(Nie)zależność finansowa państwa we współczesnej gospodarce rynkowej

Author(s): Piotr Misztal / Language(s): Polish / Issue: 2/2019

State financial independence refers to the ability of the government to finance all state expenditure solely from the budgetary revenue attained. Thus, the full financial autonomy of the state means that the government finances the budgetary expenditures without having to borrow money. Therefore, the aim of this article is to examine the possibility for states to achieve full financial autonomy in the contemporary world economy. The results of the studies show that almost all countries now have a large or small public debt, which means that countries finance their development by borrowing money at home and abroad. The important issue seems to be not so much to maintain the full financial independence of the State as to guarantee the financial security of the state (that is, to maintain the ability of the state to raise money when necessary).

(Re)acting Together: Grexit as Revival of Intellectuals

Author(s): Gazela Pudar Draško / Language(s): English / Issue: 4/2015

The paper explores the messages of engaged global intellectuals in the case of Grexit, the case of Greek attempt to break up with neoliberal practices and produce a left turn in politics and society, which was followed worldwide. How their words contribute to the general understanding (if there is one) and change (if there should be change)? What kind of action we can expect from intellectuals, as it is intrinsic to the concept? The issues examined in this paper deal with the intellectuals as bearers of articulating social critique, focusing on the specific Greek case in the time of temptations.

(Zlo)upotreba pojma suverenosti u federalnim odnosima

Author(s): Slobodan Samardžić / Language(s): Croatian / Issue: 03/1990

In theoretical discussions the concept of sovereignty relates exclusively to political communities and denotes the highest, indivisible and inalienable power at their disposal. In discussions in Yugoslavia the expression »economic sovereignty« extends the use of this concept into the economic sphere. Since sovereign power requires someone to sustain it, namely a sovereign, it cannot be depersonalized; the author therefore tries to establish the consequences (for the economic relations between federal units) of the fact that — in the constitutional arrangements of 1974 — sovereignty does not have a real subject to sustain it. Unable to discover a concrete subject of responsibility the author concludes that this is the consequence of deriving the concept of sovereignty from that of nation. A federal system based on relationships between nations can easily turn into an autocratic system. Only two ways of limiting the consequences of the sovereign power of a nation or of a constitutional person are historically known to exist — parliamentary government and a federal system of state government.

1 KASIM 2015 SEÇİMLERİNDE AK PARTİ’NİN SİYASAL KAMPANYASINDA YER ALAN EKONOMİK VAATLERİN SEÇİM SONUÇLARINA YANSIMASI

Author(s): Tuba Kalçik / Language(s): Turkish / Issue: 30/2016

Political parties in a democratic system, are trying to get his/her vote by convincing voters. Parties make political campaign which is a political communication activities to convince voters. Parties use election promises as an important instrument of political campaign in order to be attracted the vote of the electorate. Promises which are made to answer the main problems of the country, the electorate’s expectations and demand’s, function as an effective tool to convince. In this study, it is appeared that how the economic promises which are used in AK Party’s political campaign in 1 November general election affect the election results.

12 Eylül 2010 Referandum Sürecinin Türkiye’deki Yazili Basinda Sunumu

Author(s): Levent Yaylagül,Cengiz Çiçek / Language(s): Turkish / Issue: 68/2011

In this study, the way the political campaign process of referendum, held on September 12 (2010), was represented in the Turkish press is analyzed. From 1 to 13 September, the news about the referendum in the newspapers is analyzed through the technique of content and discourse analysis. Evrensel (a sample of radical left), Cumhuriyet (a sample of central left), Hürriyet/ Sabah/ Bugün (three samples of the mainstream newspapers), Zaman (a sample of pro-Islamist press) and Yeniçağ (a sample of ultra-right nationalist movement) were chosen as a sample of Turkish press. This study is based on the assumption that the content of newspapers are determined by the context of political economy of the conditions in which they operate, and their ideological orientations. Accordingly Evrensel, Cumhuriyet, and Yeniçağ have a critical standpoint towards the government’s approach and in their news texts they advice to their reader to vote for “No” in the referendum poll. But three newspapers, mentioned above, have different ideological rationale in their news texts in accordance with their ideological orientations. Accordingly, daily Evrensel, the sample of radical left, took the position in the news texts about the referendum process in accordance with the interest of labour class. Daily Cumhuriyet, the sample of left of the center or Kemalist left, focused on the changes in the structure of supreme court and the ideological changes in the structure of Turkish Republic, which constitutional amandment will bring. Daily Yeniçağ with an ultranationalist reflex, claims in the news texts that as a result of referendum poll the country would be divided and free Kurdistan would be announced in the South-east part of Turkey. In contrary to these critical standpoint, daily Hürriyet, daily Sabah, daily Bugün (three samples of mainsream newspapers in Turkey) and (pro-Islamist) daily Zaman supported the arguments of government that in the country there was a military guardianship and with the referendum, the country would be more democratic and as a result of democratization, the amount of foreign capital in the country would increase which would result in a rise in prosperity. Accordingly, the last four newspapers mentioned above, supported and reproduced the dominant discourse of the government. To sum up, the assumption that the contextof political economy of press, which directs the ideological orientation of the newspaper, determine the content and discourse of newspapers, was confirmed.

