Around the Bloc: Around the Bloc - Rare Protest Flares in Gorno-Badakhshan
Bordering Afghanistan and China, the Tajik region jealously guards its relative independence from the central government.
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Bordering Afghanistan and China, the Tajik region jealously guards its relative independence from the central government.
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In the approved documents of ZAVNOBiH and AVNOJ, as well as in the documents of other land and province antifascist assemblies the follaving principles arc particularly stressed: selfcommitment, equality of peoples and sovereign rights. The Atlantic Charter stresses the principle: »The right of all nations to choose the form of government. .. and that the sovereign rights as well as the right of governing oneself be restored«, ZAVNOBiH in its »Resolution« has also stressed these principles stating that »The peoples of Bosnia and Herzegovina build together with the other peoples of Yugoslavia the new democratic federative Yugoslavia of free and equal peoples« and that they »have conquered the right to organize their country in the most convenient manner to satisfy the will and interests of the peoples of Bosnia and Herzegovina and those of Yugoslavia as a whole.« These principles are also present in the Charter of UN in the first articale.
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The author has presented the most notable questions connected with the position of Bosnia and Herzegovina during the Austro-Hungarian rule, in the pre-war Yugoslavia and finally poits out to the far-reaching historical significance of the first Session of ZAVNOBiH held at Mrkonjić Grad and of the decisions of the Second Session of AVNOJ held at Jajce for the future position of these provinces in the new Yugoslav state community. Although Austro-Hungarian occupation in 1818 and three decades later annexion — in the author's opinion — only partly and temporarily halted the imperialistic aspiration to occupy and possess this area, yet it did not stop the process of inner fermentation in Bosnia and Herzegovina which was pregnant with unsurmountable controversies.
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America’s imminent exit from Afghanistan could give impetus for a second Russian base in Kyrgyzstan.
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Former Ukrainian leader denounces current Kyiv authorities, Europe for conniving at his downfall.
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The question of responsibility for the greatest atrocity of the Yugoslav wars remains open in the minds of some Serbs.
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Bellingcat say a Russian military intelligence agent may have helped plan poison attacks in the UK and Bulgaria.
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U ovom broju Zbornika radova objavljujemo nastavak prijevoda posljednjeg poglavlja iz knjige: Paul Wilkinson, International Relations: A Very Short Introduction (2007.), Oxford-New York: Oxford University Press. Prvi dio je objavljen u Zborniku radova Pravnog fakulteta u Tuzli, god. III, broj 2, 2017.
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With non-alignment as its key component, Yugoslavia's foreign policy has for many years been geared towards geographically distant and historically very different partners. It is only recently, at the moment of crisis, that Yugoslavia has turned towards Europe as a way of overcoming its present difficulties. That is why particular attention is now being paid to the European Economic Community as a synonym for a modern and successful economic grouping. Until the early eighties, both Yugoslavia and the European Community were satisfied with the development of their relations. However, with the deepening of the internal crisis and the absence of realistic prospects of improvement, Yugoslavia started to view the Community in a new light, with three different approaches gradually emerging in the debates. Similarly, with the dynamically changing domestic and international environment, different views emerged of the Alps-Adriatic Regional Community, which many saw as a quicker and easier way of Yugoslavia’s integration in the European developments. Without forgetting the greater objective — Yugoslavia’s full integration into Europe — regional cooperation and integration should be seen as a way that is simpler and equally useful and acceptable for all those involved.
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The author sketches the main features of the post-war development of the two neighbouring countries and defines the basis of their bilateral cooperation so far. In spite of the differences that exist between the socio-political and economic systems of Yugoslavia and Austria, their relations of good neighbours is often mentioned as a model example of successful European relations. The possibilities of co-operation in the field of mutual relations and of a broader activity within the framework of European processes exceed the results that have been achieved so far. This only shows that Yugoslav-Austrian relations are not quite free from controversial questions. Their existence and their gradual solving however need not by itself mean that further development of Yugoslav-Austrian relations is being slowed down.
