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HELSINŠKE SVESKE №21: Srpsko-albanski dijalog 2005: budući status Kosova
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HELSINŠKE SVESKE №21: Srpsko-albanski dijalog 2005: budući status Kosova

Author(s): / Language(s): Serbian

The Helsinki Committee for Human Rights in Serbia organized a two-day conference “The Future Status of Kosovo” on June 13-14, 2005 in Prishtina. The conference not only stood for the third in the series of Serb-Albanian dialogues the Committee has staged over the past eight years, but also for the final and most important segment of the US Institute for Peace-supported project “Belgrade - Prishtina: Steps to Build Confidence and Understanding.” The idea behind the conference was to provide – on the eve of the announced startup of negotiations on Kosovo’s status – a realistic insight into the complexity of this major regional issue. The book’s contents – authentic discussions of the conference participants – practically figures for a public debate on a reality and real problems. Regardless of many a different stand, the conference participants, Serbs and Albanians alike, attempted to conceptualize a policy that moves towards a lasting solution and regional stability. A policy as such implies a sober assessment of Kosovo’s reality, as well as of possibilities, problems and constraints. The two-day conference, echoing more in Prishtina and somewhat less in Belgrade, assembled a number of outstanding political and public figures from Prishtina – Albanians, Serbs and people from Kosovo’s other ethnic communities, all of them concerned with their own future and ready to acknowledge major changes in the Kosovo society in the past six years. The same were the considerations of the participants from Belgrade, the people standing for Serbia’s alternative politics, and of Podgorica’s officials. Representatives of the international community and regional neighbors, Macedonia and Croatia, also partook in the conference and creatively contributed to the exchange of views. “Key international players were clear that that the startup of the talks about Kosovo’s future status is on the international agenda this year. And now it is on political leaders and institutions to demonstrate that they aim at building a stable, tolerant, multiethnic and democratic society in Kosovo, a society in which all communities will be living together in peace and in peace with their neighbors. It is time for all sides to let go short lived politics, join in a dialogue about real problems in good faith, with passion and constructiveness, and take all measures we know are necessary. This conference is a good start in the right direction. We need more such dialogues, said Soren Jessen Petersen, the UN Secretary General Special Representative, addressing the conference. The conference was organized in five panels: “Kosovo in the Context of Regional Stability,” “Minorities and International Standards in Kosovo,” “Decentralization and its Implications in Kosovo,” “Post-Conflict Rehabilitation” and “Status of Kosovo.” The first panel, “Kosovo in the Context of Regional Stability” chaired by Professor Enver Hasani, broached key security aspects, the role of Kosovo’s future army under civilian control, regional security challenges not only in the event of Kosovo’s independence, but also of Montenegro’s, the state of a ff airs in Kosovska Mitrovica as a major problem to be solved, etc. “Unconditional safety of minority communities is a key standard preconditioning stability and the pace of solving future status of Kosovo,” concluded, inter alia, the second panel “Minorities and International Standards in Kosovo,” chaired by lawyer Azem Vllasi. The discussion also highlighted that the return of all displaced persons and refugees was a priority task of all Kosovo institutions and factors. As for Kosovo Serbs, their integration into Kosovo society, as many put it, is their right, the same as their right to live safely in their homes is a fundamental human right without any alternative solution whatsoever. According to Vera Markovic, who chaired the third panel “Decentralization and its Implications in Kosovo,” the discussion that resembled a parliamentary debate indicated that political power was being gradually institutionalized. “It’s most encouraging that different positions on the decentralization plan do not divide the political sphere into Serbian and Albanian parts, but into groupings that include both Albanian and minority parties…I would say that the debate on decentralization testifies that Kosovo society obviously endeavors to let go the issues related to ‘outer freedom’ or freedom from domination and come to grips with the question of ‘inner freedom’ that cannot but benefit all minorities, ethnic and political alike,” said Vera Markovic. What marked the panel “Post-Con fl ict Rehabilitation,” but the entire conference as well, was the stance that position of minorities was a measure of any society’s democratic potential. In this context, as Dr. Olga Popovic-Obradovic put it, still rather high interethnic tensions make the situation in Kosovo extremely complex. Referring to preconditions of post-conflict rehabilitation, she singled out the issues brought forward by panelists, ranging from acknowledgment and condemnation of crimes and the policy that has given birth to it, lustration and individual accountability to culture as a lasting value linking people and nations. Summing up the “Status of Kosovo” panel, its chair, Sonja Biserko, said that the view that prevailed – at the panel and throughout the conference – was that some form of Kosovo’s independence was unquestionable. However, the panel itself, she added, was more focused on the sum and substance of Kosovo’s independence. It is impossible to ignore the past, the recent past in particular, as it brought about the situation under discussion. In other words, what should be recognized are not only developments in the recent past, but also the fact that the Greater Serbia project that generated ex-Yugoslavia’s disintegration persists as an illusion to come true once the international constellation changes. Therefore, Serbs should reconcile not only with Albanians, but also with all neighbors – Croats, Bosniaks and, in a manner of speaking, with some minorities in Serbia proper, according to Biserko. The conference ended by adopting a declaration welcoming the international community’s intention to tackle the future status of Kosovo as a priority issue of its agenda. Taking into account that the Contact Group has already defined the framework for negotiations that should ensure regional security and stability, and open the door to Western Balkans’ association with and ultimate membership of the European Union, “cognizant that such approach by the international community and favorable circumstance should not be allowed to pass by, and confident that this provides a unique momentum for all regional leaders to prove their political wisdom, constructiveness and genuine commitment to true interests of peoples and citizens,” participants in the conference, “call on Belgrade and Prishtina, as two directly involved parties, to engage in a substantial dialogue with maximum good will and to fully cooperate with representatives of the international community; request political actors on both sides to acknowledge Kosovo’s reality as the starting point for negotiations, while constantly bearing in mind legitimate interests of Serbs, Albanians and other communities in Kosovo, and to insist on the respect and full implementation of all international documents and standards dealing with human and minority rights,” quotes, inter alia, the unanimously adopted declaration.