1919’da Bakü: İngiltere-Sovyet Rusya Hâkimiyet Mücadelesi

Author(s): Erdem Karaca / Language(s): Turkish / Issue: 30/2016

The most strategic demand of the First World War was inarguably the oil. The places which the “Big Powers” mostly focused on for the supply of oil was East Europe, Black Sea, The Caspian Sea region. The operations which aimed to gain the dominancy over the region had continued after the war in 1919 as well as during the war times. The English who knew the strategic importance of the Caucasian Region, did not only control the oil regions in Baku but also caused major industrial losses in Soviet Russia. Apart from the Caucasian Region, the English also tried to gain the unilateral dominancy over the Black Sea, Sea of Azov and the Caspian Sea. The Soviet rulers who were trying to displace the Czarist Russia, also set eyes on the same region for it was vital for their future and to this respect fired the start of an extensive battle. On one hand, while the political, economical and military conflicts were going on, on the other hand, the ideological arguments had become the fundamental element of the expansionist policies. As the main sources of this study, Die Rote Fahne (Vienna), Pester Lloyd (Budhapest), Wiener Zeitung (Vienna) were thoroughly reviewed

1923-1929 döneminde Türkiye’de uygulanan vergi politikalarının mali sosyoloji çerçevesinde değerlendirilmesi

Author(s): Rana Dayioğlu Erul / Language(s): Turkish / Issue: 1/2020

Fiscal sociology deals with the study of fiscal events from a sociological perspective and investigates both the impact of fiscal events on society and the effects of the factors affecting and forming the structure of society on fiscal events. Fiscal sociology examines fiscal events by considering historical, cultural, social, legal and political factors in addition to its economic aspects. In this regard, the policies that are put into practice by making the researches of fiscal sociology are more easily adopted by the society and can achieve success as they reflect the structure of the society. Sociological view of fiscal events is important in this respect. The aim of the study is to evaluate the tax policies of the 1923-1929 period within the social and economic conditions of the period and to investigate whether the fiscal sociology approaches are effective in the implementation of tax policies. For this purpose, tax policies of the period have been tried to be evaluated on the basis of fiscal sociology theories and even though it is tried to be made arrangements considering the social structure in the period, the desired purpose could not be achieved due to the financial and economic conditions of the period.

1989: Szempontok a rendszerváltás globális politikai gazdaságtanához

Author(s): Márk Áron Éber,Ágnes Gagyi,Tamás Gerőcs,Csaba Jelinek,András Pinkasz / Language(s): Hungarian / Issue: 21/2014

This article rethinks 1989 – the year commonly treated as a milestone of regime change. As contrary to this narrow view, and with the aim of laying out the conceptual foundations of possible future research projects, we give a short overview of the way Hungary became incorporated into the capitalist world system and of the key global, economic, and geopolitical factors that influenced its dependent development. For this we present a historically sensitive, global political economic narrative within which we pay special attention to the way public debt had been accumulated and how this, in turn, shaped Hungary’s position within the world system. After our analysis of the regime change we continue with an overview of the main structural dynamics of the last two decades. Finally, through two short case studies, we show how our perspective can throw new light on the political ideologies and economic policies of the era. The accumulation of state debt was not a Hungarian specificity: instead, we argue that it was rather a result of the global restructuring process and of its concomitant effect of decreasing national state-sovereignty. In the following manner, we also argue that the emergence of debates (which were central in evaluating the regime change, revolving around issues like „democracy” vs. „dictatorship” or „planning” vs. „market”) can be better understood within our global, historical, and political economic analytical framework. In the long run we identify two economic development strategies – namely, the strategy of liberalization and the strategy of protectionism – both structured around the, nonetheless entirely unfulfilled, hope of overcoming Hungary’s semi-peripheral position by „catching up” to its Western neighbors. These strategies then can be analyzed on the base of how they relate to global cycles of accumulation; how their shifts were influenced by changes in the world system; and, in turn, how these strategies organized both various elite projects shaped by global cyclical dynamics and the interpretations about our historically unfolding dependent position.

