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Kultūrinė atmintis Antrojo pasaulinio karo metų lietuvių periodinėje spaudoje

Author(s): Titas Krutulys / Language(s): Lithuanian Issue: 45/2020

During World War II Lithuania was ruled by three completely different political regimes. In the first year Lithuania was authoritarian state ruled by group of nationalists, in 1940 Lithuania was occupied by Soviet Union and in 1941 State was occupied by Nazi Germany. All these political powers was undemocratic and propagated their ideologies. One of the most important aspect of every ideology is to suggest new concept of time. This change of perception of time could be seen in the change of cultural memory. Article try to analyze this change using the most popular Lithuanian periodical press of the period. This research analyzed main historical periods and the most popular themes represented in the main newspapers. Using theories of Anthony D. Smith and Raoul Girardet research showed what historical periods was seen positively and what negatively, what was main historical heroes and enemies; also how foreign history was represented in the periodical press. The quantitative content analysis showed that while representations of history in the so called independent Lithuania and in Lithuania occupied by Nazis was quite similar, historical representations during first Soviet occupation was unique. Qualitative content analysis showed that there was three very different paradigms of cultural memories, represented in periodical press. Lithuanian nationalist mostly tried to promote Lithuanian medieval times and especially Lithuanian dukes and historical capital Vilnius, also they tried to justify their politics creating myth of great welfare during their rule. They praised Soviet history, criticized Poland and poles, but wrote about most of the countries quite neutral. During Soviet occupation all Lithuanian history was harshly criticized and showed as negative times, this regime promoted only few Lithuanian heroes who died young or was known for their left wing politics. Main historical past represented in the newspapers was history of Soviet Union, other countries was ignored. Main enemies of Soviets was Lithuanian gentry, and Lithuanian rulers of the past.

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SAVAŞ, PROPAGANDA VE SANAT İLİŞKİSİ

Author(s): Tolga Akalın / Language(s): Turkish Issue: 85/2021

The art using of propaganda is the easiest way to direct the societies to the desired goals and to shape the attitudes and behaviors of the people, in the face of events or around an ideology is to use the art of propaganda. The simplicity of this method in reaching public at large and states uses propaganda tools throughout wars. Realizing, the power of propaganda, many states entered into fierce propaganda races with posters, which they prepared during the First and Second World Wars. The posters were used both to speed up the gathering of soldiers and to gain public support. The state administrators, who carried out propaganda activities, wanted to make the people believe that the war was necessary for freedom, by creating the perception of having an enemy. In this sense, this research focuses on analyzing the connection between the trio of war-politics-propaganda and a use of posters during war for propaganda.

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Оценочность в медийном тексте — интерпретации переводчика

Author(s): Alicja Pstyga / Language(s): Russian Issue: 169/2020

The paper touches the matter of evaluation in press discourse which is presented from the perspective of Russian press articles translation into Polish language. Axiology in terms of press articles translation — creative, also usually persuasive, in which various means are used as carriers of evaluative connotations describing the matter of statement in negative or positive way — prompts us to consider to what extent the original evaluation is reproduced (or changed). The author proves that the holistic view on original and translated media texts allows to discover also other important elements of press articles structure which presence, emphasis or omission influences axiological valuation.

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What is the Government Really Pursuing by Introducing Quarantine Measures in the Conditions of COVID-19? The Case of Ukraine

Author(s): Vitalii Nitsenko / Language(s): English Issue: 9/2021

New challenges in the COVID-19 pandemic for Ukraine turned out not to draw the authorities (President, the Cabinet of Ministers, and the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine) with people, enhancing support in difficult economic conditions, support for small and medium-sized businesses, and the introduction of quarantine and enhancing control in all spheres of the people life.

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Josip Šentija – tihi borac za hrvatski jezik

Author(s): Nataša Bašić / Language(s): Croatian Issue: 5/2021

The article discusses the contribution that the journalist, lexicographer and publicist Josip Šentija gave to the affirmation of the Croatian literary language by supporting the Declaration on the Name and Status of the Croatian Literary Language and by defending it against unitary linguistic and political attacks. It further discusses the suppression of the attempted Serbian language colonization of Radio Zagreb; the harvesting of the first post-declaration fruits manifested in the amended language articles in the 1974 constitutions of Yugoslav republics; the implementation of Art. 138 of the Constitution of the Socialist Republic of Croatia about language in the third edition of the General Encyclopaedia of the Lexicographic Institute, and the cooperation with Miroslav Krleža and the central editorial board in building an encyclopaedic style and nurturing the Croatian language. Finally, the article analyses Šentija’s modern social democratic political orientation and his clear views of national components in the context of the disintegration of Yugoslavia and of the creation of an independent Croatian state, with an emphasis on Croatian-Serbian relations and on Greater Serbian expansionist programme that was partially founded on Karadžić’s motto “Serbs everywhere”, built around the non-scientific premise about the exclusive Serbianness of the Štokavian dialect.

