that were performed by the political and social opponents of the ruling regime, mainly in Belgrade streets and squares, were a logical outcome of the regime’s media policy, and closely dependent on it. The aim of that policy was to silence the opposing voices and make them invisible, but also to avoid speaking about events that might threaten the image of the ruling regime as tolerant, peaceful and patriotic, the examples of which were information on war crimes, and devastations of Vukovar, Dubrovnik and Sarajevo. Political protests and ritual actions have created a place where these issues could safely be spoken out, thus creating an emerging public counter sphere. Instead of considering media and rituals as separated ways of communication, it will be showed how in particular social and political context in Serbia during 1990s, television and rituals have reached a point of mutual constitution and articulation.
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The main characteristic of postmodern capitalism is a thorough commoditization and resourcification of culture and culture production. Images also are produced and consumed. They entrench visual commodity relations. These relations ground registers of exploration and interpretation. Rapid development of information and telecommunication technologies turns everybody into a producer and consumer of various images. This transformation provides the means for storing that production and thus enforcing the attitude of seeing the human world as the storage of inexhaustible visual resources. The flood of images in media industries is stimulated by the capacity of images to induce human susceptibility directly, evading the rational intellect. This capasity is used in public policy by public relation firms which produce political images. Thus inevitably public policy is conducted according principles of marketization and advertising. The article deals with three main questions, namely, a) how postmodern production of images impact on individual identity construction, b) what basic attitude grounds the sphere of media industries and advertisement, c) how produced images determine relations in the sphere of political communication and public policy.
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Russia and Turkey are among the most important geopolitical players of Eurasia, the grand chessboard of international relations, and both countries with their military and economic power are pivotal countries where all eyes are initially turned to when the region’s geopolitics is concerned. Especially in regard to decisions that can affect the regional dynamics and power balance, Russian and Turkish decision making mechanisms become crucial. Therefore understanding the belief systems of Russian and Turkish decision makers does not only mean understanding their individual decision making processes but rather it is of great value for political scientists to read the bigger picture of the political arena and predicting these leaders’ moves on the chessboard of the region. At this point, Operational Code, a method within the scope of the political psychology, can function as an important instrument because this method helps build leaders’ cognitive schemata. Moreover it is also of great use in interpreting controversial moves and risk-seeking attitudes in times of political crisis. This article aims to make a comparative analysis of Russian president Vladimir Putin and Turkish president Recep Tayyip Erdoğan both of who have left their marks on 21st century Eurasia where risks are also increased. Consequently, we hope to contribute not only to the literature of political psychology and Operational Code but also predictability of international relations.
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After the formation of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (SFRY), the Communist Party of Yugoslavia (CPY) has organized large work and youth actions aimed at rebuilding the country after the Second World War. The main hypothesis of this paper is that in Yugoslavia there was no participation in the true sense, but that there were mechanisms which represented the ideology of participation. Work actions had huge impact on rebuilding the land, but they were not voluntary - which is a basic requirement of modern theory of participation. Likewise, the term participation is further explained in this paper, in order to further explain the thesis of formal participation in the former Yugoslavia. Student protests in 1968 were not an isolated case of revolt against the system, the basic characteristics of popular revolt that had its roots back in the early sixties. The aim of this paper is theoretical analysis of the theory of participation and the basic characteristics of Yugoslavia, in order to show that the participation of the people in the exercise of power was just an illusion, ie. formal. Case Study about films of the sixties and seventies in Yugoslavia illustrates the processes of censorship and imposition of ideology of participation.
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After World War II, Pius XII, Pope in the years 1939–1958, became a victim of Communist propaganda in the countries behind the Iron Curtain, including Poland. The head of the Catholic Church was defamed in speech, in writing and using images. This article focuses on the issue of the image of Pius XII emerging from Polish newspapers, books and brochures in 1945–1958. It presents a synthetic image of the Pope created by the authors of publications which could potentially reach each and every Pole. The propaganda depicted the Bishop of Rome as a fascist, a Nazi, an anti-communist, a supporter of “Anglo-American imperialism,” a warmonger, “the Atlantic Pope,” a capitalist, a nepotist, an enemy of workers and peasants, a Germanophile, an anti-Polish revisionist, and a reactionary in matters of science, faith and morality.
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New media in global world has created possibility to total communication. It has a great importance in the ‘culture of building the distrust’. The irresponsible usage of mechanism and tools to communication and information deepens difficulties in trust and dialogue. Also social inequalities and aggressive politics deepens the distrust. ‘2017 Edelman Trust Barometer’ indicates there is high level of distrust of: government institutions, non-governmental institutions, media and business. Media should go over revolution leads to new model of communication, based on objective information and trust. But it can only be achieved by a change in the model of integration.
