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Bayburt Müdafaa-i Hukuk-u Milliye Cemiyeti’nin Kuruluşu ve Faaliyetleri

Author(s): Serdar Göktaş / Language(s): Turkish Publication Year: 0

Bayburt ve çevresi, Türklerin Anadolu’da ilk yerleştikleri bölgelerdendir. Şehir, fethedildiği 1072 yılından 1202 yılına kadar bazen Saltuklular’ın, bazen de Dânişmendliler’in hâkimiyetinde kalmıştır. (Miroğlu, 1992: 226) Karakoyunlu ve Akkoyunlu dönemlerinde Bayburt, Türkmenler için önemli bir merkez olmuştur. (Dayı, 2019: 30) Osmanlı hakimiyetine girdikten sonra zaman içinde tamamen Türkleşen Bayburt, özellikle XIX. ve XX. yüzyıllarda büyük tehlikeler atlatmıştır. Bu yüzyıllarda iki defa Rus işgaline uğrayan şehir, esaretin bütün acı yönleriyle karşılaşmıştır.

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Terms through a strategic communications lens

Author(s): Leonie Haiden,Jente Althuis / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

The relationship between strategic communications and values does not only concern how we define StratCom itself. The articulation of values has also been a central part of how actors have shaped and shifted discourses in relation to the Russian invasion of Ukraine in February 2022. When actors use certain terms and concepts—defending Western values, protecting our freedom, fighting an existential war, to name but a few—they aim to shape how we understand the events going on around us, and how we react to them. But in doing so they also shape and sometimes (re)define the terms themselves. It is worth considering the origins of some of these terms, and setting out how and why they have recently been used and contested by different actors. The discussion below is by no means exhaustive. It addresses the most relevant and contested terms that have regained currency in discourse surrounding the Russian invasion of Ukraine on 24 February 2022. The status of the debate is depicted below, rather than any fresh definition of the terms selected. Terms have already been extensively conceptualised during a rich history that has seen lively academic debate. Instead of redefining them here, better to show how contested some are, and contextualise how they are used today.

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How Has Covid-19 Impacted China’s Geopolitical Strategic Communications?

Author(s): Aurelio Insisa / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

Crossing the shatterbelts of Eurasia and the commercial sea-lanes of the Indo-Pacific, the Belt and Road Initiative has put the distinctively geopolitical outlook of China’s strategy into the spotlight. Beijing articulates this strategy through the deployment of multidimensional diplomacy, Leninist ‘propaganda work’ and ‘united front work’, economic statecraft, and deterrence signalling. By framing the deployment of this vast array of tools as a strand of ‘geopolitical strategic communications’, this chapter examines the impact of the Covid-19 pandemic on Beijing’s attempt to shape the perceptions and choices of foreign countries’ decision-makers and public opinions. The chapter explores how the pandemic has both expanded and created avenues for influence, with a focus on the Global South. At the same time, it examines how Beijing’s concern for regime security and diverging national strategies in containing the pandemic have emboldened China’s geopolitical strategic communications vis-à-vis other regional and global powers.

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A Hard Rain on a Bad Roof

Author(s): Paul Bell / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

This past July, as the Georgian summer approached its height, and Tbilisi sweltered, it was clear the country had learned to live with Covid-19. Things had pretty much gone back to normal despite a five-fold rise in infections between one week and the next; numbers had risen from 100 to 500 infections per week, and almost doubled in the capital. (Why the spike? This is pure speculation but there had been two large protest rallies and a pop festival in Tbilisi in the ten days before.) Nonetheless, the health secretary, Zurab Azarashvili, pronounced the epidemiological situation in Georgia ‘calm’ and ‘fully manageable’—and indeed that seemed an altogether fair assessment given that in that preceding fortnight, deaths had been down to between one and three.

