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„Sąsiedzi Europy i europejscy sąsiedzi”? Polityka rozszerzenia UE i Europejska Polityka Sąsiedztwa w debatach Sejmu 2004-2014

Author(s): Magdalena Góra / Language(s): Polish Issue: 41/2016

Main aim of this article is an analysis of discursive legitimising practices of selected EU policies. The study focuses on the Sejm’s debates in which the issue of EU Enlargement and European Neighbourhood Policy with special focus on Eastern Partnership (since 2008) were discussed between 2004 and 2014. The analysis answers the question which aspects of these policies are the most controversial today and why. How political actors perceive the future of the policies? Typical arguments used in debates concentrate on security, economic costs and benefits and the impact on the European integration. However in presented study special attention is paid to cultural, religious and identitarian arguments used by political actors.

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„VON WESTEUROPA NACH MITTELEUROPA“ – EIN BEISPIEL AUS TRANSDANUBIEN, AUS DEM KOMITAT VAS, UNGARN

Author(s): Imre Gráfik / Language(s): German Issue: 2/2008

The relation between the World and Hungary, and its population has changed since the change of regime in 1989. The political, economic and social openness has started such progression that has changed the life conditions of both the individuals and the communities. Our sample, if it could be typical in this case, it could also be atypical. Iklanberény, the town which we examine, is the second smallest in Vas county, which is typically a county of small towns. The situation of Iklanberény is in many ways very interesting. As far as I am concerned the foreigners have chosen this town to move into without any special reason, but it is a fact, that after the first family moved in, more and more have come and settled. Nowadays about 10–14 foreigners – mainly Germans – (30%) live there besides the Hungarians. The foreigners live there either constantly or periodically, dependent of their work, economic interest, and in some cases it is also a question of Hungarian origin, or simple personal sympathy, cultural interest or the will to learn. They can not really take part in the town’s public life, because of work occupation, lack of relatives and friends, and of language difficulties, but with gestures, donations they constantly show how they are planning to stay and build up an existence there. They believe their ‘complete’ integration is very problematic, and their age, as well as language communication problems make it quite unlikely to happen. The future is hard to see for their foreign employees, their children – if – taking on their businesses, within the possibilities of the European Union. Still it is definitely sure that their presence in Iklanberény, in the past ten years, has made positive changes in the life of the little town, regardless of their limits. Also they are helping to make the future of their “second home” positive.

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„Wokół nowej roli międzynarodowej Niemiec” – debata połączona z prezentacją najnowszej książki prof. dra hab. Erharda Cziomera :

"Wyzwania nowej roli międzynarodowej Niemiec w dobie globalizacji, kryzysów gospodarczych i finansowopolitycznych po 2007 roku", Oficyna Wydawnicza AFM, Kraków 2018

Author(s): Natalia Adamczyk / Language(s): Polish Issue: 2/2018

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„Анти-империјалистичка солоданост“? Војна помоћ ДР Немачке ослободилачким покретима и оружаним снагама у тзв. Трећем свету

Author(s): Klaus Storkmann / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 2/2010

The Cold War was neither a national nor a bilateral conflict. It was multilateral in many respects. Research into military activities vis-à-vis third states and especially the so-called Third World, therefore, cannot be limited to individual states like the GDR. Rather, successful research inevitably calls for a supranational and multilateral point of view. To determine the historical scale and impact of GDR military aid it would be necessary to take a short look at the military commitment of other states, east and west, and their armed forces in the Third World and in Southern Africa in particular. However, due to the limited scope of this paper, this point cannot be addressed further more. Only this aspect: To protect their interests in Africa, Middle East or Latin-America the superpowers exploited the conflicting parties. East and west regarded the conflicts in Southern Africa as a Cold War sideshow, albeit not quite that „cold“. The East German NVA was by far not the only actor in this play. Weapons from the north, from east and west, were used against the civilian population. And with the end of the East-West conflict neither the delivered weapons nor the guerilla fighters disappeared. To this day, the military commitment of East Germany in the Third World, in particular in Southern Africa, has been the topic of sometimes unfounded speculations. This paper set out to contribute to an academic reappraisal of this secret part of GDR history. Between 1967 and 1989 the GDR supported its partners in Africa, the Middle East, Asia and Latin America in military matters. For more than 20 years the East German military provided so-called solidarity assistance. East Berlin supplied weapons and military equipment but also medical relief goods and food. The GDR army trained foreign military personnel at its schools in East Germany. At least in the cases of Southern Africa and Mozambique in particular there is no evidence in the files and other proofed sources that East Germany deployed military combat units or a large number of military advisers. The above-mentioned initial research results have confirmed that military contacts with foreign countries were by no means a sole responsibility of the NVA. Rather, they were determined by the foreign-policy objectives and ideological principles of the state and party leadership and specified down to the last detail. The armed forces acted on the explicit directions of the party leadership. The People’s Army therefore acted as part of the GDR’s agreed foreign policy and met the requirements and objectives of the SED leadership. Sensational reports have always been in demand. But they do not do justice to the diversity of motives and the very varied, repeatedly conflicting and quite contradictory interests and objectives of the GDR. However, East Germany did not provide any political solution in the so called Third World. Given its weak international standing, the GDR was not in the position to do so.

