We kindly inform you that, as long as the subject affiliation of our 300.000+ articles is in progress, you might get unsufficient or no results on your third level or second level search. In this case, please broaden your search criteria.
Vreme je da ponovo odredimo Krausovo mesto u kulturnoj istoriji. Kakav je bio Krausov uticaj na njegove savremenike i kasnije generacije? U čemu sa sastoji njegov značaj za književnost i proučavanje jezika, za psihijatriju i psihoanalizu, politiku, pravo, i takozvane društvene nauke?
More...
This essay has two objectives: first, to better understand how Yugoslavia's communist regime went about constructing an officially-sanctioned memory of the Second World War through the building of monuments and graves for “fallen soldiers” (pali borci) and “victims of fascist terror” (žrtve fašističkog terora); second, to analyze how Yugoslav citizens reacted to such “sites of memory” from 1947 until 1965. I begin with a brief introduction to the activities of the Association of Veterans of the People’s Liberation War (Savez boraca Narodnooslobodilačkog rata [SBNOR, and then renamed SUBNOR in 1961]), the organization that I consider as the main vehicle through which “memory activists” in Tito’s Yugoslavia acted. I then move to an analysis of public responses to their memory-making activities vis a vis graves and monuments By analyzing archival documents, newspaper articles, and especially letters written to newspapers, I argue that, while many people did respond positively to these officially-sanctioned “sites of memory,” others reacted in a myriad of directly and indirectly confrontational ways. Allowing weeds and grass to engulf graves; permitting pigs to forage in front of monuments and tying horses to them; building monuments to anti-communist forces; telling jokes about monuments and harassing people trying to visit them; and smashing plaques and monuments into pieces, sometimes on several occasions; all of these behaviors suggest that a serious disjuncture existed between the projects which SBNOR’s memory activists were engaged in and some segments of the population’s degree of acceptance of them. I see this disjuncture as exemplified in two types of directly and indirectly confrontational behaviors: first, as indifference or perhaps disconnectedness to officially-sanctioned memories; second, as conscious resistance to such forms of remembrance. At the same time, it is important to note that the documents which serve as the central empirical basis for this essay demonstrate that a sizable group of Yugoslav citizens were also very much mobilized with the veterans of SBNOR in the project of constructing, reproducing and protecting a set of heroic memories about the “People’s Liberation War.” Taken together, the conclusions of this essay suggest the need to revise the existing literature on the history of the memory of the Second World War in Yugoslavia in several ways. It has been suggested by some scholars (e.g., Hoepken, 1999; Denich, 1994; and Hayden, 1994) that the communist regime's “official memory” of the war was constructed for a repressed society, and that this memory dissolved under the pressure of intellectuals during the country’s final decade of existence. This essay, which pays close attention to societal reactions to officially-sanctioned war memories in Yugoslavia, presents a different dynamic. That is, people were neither totally repressed by a certain set of memories about the war, nor simply passive and ready to be awakened by a group of intellectuals. Ordinary people reacted to graves and monuments—two of the most ubiquitous manifestations of “official memory” in Yugoslavia—in their own ways and on their on terms from the moment that such sites of remembrance were constructed. And their reactions, while often quite positive, were also indifferent and, at times, directly and indirectly confrontational and subversive.
More...
Dr. Ivo Pilar was born in Zagreb, where he also died in unclear circumstances. He completed legal studies in Vienna. From 1905 on, he owned a law firm, first in Tuzla, then in Zagreb. Even in his younger days, he evinced an interest in the problem of artistic creation in a broader social context (Secession). As a political and politically engaged publicist, he wrote in German and Croatian, often using a pseudonym (Dr. Juričić, L. von Sudland, and Florian Lichttrager). He became actively involved in political life, co-founding the Hrvatska Narodna Zajednica (Croatian National Union) in 1910 and the Frankist Party of Right in Bosnia and Hercegovina in 1918. In his political activities and writings he strove for the best solution to guarantee the national existence of the Croats within the Central European geopolitical space. The political leadership of the Monarchy did not comprehend the important results of his insights concerning a possible solution to the Croatian question within the wider context of the vitally important “South Slav Question” (Die Sudslawische Frage und der Weltkrieg). In the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes, Pilar became a persona non grata due to his political beliefs and was legally persecuted (1921-1922). During the next decade he maintained secret contacts with the most important Croatian politicians. His violent death brought to an end not only his surreptitious political work, but also his scholarly and theoretical studies.
More...