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The Prime Minister of the Kingdom of the Serbs, Croats and Slovenes. Nikola Pašić, was not a member of the Kingdom’s delegation at the Paris Peace Conference in 1919, which made the work of the delegation quite difficult. The main contentious issue among its members concerned the principle on which Yugoslavia's territorial claims should be based. The Serbian members and the Army representatives advocated the strategic principle, while the Croats (Trumbić) defended the ethnic principle. The conflict could not be resolved on the spot, which blocked the work of the delegation and frustrated its efforts in trying to get the most favourable frontiers for the new state.
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The neutral Central Asian state rarely comments on reports of tension along its border with Afghanistan.
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It is a fact that the pan-European security architecture is going through a very complex period. In the last four years these problems have been put back on the table, particularly the need for Europe to have credible security system. But things have been pushed to confrontation approaches in the spirit of a “cold war”, and not to a “real relaxation”. In this general European atmosphere, can we hope in the short and even medium term that the necessary conditions can be created to negotiate at least a new security system? Can it be possible in the short term to negotiate and implement a new pan-European security architecture? Answers must be prudent to the questions above. However, for the time being, neither Russia nor the West appear to be able to advance and negotiate a coherent strategy of redefining a new security system and consolidating a new world order.
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The present paper aims to analyse the concept of the “security dilemma” through the lenses of two key theories for approaching and understanding international politics – namely, neo-realism and constructivism. While acknowledging the fondness of the pioneers of the concept for the neo-realist theory for which it subsequently evolved as one of the key elements, the paper further proposes and comparatively analyses an alternative approach shaped by the constructivist tradition. In this regard, it focuses on the manner in which the security dilemma emerges as a result of the social construction of world politics, the subjective understandings conceived by actors on the international arena and the ensuing perceptions about their counterparts and their actions, which in turn influence the former’s behaviour. The conclusion of this analysis is that the mainstream neo-realist approach provides rather limited insights into understanding the dynamics of the security dilemma and processes of threat perception, respectively. Subsequently, in this endeavour, the constructivist approach deserves further consideration, as it allows for a proper apprehension of the security dilemma through transcending its rigid understanding as an outcome of structure of the international system.
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There is a strong preoccupation within the Chinese political elites to enhance and accelerate the reform of the armed forces in order to prepare the country for its new global role and defend its national interests. The rivalry with southern neighbours for islands and maritime area in South China Sea, the difficult relations with India and geopolitical competition with Japan, also the systemic rivalry with the USA push Chinese elites to strive for a strong military force. The People s Liberation Army is also a guarantee for the Chinese Communist Party, the leading force of the state and society, that a possible popular surge against the regime could be quelled, thus ensuring the stability and social peace within the country. The problem is that an armed force destined for internal strife is not shaped the same way as a force aimed at foreign rivals and power projection in the neighboring areas.
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In order to be able to analyze such a specialized field as strategic planning, in a context where people understand different things by reading the same words, it is desirable to describe some models underlying reasoning and to define concepts while disseminating the meaning that one gives in the text. The current turmoil within the international environment forces you to build scenarios about the near future and to meticulously clarify your analytical framework, so as not to fall into the trap of multiple annoying manipulations. So what are and what should be these strategic documents? Are they really necessary? Are they useful? Could these be even more relevant?
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The development of prospective studies and game theory became a crucial activity for many international and national organisation, especially in times of increasing dynamism and complexity. The aim of this article is to present the usefulness of developing foresight by the means of war-games or strategic simulations. “War-gaming”, a roleplaying simulation of a dynamic situation, has been used mainly by the military, but more recently, it has also been used in the context of competitive intelligence and strategy-testing. The article is divided in two sections. The first section consists of a theoretical presentation of the concept of war-gaming and simulations and its specific elements. The second section is a case study that will focus on a simulation made on China’s foreign policy that will highlight the scenarios outlined as products and strategic takeaways of such an apparatus.
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The purpose of this article is to point out the connection between the transition from the informational society to the knowledge society is done and the technological vector represented by agents, applied to the separated components of the informational society represented by informational systems. The properties, the use and the communication between agents as well as practical agent examples used in various informational systems are described.
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