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„Великосрпска хегемонија“ и тешка судбина „несрпских народа“ у Краљевини СХС/Југославији: од докумената Коминтерне до савремене руске историографије

Author(s): Aleksandar Aleksandrovich Silkin / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

In the USSR, the totalitarian ideology predetermined dogmatism of scientific ideas in both local and world history. Throughout the Soviet period, the present and the past of “all countries” including Yugoslavia were considered in the light of the quasi-religious messianic doctrine. The Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes/Yugoslavia was assessed as an element of “imperialistic Versailles system” and the result of “cruel suppression of revolutionary mood of the masses”. The wrong research paradigm led to the inability to conceptualize the past, to comprehend and set out distinctly the logic of interwar Yugoslav history. Therefore, the reliable reconstruction of events and identification of all their participants remained an infeasible task for the Soviet historiography.

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„Дунав, најважнији водени пут између Средње Европе и Истока“ (Извештаји Југословенској краљевској влади у Другом светском рату)

Author(s): Milan Terzić / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 1/2009

The Danube was marked as the central navigable route in the strategic plans of the Third Reich. Due to its importance, the Allies, and especially British, tried to cut this water communication and the Yugoslav government was asked to assist in accomplishing of the task. The intensified traffic on the Danube was understood by the Allies as an indication of possible preparations for a German attack on neutral Turkey. The core of the issue was the aspiration to block German economic exploitation of South East Europe, with the focal point in the oil fields in Ploesti, Romania, in order to stop the German war machine. The activities of Yugoslav representatives point to endeavours to contribute to the war efforts of the Allies. However, when Mihailović and his commanders were asked to get actively involved in field combat they opted to wait and gave priority to struggle against the partisan movement.

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„Ефектът Медичи“ – бизнес модели в международните отношения

Author(s): Evgeniya Vasileva / Language(s): Bulgarian Issue: 1/2018

The political and corporate world is becoming increasingly technological, networked and inseparable, which provides and permits interdisciplinary, unlimited and diverse research frameworks and models. This article is an attempt to apply analytical tools from the field of business management and strategic planning for analysis in the field of international relations, diplomacy and everyday policy making. The assumption is that innovation in ideas stems from combining, colliding, merging of existing concepts and cultures and not from hard discipline differentiations.

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„Крв и живот за слободу “ – Југословенски интербригадисти у Шпанији (1936–1939)

Author(s): Avgust Lešnik / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 1-2/2007

