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This book is the result of a two-year journalistic investigation that traces the history of Corporate Commercial Bank from its origin to its bankruptcy (1994-2014). The investigation was conducted on the basis of dozens of meetings with direct participants or witnesses of the events, representatives of state structures, political parties, business, regulators. In the process, hundreds of official and informal documents have been analyzed. Access to information by Bulgarian and international organizations has been requested many times. The collected facts, data, documents, and exclusive testimonies included in this book contain for the first time conclusive evidence of political corruption in Bulgaria. The aim of the KTBfiles project is to show the genesis of the "CCB model" (Corporate Commercial Bank model) and the technology of its expansion to magnitude, which pressed all key state institutions to the wall. The book explores the circumstances that made this vicious model possible, as well as the mechanisms for its eradication. This makes the investigation much more comprehensive, multi-layered and important than the chronology of bank bankruptcy, whether it is the largest in Bulgarian history. This qualitative journalistic investigation answers not only to the question #WHO but also to the questions how, why and especially what follows if we stop asking and live permanently with civil indifference and cynicism.
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This study is provoked by one of the most significant cases of abuses over the last two decades in Bulgaria - the bankruptcy of CCB (Corporate Commercial Bank), the fourth largest bank in the country. After the 1996-1997 crisis, when one third of the banks went bankrupt, the country's banking sector collapsed. This is the second case in which huge financial resources "evaporated" and the negative consequences affected a wide range of public institutions and private subjects. The emergence of periodically recurring financial crises, with multiple impacts on public, economic and political life, motivates Transparency International Bulgaria to look for a systematic response to the problem and look beyond the specific case. The present book is based on the analytical approach of the international anti-corruption organization Transparency International "National Integrity System" which assesses clearly defined criteria, the capacity, functioning and management of sectors and institutions with key importance in counteracting corruption. The study is based on an analysis of the legislation and practical actions of the investigated institutions, a wide range of documentary sources, reports, assessments, media publications, and interviews with experts and public figures that have had direct observations and touch with the CCB case. It reflects an attempt to formulate an impartial, objective assessment of the functioning of the banking supervisory system in the 2009-2014 periods but also pursues another objective - to serve as a starting point for policies and strategic actions to give an adequate systemic response to established deficits. Viewed through this prism, this publication expresses the ambition of the Transparency International Bulgaria to not only prevent future crises of this nature, but also to contribute to the institutional strengthening of the system of supervisory institutions in Bulgaria.
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Ustav Bosne i Hercegovine ima karakter oktroisanog ustava, pošto ga nije donijela neka domaća institucija, nego je stupio na snagu kao aneks (dodatak) jednog međunarodnog sporazuma. Pripada kategoriji pisanih, kodifikovanih, čvrstih i kratkih ustava. Sastoji se od malog broja dugih članova, koji obrađuju ustavnu materiju nepotpuno, donekle neprecizno, prozno i esejistički. Strukturu Ustava čine preambula, normativni dio i dva aneksa. Preambula je kratka i sadrži osnovne principe na kojima počiva ustavno uređenje Bosne i Hercegovine. Normativni dio se sastoji od dvanaest članova, kojima se manje-više cjelovito uređuju pojedini segmenti ustavne materije. Prvi aneks Ustava sadrži spisak međunarodnih akata o ljudskim pravima i slobodama koji se primjenjuju u Bosni i Hercegovini, a drugi sadrži tematski različite odredbe. Ustav dosad nije revidiran primjenom amandmanske tehnike, nego odlukama visokog predstavnika, Parlamentarne skupštine i sporazumima entiteta o prenosu nadležnosti.
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„The Prince” was written by Niccolo' Machiavelli in the 1500s. It has continued to be a best seller in many languages. The Prince is a classic book that explores the attainment, maintenance, and utilization of political power in the western world. Machiavelli wrote The Prince to demonstrate his skill in the art of the state, presenting advice on how a prince might acquire and hold power. Machiavelli defended the notion of rule by force rather than by law. Accordingly, The Prince seems to rationalize a number of actions done solely to perpetuate power. It is an examination of power-its attainment, development, and successful use.