1990’lardan 2000’lere Rusya’da Devletin Dönüşümünün Ekonomi-Politiği: Bir Neo-Otoriter Düzenleyici Devlet Modeline Doğru

Author(s): Emek YILDIRIM / Language(s): Turkish / Issue: spec. 1/2018

After the disintegration of the Soviet Union, by pioneering of the international finance institutions, “shock therapy” neoliberal agenda, which were previously applied to Latin America, has been actualized initially in Russia and then in all post-Soviet countries. In the same time, while the state, which commanded both political and economic spheres in the Soviet era, has been diminished by the neoliberal policies in parallel to be through with the economic and socioeconomic spheres, nomenklatura, which were Soviet elites, has turned into the oligarchs and the economic power has been acquired by the oligarchs owing to the actualized neoliberal agenda. By the beginning of 2000s, after the coming to power of Vladimir Putin, the process of the rising authoritarianism of the state has started under the name of “strong state” notion. So to say, by coming to power of Putin, who displays a Leviathan profile as the form of the Russian state and even the Russian society, both political and economic transformations in Russia have been guaranteed. Therefore, in this work, it will aim to discuss the changing situation of the Russian state under the Putin’s government within this political and socio-economic framework.

200 godina Friedricha Engelsa

Author(s): / Language(s): Croatian,Serbian / Publication Year: 2020

This anthology book is published on the occasion of the bicentennial of the birth of Friedrich Engels, an exceptional thinker and theorist of the revolution. Editors Maroje Višić and Miroslav Artić gathered renowned domestic and international scientists who tried to reevaluate Engels' works and his scientific contribution. The idea behind the book is to point out the everlasting value and significance of Engels’ revolutionary philosophy. Contributing authors offered analytical reading of Engels' ideas, addressing pressing issues in economics, politics, religion, feminism, ideology and in other segments of contemporary society. The papers in an anthology are organized under the chapters: The Reception of Engel’s Philosophy, Actuality of Engels Today with subchapters on working-class and precariat, peasantry as the subject of change, early Christianity as an inspiration; and the last chapter is Revalorization of Family and State. The first chapter tackles the questions if Engels was more than an interpreter of Marx or simply the first Marxist who contributed to the banalization of Marx. It then investigates reception of Engels’ philosophy in ex-Yugoslavia specifically and in philosophical theory in general. The second chapter demonstrates actuality and relevance of Engels today by discussing the topics of working-class and precariat, by making comparison between early industrial society and contemporary society and by tracking development of socialism from utopia to a science. Chapter also deals on the peasantry whose role as a subject of change is thoroughly problematized. Special part of the chapter is dedicated to the influence of the practice of early Christianity on the formation of Engels’ revolutionary idea and to what extent original Christian community served affected the development of Engels’ thought. Final chapter brings papers that, under new circumstances, re-examine the understanding of the state-family relation and their dynamic. This comprehensive anthology attempted to revalorize and appraise Engels’ own contribution to science and philosophy 200 years after his birth. For this it was necessary to “divorce” Engels from Marx so that the fallacy of statement that Engels was second violin to Marx becomes striking.Chapter one tackle the question of whetherEngels was more than an interpreter of Marx or simply the first Marxist to contribute to the banalization of Marx.= Engels' reception is then examined both in the former Yugoslavia and in philosophical theory in general.Special part of the chapter is dedicated to influence of the practice of early Christianity on the formation of Engels’ revolutionary idea. That is, to what extent the examples of the original Christian communities influenced the development of Engels' thought