In the military conflict between the ‘two’ Spains – the military one and the democratic one – more than a million people died. The Spanish Civil War deeply polarized the world public. While the military junta drew support from the German Nazism and the Italian Fascism, the democratic world public actively supported defence of the Spanish Republic. In the period 1936-1938 about 40,000 volunteers from 54 states arrived to Spain, including more than 1,900 ‘Yugoslavs’. The most comprehensive insight into the given problems is offered in the collection of papers “Communist Party of Yugoslavia and the Spanish Civil War” which can be found today in the Archives of Serbia and Montenegro in Belgrade. Although on the grounds of the Second Yugoslavia there were relatively many published studies on the theme of the Yugoslav volunteers in Spain (diaries, records, memoirs, autobiographies, pictures, etc.), we cannot overlook the conclusion that this important theme of the new world history has never been the subject of a thorough research work and scientific approach by any institution or an individual in the former Yugoslav republics who deal with the contemporary history. Everything, more or less, with some rare exceptions, remained at the level of collecting the memories of the participants in the Spanish Civil War. This study is focused on the structural analysis of the Yugoslav volunteers (age, profession, gender, political affiliation, nationality, etc.) and gives a new name list. Compared with 1971 (1664 persons) the same list was extended to 1912 persons of the ‘Yugoslav’ origin. It is based on the new international research who included among the ‘Yugoslav’ Spaniards the volunteers who were overlooked before, from the following categories: 1. economic emigrants from the ‘Yugoslav’ countries before the First World War and between the two world wars; 2. political emigrants from Yugoslavia between the two world wars and after the Second World War; 3. the Slovenians and the Croats from the Julian border area (Venezia Giulia) annexed by the Fascist Italy after the First World War; 4. the Slovenians from the regions of Koruška and Staerska which were given to the Republic of Austria; 5. the Croats from the territory of the Croatian coast annexed by the Fascist Italy after the First World War; 6. the ‘Yugoslav’ Macedonians from Bulgaria and Greece.

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„Мека моћ“ Pусије - услов њеног геополитичког успона

Author(s): Miroslav B. Mladenović,Jelena G. Ponomareva / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 1/2016

Eurasian integration is one of the priorities of the development of modern Russia. At the same time, it is also a key for building effective regional system. However, political will and clear commitment of the majority of population in the countries of the region is clearly not enough. Necessary condition for successful implementation of the Eurasian integration project is use of the soft power as a comprehensive resource that allows relying on the institutions of civil society, information and communication, educational and other humanitarian instruments to promote ideas of creating profitable for all the participants’ integration system and environment. The article studies various tools of “soft power” of Russia in the Eurasian space with a focus on the role of information and educational programs. The authors believe that Russia underutilized capacities of soft power in international relations. The country has enough capacity to become a significant international factor as evidenced not only economic and human resources, but also the long-term historical experience. Although the geopolitical role of Russia in the last century radically changed several times along with the entire “architecture” of the world, it is a country which is, no doubt, was the subject of the respective international relations. Place of Russia in the world system is unstable, but never meant to go to the periphery of world politics. The analysis carried out in the article shows that so far, Russia has significantly fallen behind other regional and global players, particularly the US, EU and China, in the use of “soft power” tools. According to the analysis, the authors put forward a number of proposals to form a complex approach to using information, educational and cultural programs. For a new march towards a world top, Russia needs serious and comprehensive application of instruments of “soft power”.

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„Ништа није радио већ седио и писао“ (Случај Милована Ђиласа у ЈНА 1954)

Author(s): Milan Terzić / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 2/2010

The case of Djilas at this time is still an internal Yugoslav issue in relation to the subsequent events, and undoubtedly it resounded in the institution such an army. In particular, it shows the „case“ of the first officer of the army, the JNA Chief of General Staff, General Peko Dapcevic. It should be pointed out that Dapcevic remained on that position only by April of the following year, 1955, when he was demobilized. Thereupon he was member of the Yugoslav government (The Federal Executive Council - SIV), and after that he orientated towards diplomacy. Each army is organized on the subordination and hierarchical structure. In the JNA, which in its base had a strong ideological background that will remain even to the end of its existence and disintegration of the Yugoslav state (1992), insistence on the suitability in the command and hierarchical structure was the order of reality. The question is whether people with firmly adopted principles could in the army adapt to the military and, in it present, party activity? The case of Djilas shows that it was not possible despite the belief of individuals that uniform is not incompatible with criticism. Those who had firstly given support, after pressure and the party directives withdrew („they understood properly the conversation“). Only few of them maintained their attitudes. However, for them there was no place in the strict military structure. It should be pointed out that the case of Djilas appeared in "wrong time“, after Tito’s resistance to Stalin, when because of the possible invasion from the communist East the army insisted on strict discipline. Articles written by Djilas broke down that discipline, which in the management led by J. B. Tito, who still feared of possible attack from the East, provoked fears that this will negatively affect the internal unity and subvert Yugoslavia’s defense power. Personal relations between Tito and Djilas should be taken into consideration as well. Idea to „open“ political space for Djilas after the death of Stalin, when Tito benefited from his own victory, which launched him to the orbit of a world politics, never entered Yugoslav leader’s mind. It is particularly obvious that the individuals who „slip through“ in terms of IB with this new challenge (case of Djilas) made a new „offence“. Two „sins“, IB and Djilas, could not be forgiven. However, IB members and followers of Djilas are certainly not in the same boat.