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Evropska unija funkcioniše na principu vladavine prava tako da su sve njene radnje utemeljene na ugovorima na čiji sadržaj su dobrovoljno i demokratskim putem pristale sve države članice EU. Pravni instrumenti Evropske unije (EU) su podijeljeni u dvije grupe. Prvu grupu čini takozvano primarno zakonodavstvo EU – osnivački ugovori; Ugovor o Evropskoj uniji (UEU), poznat i kao Ugovor iz Mastrihta iz 1992. godine, Ugovor o funkcioniranju Evropske unije (UFEU) te Povelja EU o temeljnim pravima. Obaveze iz ugovora jesu postavile temelje za EU politike rodne ravnopravnosti i imaju posebnu težinu. One su provodive od strane država članica, EU institucija, kao i – zahvaljujući doktrini o njihovom direktnom efektu – od samih građana EU pred domaćim sudovima. Sekundarne izvore prava čine pravilnici/uredbe, odluke, preporuke, mišljenja te uputstva/direktive, koje su obavezujuće u smislu rezultata. To znači da su države u postizanju definisanih ciljeva slobodne da odluče o najboljem načinu njihove implementacije (čl. 288 UFEU).
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Postojanje institucionalnih mehanizama za ravnopravnost spolova se smatra bitnom pretpostavkom za ukidanje diskriminacije na osnovu spola/roda i ostvarivanje ciljeva rodne ravnopravnosti. Potreba za uspostavljanjem institucija koje će se specifično baviti ovim pitanjima je prepoznata i istaknuta tokom Četvrte svjetske konferencije o ženama 1995. godine u Pekingu (vidi rad II.1 Ujedinjene nacije autora Damira Banovića). Zaključci ove konferencije su sadržani u Pekinškoj deklaraciji i Platformi za akciju kada je zaključeno da vlade imaju primarnu odgovornost za sprovedbu Platforme za akciju te da bi mehanizmi i institucije za unapređenje položaja žena trebali sudjelovati u formuliranju javne politike i poticati sprovedbu Platforme ali i djelovati kao katalizator u razvoju novih programa (Platforma za akciju, 1995, Glava V-A). Komitet za eliminaciju diskriminacije žena Ujedinjenih naroda (Opća preporuka br. 28, 2010) preporučuje postojanje ovih institucija kao jednu od osnovnih pretpostavki za sprovođenje člana 2. CEDAW konvencije.
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Postizanje rodne ravnopravnosti kao ljudskog prava propisano je ustavima i zakonima o ravnopravnosti polova/rodnoj ravnopravnosti, antidiskriminacionim zakonodavstvom i cijelim nizom međunarodnih instrumenata ljudskih prava koje smo obavezni poštovati i primjenjivati. Odredbe kojima se štiti ravnopravnost i zabranjuje diskriminacija po osnovu pola/roda dio su i sistemskih i drugih propisa u različitim oblastima, od zakona, podzakonskih i drugih akata, pa sve do strateških i planskih dokumenata, odnosno javnih politika. U čemu je onda problem, pitamo se. Zašto ove deklarativne odredbe u zakonima ne znače odmah i njihovu primjenu u stvarnosti? Zbog čega i dalje postoje izražene rodne neravnopravnosti, pa čak i diskriminacija i nasilje kao ekstremni oblik diskriminacije? Zašto određene mjere vlasti imaju različite učinke na različite društvene grupe muškaraca i žena? Zašto naoko neutralne norme imaju nejednake efekte, iako nejednakost ili čak diskriminacija nisu uopšte bili namjera zakonodavca ili donosioca neke mjere? Zbog čega „ne vidimo“, odnosno odbijamo da vidimo da rodne nejednakosti postoje i da je njihovo uporno opstajanje zapravo legitimisana nejednakost u moći, podjeli rada i pristupu resursima?
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ljudska prava se temelje na pojmu urođenog dostojanstva svih ljudskih bića. Univerzalna su, neotuđiva, nedjeljiva i međuovisna. U Bosni i Hercegovini ljudska prava se štite na nivou države, kao i na nivou entiteta. Ustav Bosne i Hercegovine, te ustavi entiteta, na specifičan način štite ljudska prava, kroz direktnu primjenu Evropske konvencije o zaštiti ljudskih prava i osnovnih sloboda.