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The ‘Food-Energy-Water’ Nexus in Central Asia: Regional Implications of and the International Response to the Crises in Tajikistan
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The ‘Food-Energy-Water’ Nexus in Central Asia: Regional Implications of and the International Response to the Crises in Tajikistan

Author(s): Matteo Fumagalli / Language(s): English

Most of the spotlight on Central Asia continues to be on its potential role in guaranteeing Europe’s energy security by helping to diversify its energy supplies. This legitimate although increasingly exclusive focus risks overshadowing one of the most urgent issues that the region’s populations face: food security. Food security refers here to both physical and economical access to food and food supplies. To be sure, food security in Central Asia is not to be understood as a standalone challenge. The current food crisis in the region cannot be understood unless located in the broader nexus that encompasses food, water and, indeed, energy (gas and oil). It is only by understanding how the three dimensions of this nexus are entangled that a long-term, concerted and sustained strategy can be developed and applied.

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The EU and Uzbekistan: Short-Term Interests versus Long-Term Engagement
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The EU and Uzbekistan: Short-Term Interests versus Long-Term Engagement

Author(s): Sukhrobjon Ismailov,Jarabik Balazs / Language(s): English

After fifteen years of independence, there are practically no democratic institutions in place in Uzbekistan. Only a few individuals are struggling to set up any viable alternative. The prevailing Soviet mentality in the country is set against a traditional, archaic group/family-driven political landscape. The lack of freedom has become an enormous obstacle to good governance. In particular, the lack of freedom of religion has been serving as a catalyst for radical Islamisation, due to the complete absence of political space in the country. This was aggravated by dramatic declines in income and employment and the growing poverty during the post-Soviet transition to a market economy. All of this has led to a loss of the stability and security that people previously enjoyed. This mix of economic and political stress is further exacerbated by the ailing regime of Islam Karimov – the only Uzbek establishment known by most Uzbek citizens. Alongside the repressive ruling methods and the increasingly inward-looking focus of the political elite, Karimov’s age has raised the single most important ‘what next?’ question.