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„Партија грађанског рата“: припреме кадрова Коминтерне за извођење партизанског рата и револуције

Author(s): Aleksej J. Timofejev / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 1/2009

Comintern in the 20–30s of the 20th century was a strong and unique organization that controlled and financed the net of legal and especially illegal communist parties all over the world. For communist parties Comintern was not only a source of funding, but also logistical background, a place for recovery, restructuring and training of their staff. Preparing for armed insurrection and guerrilla warfare was a significant component in the training of party staff in the Soviet Union in 1920–1937. Instructions and courses differed from time to time and from party to party but they always had the immanent backbone – to consider the civil war and revolution as the basic way to install the communist régime. The lectures were based on the knowledge and methods collected during the Russian revolution and civil war and during unsuccessful rebellions in Germany, Estonia, Bulgaria, Hungary, China etc. There were different levels of military training according to the skill and capabilities of the students: partisan training courses in common Comintern faculties, Military-partisan Academy under K. Swierczewsky and for the most upgraded – partisan and saboteur or military schools of Red Army. All the segments of partisan education were controlled by soviet military intelligence. The key feature of Comintern’s „partisan training“ was exceptional brevity and conciseness of the program. It was achieved because: all the general and introductory information was eliminated, the students were carefully selected, there was used a system of active interchange of knowledge between students and lecturers („learning from the students“). The training activities of Comintern in the USSR were stopped in 193, and after the Civil war in Spain begun military trainings courses for foreign communist staff were transferred to the Iberian peninsular. The Civil war in Spain became a real practical exam for partisan forces and instructors of Comintern and all the communist parties in its net.

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„Произвођење“ хероја. Школовање југословенских дечака у суворовским војним школама у СССР-у 1945–1954.

Author(s): Sanja Petrović Todosijević / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

The att itude of the new Yugoslav state towards the children-warriors or „children soldiers” was not identical to the treatment that other children had. Considering them – as a socially handicapped category, on one hand, but also as those who were expected to give the greatest contributions in the future since they grew up „in the State’s bosom”, on the other – Yugoslav government decided in September 1945 to send more than ninety boys aged 9–14 to a few military colleges in Suvorovsky, USSR. Sending Yugoslav boys to Soviet schools was not only a proof of good bilateral relations, but it also demonstrated a huge desire of the new Yugoslav authorities to build their own army according to the Soviet patt ern. The severance between Yugoslavia and USSR in 1948 permanently determined the destiny of the Yugoslav schoolboys, located in Suvorovsky military schools. Available military sources say that more than sixty schoolboys (out of ninety) remained in USSR, while the others have returned to Yugoslavia before September 1948. In April 1953 Yugoslavia launched an initiative through the United Nations for the return of Yugoslav citizens` children.

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„Хубавата Елена“ на Близкия изток – Сирия през теориите на международните отношения

Author(s): Evgeniya Vasileva / Language(s): Bulgarian Issue: 4/2018

The main objective of the article is to present an analytical reflection on a scientific conversation, carried out in the form of a conference. The article is organized around two different dimensions. One dimension is formed by the themes and main positions of the given speeches. Another dimension is shaped by the exact theoretical approaches for research on international relations, to which the themes and positions may be addressed, and assessing the explanatory power of the theories. The Defensive realism gives a possible explanation of why the "situation" in Syria continues for so long. The Offensive realism provides insight about understanding the high levels of escalation in Syria. The positions between Defensive realism and liberalism overlap on the role of small actors and the potential advantages of defense. The system approach complicates the analysis and helps to describe in detail and schematically predict. The neoliberal position is close to the Defensive realism that in Syria the EU is the biggest loser. Finally, while we make a trial to predict what will happen in Syria, to have knowledge is important due to the existence of many manipulations. However, both (knowledge and manipulation) aresocially constructed and obey the principle of repetition like in the words "and so on", in other words, the human history will repeat, change and continue.