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Biurokracja europejska i ekspansja regulacji europejskich jest uważana za jedną z głównych przyczyn narastającej fali eurosceptycyzmu. W odpowiedzi na te wyzwania Komisja Europejska zapoczątkowała wiele działań, m.in. Program sprawności i wydajności regulacyjnej REFIT (Regulatory Fitness and Performance Programme) i Program inteligentnej regulacji (Smart Regulation). W programie REFIT Komisja podjęła zobowiązanie do tworzenia prostych, jasnych i przewidywalnych ram regulacyjnych dla biznesu, pracowników i obywateli. Ma to być osiągnięte poprzez: ograniczenie biurokracji, usuwanie zbędnych obciążeń administracyjnych, uproszczenie i poprawę projektowania i jakości ustawodawstwa, tak aby cele polityczne i korzyści dla Unii Europejskiej były osiągane po najniższym koszcie i z minimalnym obciążeniem administracyjnym, z poszanowaniem zasad traktatowych, a w szczególności pomocniczości i proporcjonalności. Program REFIT zakłada dokonywanie przeglądu całości ustawodawstwa unijnego w sposób systematyczny i postępujący w celu identyfikacji obciążeń, niespójności, nieefektywnych środków oraz w razie potrzeby podjęcia odpowiednich korekt. Autorzy opisują i oceniają tego rodzaju inicjatywy i przedsięwzięcia.
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With some hundred or more Albanian citizens having now joined the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant (ISIL), radicalization has become a salient issue in both policy and scholarly domains in Albania. Given the Albanian tradition of religious tolerance and moderation, the quest to understand and explain the foreign fighter phenomenon has sparked extensive debate – in media, among the public, and within academia. Explanations for this trend have focused mainly on the socioeconomic factors affecting certain local communities and individuals, and on the failure of state institutions in some sectors, including in security, intelligence, and education. In general, academic researchers and pundits alike argue in favor of a more robust response by the government. [...]
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In this paper, the author analyzes the impossibility of coexistence of educational contents that are contradictory to one another. The author tries to point at the problem of opposites that originates in the phenomenon of contemporary existence of religious education as an optional subject in the school system of Republic of Srpska and an attempt to introduce new educational content entitled “Sexual education” as an optional subject in high schools in Serbia. According to the Article 40 of the Law on Churches and Religious Associations, “the right to deliver religious education in civil and private elementary and high schools is guaranteed by the law”, which results from the Article 1 of the same Law (Official Gazette of Republic of Srpska, No. 36/2006). The author wants to point at the danger of introducing the subject “Sexual education” in schools, which is in collision with the aforementioned Law, which may endanger the principal moral values of the traditional Churches and religious associations, as well as to cause a negative critique by the society. The rush toward the European way of integrations, which, in the words of professor Panov, demands the sacrifice of real and original moral values for the sake of the propagated moral suspension, is actually a wrong path that has “Sexual education” or, as they named it in the pilot project, “Reproductive health education” as one of its many small stops.
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This book collects scientific papers and reports presented on the conference ‘The Membership of Bulgaria in the EU: Seven Years Later’ organized by the International Economic Relations and Business Department at University of National and World Economy (UNWE), Sofia, Bulgaria. The conference, held on 3 October 2014, traditionally provided a stage for prominent academics, dedicated PhD students and professionals to discuss contemporary topics related to multiple aspects of the European integration, its effects on the Bulgarian economy, socio-economic environment, international business and relations, finance and politics. The authors in this edition of the book thoroughly reviewed the economy of the Euro area and the EU as it progresses after the latest recession. A Group of authors focuses attention on the banking sector, monetary aspects and inflation, the development in the Economic and monetary union within EU, the Single Supervisory Mechanism and the overall competitiveness and recovery of the European markets. Cross-border partnership with EU neighbours and related instruments, cohesion among the EU member states, experience with the European funds and corresponding public procurement process are another thematic cluster discussed in the book. The researchers increasingly examine subjects related to the energy policy and security, the EU energy policy development and actions in particular. The contributors review matters related to the renewable energy sources, the establishment of the European Energy Union and other institutional and policy developments on supranational level. Another thematic cycle in the book is related to matters concerning the corporate management, business strategy and marketing, new markets expansion and interculturalism. This is intertwined with papers dedicated to the education, human resource involvement and adaptation to the working environment, research and innovation. ‘The Membership of Bulgaria in the EU: Seven Years Later’ is an annually organized academic event with the vision to foster open dialogue, offer contemporary research and exchange of ideas between fellow academics, policy makers, businesses, stakeholders and the public.