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Into EurAsia. Monitoring the EU’s Central Asia Strategy. Executive Summary and Recommendations
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Into EurAsia. Monitoring the EU’s Central Asia Strategy. Executive Summary and Recommendations

Author(s): Michael Emerson,Jos Boonstra / Language(s): English

The EU’s Central Asia strategy was introduced in 2007 in order to upgrade the EU’s cooperation with the five states of the region. The political context at that time was dominated by concerns in the EU over energy security and the war in Afghanistan. The strategy took a wide and comprehensive approach however, identifying a considerable number of priority actions (political dialogue, human rights and the rule of law, education, economic development, energy and transport links, environmental sustainability and water, common threats such as drug trafficking, etc). This approach has led to engagement in many dialogue procedures and projects. While there has been an undoubted increase in the level of activity, the extensiveness of the agenda and relatively low level of resources committed to the strategy entails a risk that the whole process may not have real impact and credibility.

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The EU-Central Asia Human Rights Dialogues: Making a Difference?
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The EU-Central Asia Human Rights Dialogues: Making a Difference?

Author(s): Vera Axyonova / Language(s): English

Structured human rights dialogues (HRDs) were introduced as part of the broader EU democratisation policy towards Central Asian states after the adoption of the ‘EU and Central Asia: Strategy for a New Partnership’ in June 2007. The dialogues are conducted on a bilateral basis with each of the five Central Asian republics. As with the human rights dialogues established by the EU with a number of other countries, the HRDs with the Central Asian states are designed to ‘discuss questions of mutual interest and enhance cooperation on human rights, inter alia in multilateral arena such as the United Nations and the OSCE’ as well as to ‘raise the concerns felt by the EU on human rights in the countries concerned, gather information and launch initiatives to improve the relevant human rights situation.’

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EU Human Rights and Democratisation Assistance to Central Asia: In Need of Further Reform
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EU Human Rights and Democratisation Assistance to Central Asia: In Need of Further Reform

Author(s): Vera Axyonova / Language(s): English

One of the declared priorities of the European Union (EU) in Central Asia is the strengthening of good governance, rule of law, human rights and democratisation. Given the EU’s limited financial resources and leverage in the region, and the unfavourable domestic conditions for democratisation, one can hardly expect European efforts to result in a significant liberalisation of Central Asian political regimes. Yet, EU assistance to local civil society can enhance social participation, which provides a foundation for a bottom-up democratisation process. In these terms, the EU thematic programmes – the Non-State Actors and Local Authorities in Development (NSA/LA), and the European Instrument for Democracy and Human Rights (EIDHR) – primarily operating in Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan are of particular relevance. Uzbekistan continues to benefit from the Institution Building and Partnership Programme (IBPP); a funding mechanism that is no longer active in other countries. However, Turkmenistan is practically excluded from all these initiatives.

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Democracy in Central Asia: Sowing in Unfertile Fields?
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Democracy in Central Asia: Sowing in Unfertile Fields?

Author(s): Jos Boonstra / Language(s): English

Central Asia is one of the most repressive regions in the world. Compared with the two other former-Soviet regions of Eastern Europe (Belarus, Moldova and Ukraine) and the South Caucasus (Armenia, Azerbaijan and Georgia), Central Asia shows the least inclination towards democratisation. Although the five Central Asian republics are very different from each other none can be labelled a democracy or even claim to have made substantial progress towards democratic practices. The European Union (EU) in its 2007 Strategy for Central Asia set out to promote democracy, human rights, rule of law and good governance. The EU is active in urging Central Asian regimes to respect human rights, has set up a regional Rule of Law Initiative and runs several projects focusing on good governance, but so far has not been able to advance in any substantial way on several other aspects of democratisation, such as parliamentary reform or capacity-building for political parties.