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Извънредното положение като средство за управление на кризи

Author(s): Rada Smedovska-Toneva / Language(s): Bulgarian Publication Year: 0

At first glance the state of emergency is an attractive instrument for dealing with different kind of crisis. It gives to the executive power extraordinary prerogatives in order to manage with and control a concrete extreme situation. It seems like emergency and crisis are used as synonyms; which makes the suspension of a state of emergency a difficult task. In this context; the text examines in a comparative perspective that very state of emergency; its practical implementation and the appearance of new notions related to the sanitary emergency. Is it possible to talk about it as an effective instrument of managing social crisis and public fear and what are the consequences?

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LOGISTIČKO OBEZBJEĐENJE JEDINICA 1. KORPUSA ARMIJE REPUBLIKE BOSNE I HERCEGOVINE OD 1992. DO 1995. GODINE

Author(s): Neziran Đogo / Language(s): Bosnian Publication Year: 0

Purpose of this paper is to provide a brief review how system of logistical security of the units within 1st Corps of the Army of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina emerged, its organisation and functioning, given that the 1st Corps as a military formation served within the Army of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Officially, 1st Corps was established on 1 September 1992 under the conditions of aggression against the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina and the complete blockade and siege of the city of Sarajevo. Observed from the aspect of spatial, temporal and functional features, and given the lack of documentation ‒ as this topic was not elaborated in course of last 30 years ‒ achieving the expected result is a complex task. If we add to this that the logistical system as such is complex, big, open, and integral, complexity of this task is progressively increased. The author is aware that this task cannot be accomplished in this paper. By its specifics and manner of logistical securing of the units within the city under the siege, the time of war beginning in April 1992 until November 1995 is divided into four periods of logistical securing, which will be separately discussed further in the paper. First two periods precede the establishment of the 1st Corps. They are reflected in the fact that the logistics was not organised, that there were no permanent sources to supply the units with material and technical means, that there were no reserve sources, and also that there was no competent staff to carry out these tasks, so that the second period is in fact the beginning of establishment of logistics in the Army of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina.

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ULOGA I ZNAČAJ PRVOG KORPUSA ARMIJE REPUBLIKE BOSNE I HERCEGOVINE U ODBRANI SARAJEVA

Author(s): Vahid Karavelić / Language(s): Bosnian Publication Year: 0

Sarajevo, as the capital of Bosnia and Herzegovina is the biggest urban, demographic, economic, and political centre, and the city which during the siege and defence had around 350,000 residents. The 1st Corps of the Army of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina was growing from the ashes, and its predecessors were Patriotic league and Territorial defence which with the state insignia became legal and legitimate force of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina Government. In the period March-April 1992, the aggressors managed to achieve a deep operational military blockade and placed the city under the siege. The city was militarily and hermetically closed. With this closure of the city, the aggressor manged to create all preconditions to begin with an open military operation aimed at terrorising and disappearance of Sarajevo. It also believed that only several weeks were required to completely take over Sarajevo. The city was destined to die. The 1st Corps of the Army of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina was established on 1 September 1992 in Sarajevo and it encompassed all the military units, established up to that moment. The aggressor intended to remove from office the state, political and military leadership in Sarajevo, establish a new marionette presidency, occupy Sarajevo, declare capitulation of Bosnia and Herzegovina, and thus and retain it within the ramp Yugoslavia, namely “Great Serbia”. The 1st Corps played a key strategic role in the defence of Sarajevo, during the longest siege observed in the history, and served as a principal holder the armed resistance and fight for the defence of Sarajevo. Valter was the 1st Corps, which based its fight for the defence of Sarajevo on his paradigm. This was the fight between David and Goliath, and despite the UN arms embargo, David won. It began with the groups, detachments, brigades, followed by Tactical groups, Operational groups and finally divisions with the total manpower of over 80,000 members. During the defence of the city, the 1st Corps manged to defend Sarajevo with the bodies of its soldiers. International community has left the 1st Corps and the Army to the mercy of the aggressor. At the end of the 20th century, the 1st Corps, in such an unfair fight from the aspect of the relationship of power in the technical factor, though fair from the aspect of justice and fairness, had to dig a tunnel under the airport, before the eyes of the entire world, which is the tunnel of the international shame and the tunnel of our pride, that had a strategic relevance for the defence of Sarajevo, including Bosnia and Herzegovina. International community has stopped the war with the architecture of the Dayton Peace Agreement, although the fight to make Bosnia and Herzegovina disappear by those same retrograde political forces, which started the war, continued, becoming even stronger in their ideology. That is the reason why the international community bears a huge responsibility for the future of Bosnia and Herzegovina. It is obliged, responsible, and it would have to do everything possible to rectify those failures made in relation to Sarajevo and Bosnia and Herzegovina by way of ensuring its permanent prosperous future and building its political systema based on principles of civil democracy, as well as multi-ethnic and secular state.