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≫La politica estera di una media potenza≪

Author(s): Vesna Prga / Language(s): Croatian Issue: 02/1992

Review of: Carlo M. Santoro "La politica estera di una media potenza" (L’Italia dali’ Unità ad oggi) Il Mulino, Bologna 1991. by: Vesna Prga

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• Балканите в новата енергийна архитектура: политическа динамика и стопански предизвикателства

Author(s): Elizabet Joneva / Language(s): Bulgarian Issue: 3/2019

In the last decades, the subject of the development of the energy sector in the Balkan countries provokes special attention due to its relevance in the context of the changing geopolitical and geoeconomic landscape in Eurasia, as well as the transformations on a global level. The aim of the study is to discuss the main dimensions of the significance of this region and the ambitions of the Balkans to act as a bridge between key energy zones.

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თურქეთ - ამერიკის შეერთებული შტატების ურთიერთობების პოლიტიკური ანალიზი თანამედროვე ეტაპზე

Author(s): Beka Makaradze / Language(s): Georgian Issue: 1/2021

At the end of the XX century and in the 10s of the XXI century, there was observed some tension in Turkish-American relations, that were not developed in accordance with the expectations of Turkey. This was due to problems related to Armenia, Syria, Israel, Iran, Kurds, which were the most important and sensitive for Ankara.The end of the "cold war" in the 1990s and the "withdrawal" from the political map of Turkey's main threat - the Soviet Union - provided Ankara with an opportunity to act independently in the region, And at the beginning of the XXI century, Turkey began to work most actively in this direction. Turkey's modern foreign policy is distinguished by many features. This is the "New Turkey" model, which is especially concentrated on the Middle East and Islamic countries. The main goal of the policy is to influence the Muslim population of this region and spread neo-Ottoman values. Turkey attaches great importance to its international relations.Turkey occupies a leading position and is at the head of the triangle of the Balkans - Caucasus - Middle East, and it should not be thought that all this is connected only with the subjective self-realization of Turkey. The Turkish Republic was brought to this state by the attitude of other Western states. Relations between Turkey and the United States began in the middle of the XX century, although the idea of Turkey as a secular, democratic Muslim state became more widely known only in the early XXI century.At the beginning of the XXI century, Turkey's renewed foreign policy approaches, of course, also influenced its relations with other countries. First of all, there have been some changes in relations between the Republic of Turkey and its long-standing strategic partner, the United States.Turkey, which wants to transform itself into a country with a "world-class economy" and become a state with a liberal democracy, will inevitably have to forge ties with the United States, which in part will require it to clarify its foreign policy priorities.

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თურქეთი ევროკავშირისკენ მიმავალ გზაზე

Author(s): Zaza Beridze / Language(s): Georgian Issue: 1/2021

The relationship between Turkey and European Union was started by the commonwealth relationship between Turkey and Europe and Turkey applied for its membership yet in 1987. The committee has prepared its resolution on December 18, 1989 in which it was stated that the negotiation with Turkey on becoming a member was premature. The committee brought the economic, as well as the political reasons for that, also the fact that there was a dispute between Turkey and Greece and the existing events in Cypress. On February 5, 1990 the committee approved the resolution, according to which Turkey would become a member of the European Union after creating the appropriate environment.In order to meet the necessary criteria for becoming a member of the European Union Turkey has carried out several reforms in 1990s and 2000s that were successful to some degree and on December 13, 1995 the Euro parliament gave the green light to the creation of the customs union. The customs union was a serious step toward Turkey and the European Union getting closer. By getting closer to Turkey the European Union showed the Islamic world that religion is not a hindering factor for the integration. In turn, an aspiration to Europe was strengthened in Turkey. The customs union was an excellent incentive for passing democratic reforms in Turkey that gave political leverage to the supporters of integration in the west.