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This article analyzes the strategies and techniques of political discourse rhetoric, its historical and cultural context. The issue of political discourse at the rhetoric horizons of contemporary social, cultural and political development, public communication ranks the top. Under these conditions, the growth of scientific interest in the unexplored rhetoric of political discourse is a timely, urgent scientific challenge. This public interest has found its coverage in scientific studies, monographs, theses, articles, books and textbooks on rhetoric, philology, political semantics, journalism, speechwriting, advertising and public relations. In the present day science there is a number of discourse definitions : as a "special use of language to express special mentality" (Y. S. Stepanov) as the ratio of the mental world (M. N. Kozhina), communicative sphere (V. E. Chernyavska) concept (V. Z. Dem’yankov), socially and historically determined social practice (U. Maas), social roles of participants in the process of communication (A. Mack Hole), social space (O. I. Sheigal). Semiotic discourse defines those characteristics of speech that help to shape texts. British researchers R. Hodge and G. Kress examine text and discourse as those complementing each other, thus emphasizing either social or linguistic level. A Dutch researcher T. van Dijk considers a communicative discourse as a complex phenomenon that comprises a social context, information about the participants of communication, the knowledge of the production and perception in. Not only discourse is a linguistic structure, and above all, it is a sociolinguistic phenomenon. The feature of a political discourse is that it is functionally focused on the future oriented context. The Russian scientist O. M. Parshina understands by the political discourse of "linguistic activities of political actors in the field of institutional communication" and notes that the communication features of political discourse is "institutsionality, conventsionality and publicity (formality)". Modern rhetorical practice, the development of the political discourse rhetoric in Ukraine and ex-USSR countries has revived the scientific interest in strategies and techniques of a speech influence of a speaker, a politician, a public figure. In recent years, there has been carried a number of researches in terms of the language influence functions in political communication being implemented using different language strategies. Thus, O. I. Sheigal identifies several strategies: obscuring, obscuring unwanted information (allows to make unpleasant facts less obvious) hoaxes (hiding the truth and knowingly enter into the ignorance , anonymity (depersonalization) as taking responsibility removal. There also exist a few reflexive strategies (the construction of an enemy image), the strategy de-legitimisation (the destruction of the opponent’s image) amalgation strategy ("we"-Discourse). As part of the political discourse as an argument there may be appeal to the arguments at three different levels: logos, pathos, ethos. The rhetoric of political discourse is characterized by the use of three groups of lexical political vocabulary: political constants (evaluative-neutral basic political terminology), evaluatively-labeled basic political terms (connotative meaning is changing) and topical vocabulary of modern day. The last group of words can be related to policy initiatives, the names of existing politicians and organizations. The art of the managing audience during a public speech is based on the central role of personal influence, that is, the need to develop assessment ,related to individual listeners speaker: the use of verbal and non-verbal means of increasing social prestige, setting the psychological contact with the audience, chat application forms through the forms and methods broadcasting compulsory and intensive, use of gestures, attention to facial expressions and posture, use of slogans, advertising techniques, methods of attracting attention, formulating attractive titles speech. Thus, the political rhetoric affects interpersonal motivational mechanism of changes regulation in cultural relations in society. Cultural, social and historical changes have formed various social needs that underlie the social order of the spiritual realm of society, of which the rhetoric is an inseparable part. The rhetoric of antiquity laid the foundations to modern rhetoric as a social and cultural tradition. It has accumulated the basic techniques and strategies of ancient rhetoric with knowledge of the laws of social psychology to realize the impact on the audience. Presently skills and effective communication skills are in demand due to the fact that most professional fields need specialists who are able to control the flow of information in today’s society to shape public opinion and take advantage of communication for cultural, educational and social services.
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Strategic communications is gaining traction as a potent tool of countering insurgency.State and non-state actors—including insurgent groups—are increasingly turning to it in pursuit of their goals. This article offers a comparative study of the use of strategic communications by both the Nigerian Armed Forces and the jihadi group they seek to obliterate: Boko Haram. It also assesses their impact on the media coverage of their activities. The jihadists deployed both their communications skills and their infamies to put their insurgency onto the global scene. The Army employed a range of tools—some effective, some less so—to counter them. The media’s obsession with jihadi stories gave the insurgents an edge, but the Army managed to disrupt most of their strategies.Extraneous factors do influence strategic communications campaigns, but honesty—or the perception of it—is a necessary condition for their long-term efficacy.
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Russification was intensified consistently since the suppressing of November Uprising and that circles limited the development printing and book trade in Warsaw particularly and it had an effect on development of publishing firms and of reading. Market of publishing firms was widen by all the terrains, where people lived who spoke Polish language e.g. owing to transportations. The most noticeable factor of activity of czar’s government was censorship, censors forbade or delayed publication of valuable books. The next unfavourable factor was the low level education of society and sensible proportion of illiterates. As a consequence of this state of affairs was a low number of potential readers. Since 1830-1864 prestige of publisher increased considerably and because of changes of publishing framework, increasing of level of general education and working knowledge of jobs connected with books and other kinds of printed publications.
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