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VOJNI POTENCIJALI JNA U PRIPREMI AGRESIJE NA REPUBLIKU BOSNU I HERCEGOVINU I OPSADU SARAJEVA

Author(s): Džemal Najetović / Language(s): Bosnian Publication Year: 0

Faced with an open threat from Radovan Karadzic in the Republic of BiH Assembly on October 14, 1991 that the Muslim people would disappear, President Alija Izetbegovic visionary won the state, first through a referendum and then recognition from the European Community and the United Nations. With this, he repealed the SFRY laws. He formulated the general strategic concept of the defense of Bosnia and Herzegovina. It is about small community waging a war, in a small territory, against incomparably militarily and economically stronger opponents. And precisely because of that, it was necessary to apply such a strategic concept that provides the opportunity to wage war in all domains, to engage all human and material potentials, activate all energy, to apply all forms of combat, all types and forms of combat operations. This means organizing the whole society into a solid monolithic community, which is completely identified with the total military force. Part of the RBiH leadership and its patriots, using the prior experiences from the war in Slovenia and Croatia, estimated that without the armed forces there cannot be any defense of an independent, complete, sovereign and multiethnic BiH. For the sake of easier and more purposeful leadership and command, all patriotic forces were united in the Army of RBiH. On April 6, 1992, the European Community recognized the independence of BiH, and one day earlier, on April 5, as this decision became public, the JNA, in fact Serbia and Montenegro, began with the aggression against BiH. This marked the beginning of the most terrible and bloodiest war in the history of BiH and the Balkans. Poorly armed units of the Territorial Defense, Ministry of the Interior, Patriotic League, Green Berets and spontaneously formed small armed groups provided heroic resistance to superior attackers who quickly took control over the large territory of the state. Our resistance was especially manifested in bigger cities, such as Sarajevo, Tuzla, Zenica... In a kind of the counterattack, armed units of the legitimate authorities liberated these places and the government was consolidated in them. On May 22, 1992, Bosnia and Herzegovina became a full member of the OUN.

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Неефективността на френската национална политика като риск за сигурността

Author(s): Boris Vladimirov Zarkov / Language(s): English,Bulgarian Publication Year: 0

Ethno-religious risks pose a serious threat to national security and the stability of societies. They include conflicts and tensions arising from differences in ethnic and religious identities. These types of risks can lead to social strife, terrorism and even war. Understanding and managing these risks requires extensive research that analyses the factors that cause them, as well as developing strategies and policies to promote stability and security. This complex problem requires an integrated approach that brings together aspects of religion, ethnic identity and social factors in order to promote tolerance and peace in societies.

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Аспекти на етническите и религиозните проблеми в контекста на националната и международната сигурност

Author(s): Ivanka Nenova Nikolova / Language(s): English,Bulgarian Publication Year: 0

In the chosen topic, our attention is directed to outline the existing problem areas and factors affecting the definition of ethnic and religious challenges and the emphasis they place on the security of the countries of Europe. It aims to overcome the existing problems with the ethnic and religious groups found in these countries by introducing and clarifying their particularities.