21. YÜZYIL ENERJİ SAVAŞLARINDA TÜRK CUMHURİYETLERİ’NİN YERİ ve ÖNEMİ

Author(s): Çağrı Kürşat Yüce / Language(s): Turkish / Issue: 17/2013

Energy consumption and the need to continue on a global scale, as in the past and in recent years. Oil and natural gas will continue to be the primary energy source until 2030 despite all the alternatives to meet this need. As a result of this situation, energy resources will continue to be one of the most important determinants of the twenty-first century. In addition, at least a half century, dominance of oil in the field of energy will continue to. Energy experts frequently reported that the “cheap oil” era has ended and price volatility in the oil market will continue to today.The Caucasus and Turkestan (Central Asia) regions including the Turkish Republics maintained its importance throughout history due to various reasons. Today, however, due to the rich energy resources, especially oil and natural gas, they took part in the world’s agenda. In this study, the important actors of the energy wars and reserve status of the energy resources of the Turkish Republics in the Caucasus and Turkestan regions were briefly described. In addition, as well as importance of energy resources for the region and the world’s nations, beginning in the late twentieth century and growing competition over energy resources of the Caspian Sea were discussed today.

A common currency for the East African community? Lessons from the introduction of the euro

Author(s): Hans H. Bass / Language(s): English / Issue: 1/2018

The paper analyses the feasibility of a common currency for the East African Community (EAC), which comprises Burundi, Kenya, Rwanda, South Sudan, Tanzania, and Uganda. The paper discusses theoretical insights on the benefits and costs of a common currency. It then uses the introduction of the common European currency, the euro, as a potential yardstick to assess the feasibility of a common currency in East Africa. The paper analyses the readiness of the EAC’s economies for a common currency as measured by relevant indicators. It concludes that some caveats are in order with regard to the feasibility of a common East African currency at the present point in time.

A COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS OF FINNISH AND NIGERIA BIOECONOMY: BIOENERGY AND TOURISM PERSPECTIVE

Author(s): Chijioke Nwachukwu,Victoria Ogechukwu NWACHUKWU / Language(s): English / Issue: 1/2019

DEVELOPED AND DEVELOPING ECONOMIES NEED TO EXPLOIT THEIR BIOECONOMY CAPABILITIES TO ACHIEVE SUSTAINABLE ECONOMIC GROWTH AND DEVELOPMENT. THIS STUDY SEEK TO EXAMINE THE FINNISH AND NIGERIAN BIOECONOMY FROM THE PERSPECTIVE OF BIOENERGY AND TOURISM. WE USED SECONDARY DATA FROM FOOD AND AGRICULTURE ORGANIZATION (FAO); INTERNATIONAL ENERGY AGENCY (IEA); UNITED NATION WORLD TRADE ORGANIZATION (UN WTO) AND WORLD BANK TO DRAW INSIGHTS ABOUT THE SUBJECT. BASED ON AVAILABLE DATA; DESCRIPTIVE STATISTICS SUCH AS CHARTS AND FREQUENCIES WERE USED TO EVALUATE THE BIOECONOMY OF FINLAND AND NIGERIA. THIS STUDY REVEALS THAT BIOECONOMY IS DESIRABLE TO DEVELOPING NATIONS SUCH AS NIGERIA. FOLLOWING THE DIFFERENCES IN BIOECONOMIC ADVANCEMENT BETWEEN THE FOCUS COUNTRIES; OUR STUDY HAVE SHOWN THAT DEVELOPING COUNTRIES AND NIGERIA; IN PARTICULAR; WILL HAVE TREMENDOUS BENEFIT IF ITS PARADIGM SHIFT TOWARD BIO-BASED ECONOMY. IMPLEMENTING THE MEASURES AND POLICIES OF DEVELOPED ECONOMIES SUCH AS FINLAND WILL DRIVE NIGERIA TOWARDS SUSTAINABLE BIOECONOMY DEVELOPMENT.

A Comparison of China’s and The European Union’s Economic and Political Relations in Africa

Author(s): Ahmet Arabacı,Kemal Ozden / Language(s): English / Issue: 9/2019

Africa has been one of the most attractive targets for many countries throughout history. Especially, Africa's abundant mineral and natural resources have been a determining factor for foreigners' interests towards Africa. European countries have long tried to exploit the resources of Africa by establishing a colonial relationship. On the contrary, China has been dealing with economic and political relations with Africa since the 1950s. More recently, rapidly growing countries such as India and Brazil have also established closer relations with Africa. Although the interests of different countries seem similar, their historical trajectories and instruments of engagement with Africa may significantly diverge. For example, the European countries have abandoned colonial practices and institutionalized political economic relations based on agreements, programs, policies and initiatives.On the other hand, China's relatively shorter period of engagement with Africa has been based on attractive and lucrative investment funds and business projects. The aim of this work is to provide a comparison for China's and the European Union's political and economic relations with Africa. The comparison includes both similarities and differences. However, the paper does not claim to be exhaustive in encompassing all the aspects of the issues under consideration. The scope of the study is limited to the main issues addressed in the literature of this work.