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Trading Values with Kazakhstan
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Trading Values with Kazakhstan

Author(s): Tika Tsertsvadze,Vera Axyonova / Language(s): English

The European Union (EU) and Kazakhstan have become important partners over the past decade. The EU is Kazakhstan’s leading trade partner, accounting for 40 per cent of its exports. At the same time, Kazakhstan contributes to meeting the EU’s oil and uranium demand and Europe is increasingly interested in the country’s extensive natural resources. Growing economic and political ties have brought EU-Kazakhstan relations to a new level that seems to surpass the current bilateral agreement and the overarching (regional) engagement through the EU Strategy for Central Asia. In 2011, negotiations began over a new and enhanced agreement to replace the current Partnership and Cooperation Agreement (PCA). Despite substantial initial progress, recently talks have slowed down. Kazakhstan’s interest seems to be declining and differences are mounting over two key issues: technical and regulatory aspects related to trade and investment, and a clearer commitment and results by Astana towards democratic reform.

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Is Kazakhstan’s Rising Star Fading?
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Is Kazakhstan’s Rising Star Fading?

Author(s): Marlène Laruelle / Language(s): English

Kazakhstan’s economic prosperity and active foreign policy have given it increasing regional power status. Kazakhstan has stood out internationally as a mediator in conflicts, chair of international fora and partner to key international actors, but its ‘golden decade’ of economic growth has ended. The country faced a serious economic crisis in 2014, and registered only slightly over 1 per cent GDP growth in 2015 and 2016. Even though growth improved to approximately 3.5 per cent in 2017, due to higher oil prices and production, figures are likely to remain lower than pre-2014. In January 2017, at the initiative of ageing President Nursultan Nazarbayev, parliament approved constitutional reforms to strengthen its role, including the transfer of some presidential functions, in an effort to decentralise power.

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Reconsidering EU Education Assistance to Central Asia
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Reconsidering EU Education Assistance to Central Asia

Author(s): Sébastien Peyrouse / Language(s): English

Central Asia’s educational systems have been deteriorating since the collapse of the Soviet Union. All five Central Asian republics, to varying degrees, lack high-quality, effective education. Bad governance and pervasive corruption have added to the increasing disconnect between students’ training and employers’ needs. This is hindering the region’s human development and long-term economic stability. Education is a key area of cooperation between the European Union (EU) and Central Asia. Tertiary education has been the main focus of EU support to promote large-scale systemic reform to make Central Asian higher education systems compatible with the Bologna Process (aimed at inter-governmental cooperation on higher education in Europe in the broadest sense). However, most EU-proposed reforms have not been implemented by local governments.

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The Launch of EU Central Asia Monitoring
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The Launch of EU Central Asia Monitoring

Author(s): Neil Melvin,Nargis Kassenova / Language(s): English

Following the launch of the EU Strategy for Central Asia in 2007, relations with the countries of the region have at last been acknowledged as a priority for Brussels and an integral part of the Union’s eastern policies. Its adoption has been seen as the ‘final piece’ in the jigsaw of EU policies toward the former states of the Soviet Union: the European Neighbourhood Policy, the Black Sea Synergy, the Baku Initiative, the Eastern Partnership (currently under development) and now the Strategy for Central Asia. Together, this complex of policy initiatives marks a strong commitment to strengthening the role of the EU in Eurasia at a time of growing political and economic uncertainty and when the importance of the countries of the region is increasing, both for energy and security reasons.

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The energy problematique in EU-Central Asia relations
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The energy problematique in EU-Central Asia relations

Author(s): Jos Boonstra,Michael Denison,Vaclav Hubinger,Jacqueline Hale,Rainer Behnke,Natalia Mirimanova / Language(s): English