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Етническите отношения и международната сигурност в Централна Европа

Author(s): Iliyan Iliyanov Iliev / Language(s): English,Bulgarian Publication Year: 0

The focus of the current paper is the ethno-religious processes in Germany (2000 – until now), in the context of national and international security. To acquire information on the subject, the methods of intelligence from open sources – OSINT (mainly via the Internet) were used. With the availability of so much information, it is important to „sift“ only that which is from official and reliable sources, in order to be able to correctly assess the current situation and create the most accurate possible forecast for the near future. First, the concepts of ethno-religious processes, national and international security are clarified, after which the focus shifts to the state of Germany. Brief information about the country is given there, together with statistical data (as of December 2022), which give us information about the current ethno-religious situation. In the subsequent chapter, a forecast for the coming years is drawn up regarding possible future threats from a „new generation“ to the national security of the country, and also to the international one, together with the consequences if they are not countered in time and preventive measures that should be are observed and implemented.

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Sudbina samostana i redovnica nakon potresa 1667. godine

Author(s): Minela Fulurija Vučić / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

On April 6th, 1667, Dubrovnik was hit by a disastrous earthquake. Seven nunneries were destroyed in the earthquake and the eighth, the Convent of St. Peter and Paul, burnt down in a fire that broke out as a consequence of the earthquake. The data on the number of casualties are contradictory; therefore, so are the data on the number of casualties among the nuns. Due to the vast number of casualties suffered by the nunneries and nuns, there was the issue of their fate after the earthquake. Archbishop Torres took advantage of the temporary absence of authority and decided to leave for Ancona together with the nuns. In his report on the journey he claimed that he had arrived at this decision because he deemed the nuns vulnerable as the government was not able to provide them with adequate accommodation and the necessary enclosure. However, one might argue that the archbishop, in making this decision, was actually more worried about himself than the nuns. As he was a representative of the head of the Church, should he not have stayed and provided spiritual comfort to the suffering population, especially, as he himself states in his report, because the survivors among the people were happy to see him alive? What prevailed was probably the fact that Archbishop Torres, just like any other foreign archbishop, was not satisfied with his post and had not been able to fully integrate in the town or with its people, the majority of which did not speak Italian. Maybe the fact that someone needed to take care of the nuns who had survived was his perfect excuse to leave the Republic. Although the nuns were extremely well received in Ancona and were opposed to an instant return home, the government wanted to bring them back as soon as possible. Apart from the intimate feelings of concern for their daughters, sisters and aunts, there were economic reasons that motivated the government as well. Nunneries had great shares in Italian banks and as long as the nuns were in Ancona the interest payments, which the government wanted to use for the reconstruction of the convents, were suspended. Patriotism may also have been a motivation for a quickest possible return of the nuns as the government wanted to have the nuns on their own ground, thereby showing that the earthquake had shaken them, but had not destroyed their ability to look after their citizens. Their eventual hurry in bringing back the nuns, whom they had, at first, accommodated at the Franciscan monastery in Ston, is also documented by the letters the nuns sent them, in which they mostly complained about the poor accommodation and food.

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“Watch out, UNPROFOR!” – some observations on criminal and unprofessional conduct of peacekeeping forces of United Nations in Croatia

Author(s): Ivica Miškulin / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

In the paper, based on the available sources and contemporary periodical publications, the author analyzes different aspects of criminal and unprofessional conduct of members of United Nations (UN) peace troops in Croatia. It is determined how a whole sequence of factors affected such aspects of conduct of blue helmets: total problematic of the peacekeeping operation (with a special emphasis on its execution), particularities of areas of deployment (with a special emphasis on the material situation of occupied territories), level of equipment, training, and self-discipline of certain national contingents of peacekeeping forces, and possibilities of activity of UN and command of peacekeeping forces administrations. Chosen aspects of criminal and unprofessional conduct of members of peacekeeping forces of UN have been analyzed thematically, i.e. separated into separate entities.