A crisis in Georgia’s politics

Author(s): Mateusz Kubiak / Language(s): English / Issue: 03 (41)/2020

It would be difficult to find a more telling symbol of Georgia’s continued political tensions than the green fabric that covers the fence surrounding the square around the Georgian parliament building and which has become a billboard for both anti- and pro-government graffiti. The fence was set up in January this year. Officially, it was explained that the fence was erected because of renovation works which were needed to fix the destroyed sections. Yet it is impossible not to have the impression it was meant to halt the continuation of protests that were taking place in front of the parliament.

A digitalis térbeli kiigazítás

Author(s): Daniel Greene,Daniel Joseph / Language(s): Hungarian / Issue: 23/2018

This article brings distinct strands of the political economy of communication and economic geography together in order to theorise the role digital technologies play in Marxian crisis theory. Capitalist advances into digital spaces do not make the law of value obsolete, but these spaces do offer new methods for displacing overaccumulated capital, increasing consumption, or accumulating new, cheaper labour. We build on David Harvey’s theory of the spatial fix to describe three digital spatial fixes, fixed capital projects that use the specific properties of digital spaces to increase the rate of prof- it, before themselves becoming obstacles to the addictive cycle of accumulation: the primitive accumulation of time in the social Web, the annihilation of time by space in highfrequency trading, and affect rent in virtual worlds. We conclude by reflecting on how these digital spatial fixes also fix the tempo of accumulation and adjust the time-scale of Marxian crisis theory.

A fáraó varázsol. A rezsicsökkentés beágyazottsága

Author(s): M. Tamás Horváth / Language(s): Hungarian / Issue: 3/2016

A félproletár háztartás a modern világrendszer longue durée-je folyamán

Author(s): Wilma A. Dunaway / Language(s): Hungarian / Issue: 24/2018

Wilma A. Dunaway is a researcher affiliated with the Fernand Braudel Center Research Working Group on Households, Labor Force Formation and the World-Economy. A particular conception of the household, helping to grasp the process of the accumulation of capital at world-system level, was developed in this working group, as a result of the critiques of Wallerstein’s early historical works. This conception, also applied in this study, exposes the household as the fundamental site for the reproduction of the labor force, which combines various forms of labor, and integrates into the capitalist world-system by maintaining hierarchy between these forms. Through the maintenance of this hierarchy, the household allows capitalists to extract surplus from the household itself, and renders the reproductive or informal labor of women publicly invisible. Here, Dunaway puts forward a systematic analysis of how these two processes take place.

A háziasszony és munkája a kapitalizmusban

Author(s): Wally Seccombe / Language(s): Hungarian / Issue: 24/2018

One of the significant figures of the “domestic-labour debate” in the United States of the 1970s was Wally Seccombe, who was among the firsts to understand the centrality of housewives’ labour to capitalism through Marxist terminology. He consistently applied the value theory of labour to the reproduction of labour itself, challenging both Marxist and bourgeois economic approaches which did not consider domestic labour as a structural part of the capitalist mode of production, and therefore participated in making the labour and position of housewives ‘invisible’. For Seccombe, the fundamental and unsolved duality of domestic labour is that while it constantly creates value through the reproduction of commodified labour, it is not recognized as productive labour since it is not directly related to capital and does not produce surplus value. Therefore, domestic 258 FORDULAT 24 labour is not renumerated by any wage, which has important consequences for the social position, conscience and possibilities of the housewife. Reproductive work necessary for the sustainment of her husband, her children and herself is presented as a natural female obligation and charity, masking the fundamental deception of capitalism that wage is in fact not meant to be for labour, but for the reproduction of the labour force. Domestic labour signifies her total material dependence from her husband and her isolation from the public sphere, which together limit her possibilities to represent her own interests and to take part in collective resistance. Between the industrial and the domestic domain lies therefore the most remarkable fault line of the working class, which turns members of the same household silently against each other and excludes housewives from the sphere of collective organization and struggle.

A Historical Development of Neo-liberalism

Author(s): Davor Pauković / Language(s): English / Publication Year: 0

Neo-liberalism is, undoubtedly, today’s dominant economical and political ideology. This paper is an attempt to give a general outline of where it derived from, what was it based on, and how it became the leading driving force in the field of economy and politics.