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Civil Society in Occupied Crimea: A Fight for the Rights

Author(s): Valeriia Skvortsova / Language(s): English Issue: 01 (23)/2021

The annexation of Crimea in 2014 brought about many internal problems. The laws and rules established by the Russian Federation in Crimea have significantly complicated NGOs’ work and, in some places, even made it impossible for them to operate. New human rights movements have emerged in response to the Kremlin’s aggressive policy toward ethnic and religious minorities, as well as toward ordinary citizens who opposed the establishment of the Russian regime. The purpose of this paper is to establish the real state of development of the civil society in Crimea and to describe the conditions in which it has to operate.

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Information Operations in Russia’s Foreign Policy Arsenal: Targeting Relations Between Poland and Ukraine

Author(s): Volodymyr Solovian,Michał Marek / Language(s): English Issue: 04 (22)/2020

Information security has become a strategically important aspect of international relations. Rapid development of information and communications technologies increases its importance. This paper focuses on the analysis of Russia’s capabilities to achieve its foreign policy goals through methods of negative informational impact. Attempts to undermine the information security of Poland and Ukraine and to provoke tensions between the two countries are taken as an example.

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Instruments of Russian Hybrid Actions Against British and American Democratic Processes

Author(s): Oleksandr Kraiev / Language(s): English Issue: 04 (22)/2020

The US elections and the Brexit referendum in 2016 marked a peculiar milestone of informational and quasi-political confrontation. Not only the results of the said events were surprising for the general public, but they also revealed specific peculiarities of the capacity of hybrid influence and interference in domestic democratic processes of other countries. Russian state agents conducted a large-scale disinformation campaign aimed at British and US populations in order to influence the results of the vote. Such activities should be viewed in the context of a greater Russian strategy of hybrid meddling in democratic processes of the West. The purpose of this paper is to identify and define the strategies of the Russian hybrid aggression against Western democracies.

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Cyber Diplomacy: An Intangible Reality or a Fait Accompli?

Author(s): Olga Rusova / Language(s): English Issue: 02 (20)/2020

A constantly changing international environment and a fast-paced advancement of information and communications technologies (ICTs) essentially modify the traditional ways of diplomacy. In the digital age, the use of e-tools has become a daily routine for diplomats, and the developments in the cyber realm define the global political agenda, transforming the mechanisms of multilateral cooperation. Meanwhile, the digitalisation of diplomatic interactions is intrinsically tied with cyber risks. The lack of a solid legal framework for regulation of the virtual space inevitably leads to conflicts. This article highlights new features that cyber diplomacy brings into international relations, raising the issue of online security, appropriate response to cyberattacks, and a right for self-defence.

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The Kremlin’s Information Wars in the 21st Century: Estonia, Georgia, Ukraine

Author(s): Maksym Kyiak / Language(s): English Issue: 01 (11)/2018

The article deals with the use of information warfare during the so-called “Bronze Night” events in Estonia in 2007, the Russian-Georgian war in 2008, and the Russian aggression against Ukraine since 2014. The events in Estonia are described as the first large-scale usage of cyber warfare combined with disinformation against a sovereign state. The war against Georgia is presented as the very first usage of military actions together with cyber-attacks and disinformation. And the ongoing Russian aggression against Ukraine is described as an example of combining of the most effective information warfare tactics applied in Estonia and Georgia together with new information warfare tools. All three examples are presented as the cornerstones for understanding the main peculiarities of the Kremlin’s modern information warfare.

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Stoking the Flames: Russian Information Operations in Turkey

Author(s): Balkan Devlen / Language(s): English Issue: 01 (11)/2018

Russian propaganda and information operations, or more accurately political warfare, in the West and near abroad have been covered extensively. Neither is it a new phenomenon, having a century-long history going back to the Bolsheviks in the early 20th century. However, Russian operations outside these areas received little attention. Therefore, in this paper Russian propaganda and information operations in and against Turkey will be examined. This paper argues that Russia is winning the propaganda war in Turkey and that does not bode well for the future of international order and the transatlantic alliance.

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Access to Information: The “Achilles’ Heel” of Reintegration Programmes

Author(s): Lesia Vasylenko / Language(s): English Issue: 03 (9)/2017

This article addresses the overlooked issue of lack of information and communication strategies in disarmament, demobilisation, and reintegration (DDR) programmes. Particularly the author is concerned with the low awareness level (25%) of Ukrainian ex-combatants about access to the reintegration programmes and benefits. The experience of a number of post-conflict African countries is analysed in an attempt to find solutions for Ukraine. The final part of the article summarises approaches adopted by the Ukrainian government and their effect on accessibility of veteran rights.