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In the approach to constitutional reforms it is necessary to assure their gradual nature. In this context, in the framework of constitutional reform, the position of the institutions of the state of Bosnia and Herzegovina would be changed in the first phase, as proposed by the 2006 “April package” of amendments. This phase of constitutional reform can be implemented within the framework of negotiations on Bosnia and Herzegovina’s membership in the European Union, during the opening of the negotiation chapters. However, certainty of the process of constitutional change depends mostly on the geopolitical circumstances and geopolitical influence of the International Community, and in this context, especially the countries that are members of the Steering Board for the Peace Implementation Council responsible for the implementation of the Dayton Peace Agreement. A geopolitical framework established through the agreement of the world’s leading peace-building powers in Bosnia and Herzegovina on the basis of the Dayton Peace Agreement is necessary for change of the internal territorial organization, based on a two-entity structure. It is quite certain that a change in the internal territorial organization of Bosnia and Herzegovina will be possible at a time when Bosnia and Herzegovina finalizes the process of integration into Euro-Atlantic institutions. In its gradual nature, the second phase of constitutional change will encompass the change in the territorial internal organization of Bosnia and Herzegovina. This change will aim to abolish the ethnic territorialization derived from the two-entity model. The Republika Srpska entity is ethnically homogenized because 85% of the population is Serb. The Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina is ethnically homogenized in five cantons with a majority of Bosniak people and three cantons with a majority of Croat people. This second phase of constitutional change will await for the time when Bosnia and Herzegovina is a member of the European Union and NATO. No more than three levels of government will then be able to be funded. Currently, the citizens of Bosnia and Herzegovina are financing: local government, cantonal government, entity and state government.
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Conferința științifică internațională a Academiei de Poliție International Scientific Conference of Police Academy ,,Alexandru Ioan Cuza” Bucharest
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In December 2020, President Vladimir Putin signed a package of laws tightening regulations on non-governmental organisations, public gatherings and media censorship. It is one of the elements marking a new quality in the Kremlin’s domestic policy: Russian authoritarianism has de facto abandoned the pretence of democratic procedures in favour of increased control and repression.
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An executive order issued by U.S. President Donald Trump on 11 June imposes sanctions on those engaged in the activities of the International Criminal Court (ICC) directed against members of U.S. or allied personnel. It is a blow to international criminal justice that will impede or may even prevent the ICC from investigating crimes in Afghanistan and Palestine. The sanctions can also potentially affect Polish citizens or entities, creating tension in Polish-American relations.
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In connection with the coronavirus pandemic, the Hungarian government intends to extend indefinitely regulations adopted under a “state of danger” declared on 11 March. The bill authorising it to do so would give the government unprecedented powers, including limiting constitutional freedoms. The vote on the bill is scheduled for 31 March. Adoption requires a two-thirds majority, which means that the ruling party can adopt it alone.
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Wyrok Sądu UE z 10 września br. przywraca sytuację prawną gazociągu OPAL - lądowej odnogi Nord Stream - do stanu z 2009 r. Oznacza to konieczność ograniczenia przez Gazprom wykorzystania OPAL o ponad 12 mld m3 gazu rocznie. Aby utrzymać poziom eksportu do UE, koncern będzie musiał zwiększyć przesył przez Ukrainę, mimo że jej ominięcie jako kraju tranzytowego jest od lat strategicznym celem Rosji. Chociaż wyrok opiera się na traktatowej zasadzie solidarności energetycznej, Rosjanie będą przekonywać, że ma charakter polityczny, m.in. dlatego, że został wydany na krótko przed zimowym sezonem grzewczym i wygaśnięciem z końcem 2019 r. kontraktu na przesył gazu przez Ukrainę.
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