In discussing the opportunities for importing Central Asian energy opinion and policymakers can be divided in two groups. Those that are gloomy and sceptic on the prospects of Central Asia as an interesting energy market for the EU and those that are less gloomy (though not optimistic). In the EU Strategy for Central Asia, energy is one of the seven priorities. The EU states to be interested in Central Asian gas while it also offers assistance to Central Asia in developing exploitation of energy resources. Over the last few years the EU has stepped up talks with Central Asian leaders, especially on energy relations. EU Special Representative Pierre Morel is known for his ‘realism’ in pursuit of EU energy interests and has worked to strengthen ties that give EU companies better access. Also Memorandums of Understanding concerning energy were signed with Kazakhstan and Turkmenistan. Regardless of all this the EU has little concrete projects or deals to show. Both in working with the energy-rich Central Asian regimes of Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan in increasing exploitation of energy resources or in actually importing energy. Kazakhstan is the positive exception since practical ties are strengthened although Kazakh oil export to the EU remains modest. Brussels and other European capitals do not seem able to agree on key questions with relation to Central Asia’s energy potential. Only in case the following four questions are answered positively might the gloomy become less so.

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Getting to know each other: the EU and civil society in Central Asia
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Getting to know each other: the EU and civil society in Central Asia

Author(s): Jos Boonstra,Aigerim Duimagambetova,Bauke Snoep,Adil Nurmakov,Jiří Kopal,Nafisa Hasanova / Language(s): English

Forging links between European civil society organisations and their counterparts in Central Asia is no easy task. Delivering on EU financial support to NGOs and other civil groupings would appear to be even more of a challenge. The EU tries to achieve a lot in terms of assistance but it risks spreading limited resources too thinly, which could limit impact on all fronts. Assistance consists of a variety of instruments, mechanisms and support programmes, such as the Food Security Programme; ‘Central Asia invest’; democracy promotion through the European Initiative for Democracy and Human rights and direct budget support in Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan. Choices need to be made about where the EU should place its money. Not easy, since all subjects and programmes seem worthy at first sight. What about support for civil society?

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Security and development key in new EUCAM programme
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Security and development key in new EUCAM programme

Author(s): Jos Boonstra,Pierre Morel,Alain Délétroz / Language(s): English

It is a pleasure to introduce a new EUCAM Watch as part of the new Europe-Central Asia Monitoring programme. Much has happened in Central Asia since February 2010 when we concluded our first EUCAM cycle, especially in the sphere of security and stability. Most notable of course are the radical changes that took place in Kyrgyzstan which were quickly followed by an outbreak of ethnic violence in June last year. Almost a year after the violence, this small mountainous republic is slowly regaining some stability having installed a new Constitution and conducted peaceful and reasonably free and fair elections. While attention has been devoted to installing a new – more democratic and less corrupt – government in reaction to Bakiyev’s ousting, the root causes of the ethnic violence need to be further addressed in a follow up to the Kiljunen report. Distrust between Kyrgyz and Uzbek populations will threaten the southwest of the country as long as no intense reconciliation process is embarked upon.

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Uzbekistan opening up
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Uzbekistan opening up

Author(s): Jos Boonstra,Andreas Marazis,Peter Burian,Alisher Ilkhamov,Alisher Siddique,Zaynab Dost,Sevara Khamidova,Diana Mamatova,Sergey Marinin,Nushofarin Noziri / Language(s): English

Uzbekistan has begun to take steps towards openness, and economic and political reform. Since the death of President Islam Karimov in September 2016 and the parliamentary appointment of Shavkat Mirziyoyev as the new President of the Republic, Uzbekistan has improved relations with its neighbours and started a process of internal reform. Despite these positive signs, it is still too early to estimate the extent of Uzbekistan’s political transformation over the coming years.

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How ‘central’ is Central Asia in the EU-Asia connectivity strategy?
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How ‘central’ is Central Asia in the EU-Asia connectivity strategy?

Author(s): Jos Boonstra,Andreas Marazis,Boris Iarochevich,Frans-Paul van der Putten,Jacopo Maria Pepe,Anastasiya Ten,Sabrinisso Valdosh,Gulnura Chekirova / Language(s): English

At the end of 2018, the European Union (EU) presented its Europe-Asia connectivity strategy (CS). The CS applies to transport, energy, and digital networks, and includes a human dimension. It is also linked to several ongoing and planned EU projects and processes. While it has at its core the promotion of EU trade, the CS appears to be very broad and quite open to interpretation. So far, the CS has raised more questions than provided answers. The main geo-political question is whether there is a real need for a connectivity strategy with Asia or if this is the EU’s response to the Chinese Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). While most observers seem to lean towards the latter, given Asia’s rising economic importance, it is still unclear how the EU plans to compete with China in Asia or if the EU will try to establish synergies around concrete issues between the CS and BRI.