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FRANJO TUĐMAN IN THE SERBIAN PRESS FROM THE FIRST GENERAL HDZ ASSEMBLY TO THE BEGINNING OF THE SERB REBELLION IN CROATIA

Author(s): Željka Križe / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2021

This work is devoted to analyzing, in the context of political propaganda and by using selected newspaper and magazine articles, the portrayal of Franjo Tuđman in the Serbian press in the period from the First General Assembly of the HDZ to the beginning of the Serb rebellion in Croatia. The role and purpose of the newspaper and magazine articles in creating a negative image of Franjo Tuđman through a process of artificially constructing an illusion of an enemy is shown and explained. The Serbian press, from the beginning, portrayed Franjo Tuđman as a Croatian nationalist and an enemy of the Serbian people. The media campaign against Franjo Tuđman seamlessly blended in with the patterns of the Greater Serbian propaganda campaign against Croatia. That broader campaign began in mid-1989 and steadily gathered pace. It was fuelled, first and foremost, by negative depictions of the Ustasha regime and the Independent State of Croatia (NDH).

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FRANJO TUĐMAN IN THE SOURCES OF THE REBEL SERBS AT THE BEGINNING OF THE 1990S – AN EXAMPLE OF ANTI-CROATIAN PROPAGANDA

Author(s): Ante Nazor / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2021

This work presents some legal acts passed and initiatives launched by the Croatian government the aim of which was to protect the rights of the national minorities in Croatia and reach an agreement with the representatives of the Serbs in Croatia so as to avoid armed conflict. The facts presented in this work are important in the context of any given analysis about the issue of whether the Serbs were marginalized with the change of government in Croatia in 1990 and whether their armed rebellion was caused by actions made by the Croatian government and President Tuđman or came as a result of careful planning by proponents of the idea of Greater Serbia. We used a number of documents from the archival material of the Republic of Serbian Krajina to show what had been said and written about President Tuđman in the first half of the 1990s by political and military representatives of those Croatian Serbs that rebelled against the Croatian government and participated in the armed aggression against the Republic of Croatia. We describe how the Serb leadership in the temporarily occupied areas of Croatia accused the Croatian government and Franjo Tuđman of conducting criminal and “national-Fascist” policies against the Serbs and present the facts that completely debunk the accusations. These facts include official documents issued and decisions reached by the Croatian government about protecting the national minorities in Croatia during the mandate of President Tuđman. The work ends with the conclusion that the mentioned accusations were launched for the purpose of creating a greater Serbian state by homogenizing the Serbs.

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AJALOO JA PROPAGANDA VAHEL: EESTI JA LÄTI KUJUTAMINE VENEMAA AJALOONARRATIIVIDES

Author(s): Vladimir Sazonov,Sergii Pahhomenko,Igor Kopõtin / Language(s): Estonian Issue: 17/2021

This article analyses the main historical narratives and events of Latvia and Estonia concerning the Second World War, fascism, and the Soviet period more generally, and their representation in the pro-Kremlin ideological discourse. Moscow is using several narratives and messages to try to influence different target audiences in Russia, but also in Estonia and Latvia (especially the Russophone audience) with its own interpretation of the historical events and narratives concerning Estonia, Latvia, the Soviet Union, and the Second World War. Several different channels are used to promote the pro-Kremlin ideological agenda: not only profound historical studies (monographs, collective volumes, and articles), popular-scientific overviews, conferences, workshops and seminars, but also TV series, social media platforms, documentaries, and so on. Even more materials are available to the narrow audience that has a strong interest in contemporary history, especially the Soviet period and the Second World War. The main topics of these narratives are the Second World War and the Molotov-Ribbentrop pact (1939), the occupation of Estonia and Latvia by the USSR, both in 1940 and in 1944, and the consequential post-war Soviet era. The main actors that design the pro-Kremlin understandings of Estonian and Latvian history are undoubtedly state officials, i.e. the president and his entourage. Major subjects such as the Molotov–Ribbentrop Pact (1939), the annexation of Latvia and Estonia in 1940, and the activities of the Latvian Legion and Estonians in the Second World War in 1941–1944 are presented in a manner that is characteristic to the Soviet propaganda and historical science. According to the pro-Kremlin discourse, the Soviet–German pact on non-aggression and the delimitation of the spheres of influence were forced into existence by the inactiveness of the Western allies and the unwillingness of the USSR to enter into the war. Moreover, according to the official Kremlin narrative, Latvians and Estonians should think of the USSR (and its legal successor the Russian Federation) as the force that saved them from being in the same position as the countries that were defeated in the war that had collaborated with the Nazis.