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Kraj srednjovjekovnog Bosanskog Kraljevstva u dubrovačkim izvorima

Author(s): Zdenka Janeković Römer / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

The value of Dubrovnik reports about the fall of the Bosnian Kingdom and death of King Stjepan Tomašević for the most part lies in that they record the sources and respond to them from immediate vicinity. Records of Dubrovnik councils and especially of the Senate (Consilium Rogatorum) focus, for the most part, on preparations for defense, lively diplomatic activity and aspiration to achieve a neutral position. To a smaller extent these records contain information on circumstances in Bosnia, response of the Bosnian nobility, attempts of the Bosnian king Stjepan Tomašević to organize defence and his quest to gain support of the Hungarian king, Venetians, Skenderbeg and Pope. While Dubrovnik archival documents comprise no direct information about the fall of Bosnia, they provide rich data about the rescuing of the queens Katarina and Mara as well as Bosnian nobility in the Dubrovnik region. In addition to historical data, Dubrovnik chronicles (Anonim, Nikola Ragnina, Tuberon, Razzi, Orbini, Luccari and Gundula) contain commentaries that justify the position of Dubrovnik at the moment of abrupt change in the long-standing relationship with Bosnia. The chroniclers’ opinions diverge but some of their conclusions are shared: they see the cause of the fall of Bosnia in the disproportionate size of the opposing sides, the failure of the Hungarian king and other Christian rulers to provide assistance and discordance among Bosnian nobles arising, for the most part, in religious disagreements. Turkish conquest of Bosnia radically changed the relationship between the Ottoman Empire and Republic of Dubrovnik. Yet the conditions soon found balance and tensions, conflict and crises notwithstanding, a mode of coexistence was established. Dubrovnik was directly exposed to danger, situated at the very border of the Ottoman Empire, lacking military and naval force to resist Ottoman might and dependent on the freedom of trade. In such a situation it had to lead conciliatory politics. By recognizing the new rule, Dubrovnik retained a continuity of contact with the Bosnian space in which much changed but much remained the same. Old economic and human relations lived on in the new political framework.

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The Castle of Jajce in the Organization of the Hungarian Border Defence System under Matthias Corvinus’s

Author(s): Richárd Horváth / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

This essay explores the history of the castle and Banate of Jajce between 1463 and 1490. Following the fall of Serbia in 1459, Bosnia had become the main target of the Ottoman expansion and, in spring 1463, was occupied by the army of the Mohammed the Conqueror. Kingdom of Hungary-Croatia responded with a counter-attack in the autumn and winter of 1463, in the course of which the army of King Matthias Corvinus captured the castle of Jajce and some other nearby fortifications. The possession of these forts allowed defence from new Ottoman attacks in the following years. Thus the foundations of a new military-administrative unit in the southern part of the Hungarian defence system were laid. The goal of this essay is to discuss the way in which King Matthias organized this area. Particular attention is paid to the administration of Bosnia, from the temporary authority of Ban of Slavonia and real King of Bosnia, Nikola Iločki (1471-1477) to the plans related to Duke Ivaniš Corvinus and finally for Banate of Bosnia/Jajce, in existence until 1527. The essay traces chronologically different forms of the administration. It attempts to follow royal efforts to organize this region in the best possible manner, by bringing it together with extant centres of defence system such as Banate of Slavonia, County of Temes and Principality of Transylvania.

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Spojené státy americké v české zahraniční politice

Author(s): Ondřej Ditrych / Language(s): Czech Publication Year: 0

„Vztahy ČR s USA jsou nadstandardní, mají spojenecký charakter a jsou založeny na společně sdílených hodnotách, na transatlantické vazbě a v neposlední řadě i na těsných vztazích mezi USA a EU. Politiky obou zemí mají mnoho společných prvků v oblasti boje proti terorismu a při podpoře demokracie a lidských práv,“ píše se ve Zprávě o zahraniční politice České republiky za období od ledna 2007 do prosince 2007, kterou pravidelně vydává Ministerstvo zahraničních věcí ČR (MZV). Přestože v roce 2008 neexistovala ucelená koncepce české zahraniční politiky vůči USA (podle údajů poskytnutých MZV se s přípravou vyčkávalo na výsledek listopadových prezidentských voleb v USA), lze z empirického hlediska konstatovat, že došlo k jejich dalšímu rozšíření i prohloubení. Význam, který jim byl přikládán, dokládá i rozměr politické a veřejné diskuse nad některými z hlavních témat nebo skutečnost, že hned o dvou z nich (umístění prvků raketové obrany a vyjmutí z vízového režimu) se zmínil ministr zahraničních věcí Karel Schwarzenberg na zasedání Zahraničního výboru Poslanecké sněmovny ČR (PSP), věnovanému klíčovým otázkám české zahraniční politiky v roce 2008.