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New EU Strategy for Central Asia: First reactions
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New EU Strategy for Central Asia: First reactions

Author(s): Jos Boonstra,Fabienne Bossuyt,Nargis Kassenova,Marlène Laruelle,Tika Tsertsvadze / Language(s): English

I always have a ‘to-do list’ at work. And, alike most people, before I complete one task, I already have a few others to add. So in order to prioritise, my list is actually three lists: one with bullet points with what needs to be done this week (make phone calls, answer emails); one with those items that have a deadline down the road (project report, call for proposals); and a sort of wish-list with those things I would like to do when and if time allows (develop a new idea). The new EU strategy for Central Asia, adopted by the EU Council on 17 June, reads a bit like this. It includes things that the EU will do (‘the EU will strengthen cooperation on vocational education and training’); things to continue to address over the coming years (‘the EU will continue to promote respect for human rights’); and matters to devote attention to in due course (‘the EU will aim to encourage more sustainable and inclusive growth models in the region’). In sum, rather than a strategy, it is an approach or more simply, a ‘to-do list’.

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BETON - Kulturno propagandni komplet br. 187, god. XII, Beograd, utorak, 19. septembar 2017.
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BETON - Kulturno propagandni komplet br. 187, god. XII, Beograd, utorak, 19. septembar 2017.

Author(s): Aleksandar Pavlović,Đorđe Krajišnik,Muanis Sinanović,Jack Kerouac / Language(s): Serbian

MIXER, Aleksandar Pavlović: Albanska golgota i albanska rivijera; CEMENT, Đorđe Krajišnik: Bosanska generacija X; ARMATURA, Muanis Sinanović: Ogled o kranjskom autizmu; VREME SMRTI I RAZONODE, Jack Kerouac: Osnove spontane proze

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CSD Policy Brief No. 98: Capture Proofing Media in Southeast Europe
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CSD Policy Brief No. 98: Capture Proofing Media in Southeast Europe

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): English

The emerging democracies in Southеast Europe (SEE) represent one of the most vulnerable regions in Europe to foreign malign influence. On the one hand, domestic developments in SEE states related to democratic backsliding and the erosion of civic and political liberties have fed into low governance standards and public disenchantment. On the other hand, foreign authoritarian states, primarily Russia and increasingly China, have intensified their sharp power influence efforts directed at further derailing faith in liberal democracy and presenting authoritarianism as a more viable political alternative. This brief presents the policy recommendations on a comprehensive Transatlantic response to Russia and China’s media capture influence in Southeast Europe, including EU members Bulgaria and Croatia as well as EU aspirants Serbia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Montenegro, North Macedonia, Albania and Kosovo. It reviews the scope, means and reach of Russia’s sharp power influence through the phenomenon of media capture in Southeast Europe and proposes a framework for addressing governance gaps in the Balkans, which could help build resilience to foreign malign influence in the region.

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Russian Military Presence in Moldova – a Sensitive Issue for the Future of Relations Between Chișinău and Moscow
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Russian Military Presence in Moldova – a Sensitive Issue for the Future of Relations Between Chișinău and Moscow

Author(s): Ion Tăbârţă / Language(s): English

The presidential elections in the Republic of Moldova are barely over, and the first divergences between the future President of the Republic of Moldova, Maia Sandu – on one hand, and the Kremlin administration – on the other hand, are already foreshadowed. Some statements by Sandu regarding the presence of Russian military troops, illegally stationed on the left bank of the Dniester, and which statements in fact reiterated Chisinău's official stance on this matter, as it was known before the Ion Chicu government, disturbed Moscow and provoked its negative reaction.

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