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CHINA’S DISCOURSE ON STRATEGIC COMMUNICATIONS: INSIGHTS INTO PRC EXTERNAL PROPAGANDA

Author(s): Aurelio Insisa / Language(s): English Issue: 10/2021

While tracing back to the second half of the 2000s, Chinese research on strategic communications has experienced a notable uptick over the last few years. Recent studies on China’s own practice of strategic communications, and, more importantly, Xi Jinping’s call to build ‘a strategic communications system with distinctive Chinese characteristics’ in May 2021, suggest that current Chinese views on the subject are worthy of analysis. This article examines 15 years of scholarship on the subject in Mandarin against the backdrop of institutional developments concerning ‘propaganda work’ in the Chinese Party-State under the Xi administration. It shows how the Chinese discourse on strategic communications has evolved from an assessment of US doctrines and practices to a discussion of the effectiveness of the country’s ‘external propaganda’. Contrary to previous attempts to adapt to a perceived Western-dominated ‘discourse system’, Beijing is now seeking to affirm its own values and interests on the global stage.

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CRITICAL DISCOURSE ANALYSIS OF DONALD TRUMP’S POLITICAL SPEECH VIA TWITTER

Author(s): Shaalan Najem Abdullah Shammari / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2021

Although social media was used in the 2008 presidential campaign, it became increasingly important in the 2016 election. Presidents have had to adopt and adapt to new technology in the past as well, and this has had a long-term effect on political discourse. Politicians now have new tools for communicating with the public, thanks to the internet and social media. An important goal of this paper is to examine how political speech has evolved over time, particularly in light of social media's role in political campaigning, and how Donald Trump used social media as a means of political communications. A discourse-historical approach of critical discourse analysis (CDA), has been applied in this study to carry out the analysis that would determine Trump's speech techniques. The results of this study demonstrate how President Trump's used language to influence his audience. Overall, this research paper will focus on Trump’s discourse strategies and how he employed them to create positive self-presentation and negative other-presentation.

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Agents of Europeanization: Think Tanks Discussing the Refugee Crisis in the Czech Republic

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Agents of Europeanization: Think Tanks Discussing the Refugee Crisis in the Czech Republic

Author(s): Markéta Klásková,Ondřej Císař / Language(s): English Issue: 03/2021

What is the role of think tanks in Europeanization of national public spheres? To address this question, our paper explores the performance of think tanks in the immigration debate in the Czech Republic. Employing political claims analysis (PCA) and treating think tanks as boundary organizations active in multiple fields, we compare the levels of Europeanization of political claims made by think tanks with other actors. Our data set includes 2,374 political claims made on broadcast public TV in the period from April 2015 to March 2016. According to our quantitative data, Czech think tanks chose the discursive strategy of Europeanization more often than any other actor represented. Thus, think tanks have the potential to support Europeanization of national public spheres. However, their representation in media coverage is relatively low. Our results also demonstrate that think tanks should be treated as sui generis organizations since their strategy in the public sphere deviates from that of other civil society organizations. Think tanks Europeanized their claims-making, but others largely stayed on the national level while discussing the refugee crisis.

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The Multimodal Construction of Brexit in the Economist (2017 – 2021)

Author(s): Kalina Ishpekova-Bratanova / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2021

This paper aims to show how and why the Economist constructs the post-Brexit European Union’s (EU) image in a string of commentaries published in the Charlemagne section in the 2017-2021 period. The theoretical concepts that provide the interdisciplinary methodological framework within which the research topic – the exposure of the discursive and cognitive mechanisms whereby the global media of British origin constructs the EU’s image and frames the debate about the EU – is explored encompass social semiotics and critical discourse analysis. The findings suggest that through its interplay of headline and subheading, together with the cartoon and textual body, the Economist holds the assumption that Brexit threatens the cohesion of the EU and prompts the drawing of a new balance of interests.

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The humour factor:

Author(s): Matilde Eiroa / Language(s): English Issue: 3/2022

This article analyses the social reaction to Francisco Franco’s exhumation from his burial place in the Valley of the Fallen at the end of 2019. This decision was taken by virtue of compliance with the so-called Historical Memory Law approved in 2007 and generated a great social debate. Apart from opinions in favour and against that decision coming from the political spectrum of the left and right, respectively, we observed a new attitude, that of humour, present in tweets and memes. By analyzing a collection of memes that circulated in Twitter and WhatsApp groups, our research shows that the new media have brought in content and symbolism that ridicule the late dictator, trivialise the treatment given to the “Caudillo” [Leader] of Spain for nearly four decades and contribute to an uninhibited interpretation of memory policies.

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