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Velká Británie v české zahraniční politice

Author(s): Ondřej Ditrych / Language(s): Czech Publication Year: 0

Spojené království Velké Británie a Severního Irska (Velká Británie) nezaujímalo v ČZP významnější roli. Svědčí tomu nepřítomnost koncepce vedení vzájemných vztahů – podle Kanceláře strategie, analýz a projektového řízení Ministerstva zahraničních věcí ČR (MZV) nebyla v tomto roce ani připravována –, organizace a rozložení zdrojů klíčových aktérů na české straně (Velkou Británií se na MZV soustavně zabývá jediný úředník na odboru států severní a východní Evropy, kam podle vnitřního organizačního členění ministerstva patří kromě Velké Británie i země jako Ázerbájdžán a Bělorusko) a nepociťovaná potřeba účastníků politické a veřejné diskuse zaujímat k těmto vztahům zvláštní stanoviska. Vzájemné vztahy byly vedeny standardními způsoby a z kvantitativního i kvalitativního hlediska obecně zůstaly na srovnatelné úrovni – po mírném zvýšení intenzity vzájemných návštěv roce 2007, související se snahou obnovit kontinuitu vztahů po ustavení nové české vlády, se rytmus vzájemných vztahů poněkud zklidnil. Nebyly otevřeny žádné nové tematické kapitoly.

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Bezpečnostní rozměr české zahraniční politiky

Author(s): Vít Střítecký / Language(s): Czech Publication Year: 0

V porovnání s předchozími roky nehrála bezpečnostní agenda tak výraznou roli v politickém, mediálním ani společenském diskurzu. Důvodem je především skutečnost, že téměř polovinu roku probíhala volební kampaň, ve které nebývá věnováno příliš prostoru zahraničněpolitickým či bezpečnostním tématům, a v dalších měsících se ustavovala vláda a vytvářely ministerské týmy na nižších úrovních. Je třeba také připomenout, že politicky konfrontační projekt americké protiraketové obrany byl zcela NATO izován a do značné míry zmizel z veřejného a politického diskurzu. Podobně se uklidnila i situace kolem zahraničních misí, především pak té afghánské.

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Spolková republika Německo v české zahraniční politice

Author(s): Vladimír Handl / Language(s): Czech Publication Year: 0

Česká politika vůči Německu v roce 2010 naplňovala dříve naznačené tendence pragmatizace a decentralizace spolupráce, dalekosáhlé evropeizace česko-německé agendy a ideového souznění, popř. vzájemného vymezení – podle aktuální politické konstelace v České republice a českých aktérů, kteří se ve vzájemných vztazích profi lovali. Nástup konzervativně-liberální koalice v Praze (v SRN podobná koalice nastoupila na podzim 2009) otestoval nejen zájem o spolupráci, ale i míru blízkosti či vzdálenosti konzervativně-liberálních kruhů obou zemí.

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Spojené státy americké v české zahraniční politice

Author(s): Ondřej Ditrych / Language(s): Czech Publication Year: 0

„Uzavřela se jedna kapitola vztahů, která začala před dvaceti lety za prezidenta Havla a skončila českým usilováním o radar.“ Tak zhodnotil ministr zahraničních věcí K. Schwarzenberg vývoj ve vzájemných vztazích po loňském rozhodnutí Obamovy vlády přehodnotit plán na vybudování systému protiraketové obrany. Základní orientace české zahraniční politiky i jisté konstanty, na straně českých vlád podmíněné chápáním Spojených států jako liberální velmoci a hlavního garanta bezpečnosti v euratlantickém prostoru, zůstaly přirozeně zachovány. Přesto byl uplynulý rok především obdobím hledání nové reálné náplně zahraniční politiky vůči Spojeným státům po zhroucení symbolické nadstavby „zvláštních vztahů“ na podzim roku 2009.

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