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ტალიბანის დაბრუნება - წინაპირობები და რეგიონულ აქტორთა ინტერესები

Author(s): Simon Gureshidze / Language(s): Georgian Issue: 1/2021

The article discusses and analyzes the current situation in Afghanistan. The military operation launched by the United States against the Taliban in this country in 2001, after 20 years ended with the return of this movement. The United States has spent 2.26 $ trillion over the past two decades in Afghanistan to eliminate a variety of challenges facing the country, one of these efforts included training and arming the 300,000-strong Afghan army. However, contrary to expectations, the army was reluctant to resist the Taliban, and the movement soon gained control of the entire country and the capital Kabul, which eventually ended with the departure of President Ashraf Ghani and new caretaker government was announced by the Taliban. Because of these reasons, world's attention remains focused on Afghanistan. Particular interest is the development of events in this country and throughout the region. One of the main question is, will this country become a polygon of terrorist organizations again or a center of confrontation between various ethnic and religious groups during the reign of the Taliban? Therefore, the purpose of the article is to rethink and analyze the situation in Afghanistan before withdrawal of the US troops. Accordingly, the article discusses the Taliban interim government and brief characteristics of its members. Preconditions for the withdrawal of US troops. The interests of the Taliban, internal Afghan and regional actors: the Taliban, the Haqqani network, the Islamic State of Khorasan Province, the influence and factor of the sheikhs of the local tribes, the phenomenon of Panjshir Province. Also the interests of Russia, China, Iran, Pakistan, Turkey, Qatar. Weapons and sources of funding in the hands of the Taliban since the withdrawal of U.S. troops. The final section and conclusion broadly outline the main arguments why the Taliban could be an acceptable force for control of Afghanistan for the US and for the listed regional actors, and was the interests of the regional key players the main reason for the fall of Panjshir province.

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ყურის ქვეყნები საუდის არაბეთის საგარეო პოლიტიკაში

Author(s): Maia Kapanadze / Language(s): Georgian Issue: 1/2021

Saudi Arabia is one of the most important countries in the Middle East and the Gulf countries. Saudi Arabia is trying to play a leading role in the Gulf countries.In turn, the Gulf states are trying, and some are even trying, to weaken Saudi Arabia's influence on it, which is not so positively reflected in Saudi Arabia's foreign policy not only in the Middle East but also outside the region. Often Saudi Arabia tries to change the foreign policy vector of the Gulf countries in its favor and also to make some changes in their attitude, both towards their own Saudi Arabia and towards each other. Nevertheless, some Gulf countries try to act independently of Saudi Arabia, not to be influenced by it (Qatar, Kuwait) and to plan its foreign policy independently. This attempt by some Gulf countries often ends in fruitfu for them. Often they themselves have some influence on the foreign policy course of Saudi Arabia as well. The latter, together with various methods, tries to use the "Gulf Cooperation Council" to gain influence in the Gulf countries, through which it often achieves the desired result. The same organization is also used by Gulf countries to influence Saudi policy.It should also be noted that the Gulf Cooperation Council is a nation-wide organization. Saudi Arabia is one of the Gulf states, which has the problems with Iran the most. Their troubled relationships always differ from those of other countries. Iran is not a member of the Gulf Cooperation Council, and therefore Saudi Arabia cannot use the organization to influence over Iran.

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نحو أمن ثقافي عالميالاستشراق ورِهان التحالف بين الحضارات

Author(s): Ghaith Mubarak al-Kuwari / Language(s): Bosnian,Arabic Issue: 18/2014

In a lecture under the above title, held at the Faculty of Islamic Studies in Sarajevo on the 17th of January 2013 by Qatar's Minister of Waqf (Islamic property) and Islamic Affairs Dr. Ghaith bin Mubarak al-Kuwari, recalling the great step forward in a contemporary technological sciences and ubiquitous means of communication, the Minister underscores that the borders between the East and the West are erased and the fact that there is a significant number of Easterners to be found among Westerners, as well as there is a notable number of Westerners settled in the East, which is a good prerequisite for a high-quality and objective encounter between these different cultures. Today, the East and the West are facing the same problems. The keys to solving some of the problems are in the hands of Easterners, while the keys to solving other problems are in the hands of Westerners. It is therefore essential that each party revises their knowledge and attitudes about each other, which hopefully will result in working together and pooling resources for a common purpose, so that we could provide, both for ourselves and for the future generations, a new horizon of life on our beautiful planet where all elements and components of the creation are interrelated in a perfect harmony, concludes the Minister.

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