In recent decades, with the development of ≪new cultural history≫, issues around ≪memory≫, ≪remberance≫, but also ≪forgetting≫, have become central to understanding the human experience of the past, present, and future. The Second World War is the turning point with which issues of human and civil rights and international law step by step begin to attain global civil rights. Thus the relations to the heritage of the Second World War can become more personalized, on the side of the war≫s ≪winners≫ as on the side of its ≪losers≫. Since fascism was not a Croatian ≪invention≫, the articulation of Croatian antifascism was above all reactive, regardless of whether its Italian or any other European influences are considered in the period prior to 1941. Croatian antifascism had to confront quite a large number of challenges; it had to address quite a large number of outstanding issues, which in and of itself multiplied the preconditions for an exclusive antifascist alternative that would ultimately, independently of the variety of ≪tactical≫ accomodations to other antifascist tendencies, whether they be radical, that is communist. Only a scholarly coming to terms with the reality of fascist practice, that is, antifascism in its concrete historical circumstances, therefore, with the appropriate attention paid to context, is qualified to answer the questions posed, and that means presenting interpretive distinctions.
More...
The year 1968 was one of crisis, both for Eastern and Western Europe. There was a similarity in student-riots (in France, Germany, Poland, Czechoslovakia and Yugoslavia), but mutual differences were much greater. An attempt at revamping the social system which had been established after WWII under Soviet influence was made in Eastern Europe in 1968. The new leadership of the Czechoslovak Communist Party, headed by Alexander Dubček undertook a reform with the goal of making the state socialism more democratic, in order to weld social security with human rights („socialism with human face”). In connection with reforms in the neighboring Czechoslovakia, Polish students stood up to protect intellectual freedoms. However, the government managed to stir up anti-intellectual and anti-Semitic sentiments and supress the dissatisfaction. Władisłav Gomułka came out against reforms. The changes in Czechoslovakia – abolition of censorship, preparation of the Action program with the aim of making socialism more democratic, economic reforms of Oto Šik – led to troubles in the relations between the countries of the Eastern Bloc. At meetings in Dresden (March 23), Moscow (May 8) and Warsaw (July 14–15), the leaders of the Warsaw-Pact countries increasingly criticized Czechoslovak reforms and demanded increasingly more determined that they be rescinded. Finally the danger of a reformist spill-over led to the decision to intervene militarily in Czechoslovakia on August 21, 1968. The military intervention changed the relations in Eastern Europe. Yu goslavia and Romania felt endangered and they reacted sharply. The suppression of the ”Prague Spring of ‘68” influenced mostly the attitudes of Eastern Europeans. They realized the preservation of the system and power was more important in the Eastern Bloc than the interests of the society.
More...
This chapter gives an analysis of the works of Milan Fust, of his life, his believes and the motives of his works. Here are reviewed the theory and the poetics of this Hungarian author as well as his standings, his virtues and interests that led to the creation of his plays, poems and other literary works.
More...
This chapter is analyzing the poem "With a pure heart" by Attila Jozsef. The author of the article chose this poem because through it reveals very precisely and in details the first work period of the poet, his perspectives and innovative thinking.
More...
The researches about Antal Szerb, in their most, are remembrances and obituaries - related to his tragic end. The beginning of this chapter introduces the reader in the tragic circumstances that led to his death. After the introduction the attention goes to the humanistic position of Antal Szerb and his novel "Journey by moonlight" with analysis of the novel.
More...
In this chapter the novel "The candles burn down to the stump" is being analyzed and more closely which properties of the novel made it possible for its author Marai to gain popularity in the European literature.
More...
This article is about the reforms in Hungarian prose in the late seventies up to the late eighties. The author is reviewing the critic towards the prose genre and the denial of its independence as a genre.
More...
The analysis is based on sixty newspapers and journals of the given period. It wants to show the political and everyday life of people in the last month of the peace after the assasination of Franz Ferdinand and before the declaration on war. The essay also wants to show the changing standpoint of Hungarian political elite concerning the outbreak of the war, and the cultural background of Hungarian nationalism.
More...
The mid-nineteenth century was a period of intense reforms in the Ottoman Empire in a variety of sectors including public administration, law, and education. The French connection played an important role in the development of the period’s reformist ideas. The French presence in Ottoman civil society was also striking from the 1850s on. The present paper aims at analyzing the public opinion in the Ottoman Empire in 1914, at the moment of the outbreak of the Great War, as reflected in the French-language press of Istanbul. The first part presents a general panorama of the period preceding the outbreak of the war. The second part covers the political comments published in the French-language newspapers of Istanbul during the crisis of summer 1914 and in the weeks following the declarations of war.
More...
István Tisza, along with most of the Hungarian political elite was well aware that the country would inevitably suffer damage in the war. In case of a victory, it would have to put up with even more foreign nationals, and upon defeat the empire would fall apart.After a lost war, Saint Stephen’s Hungary was inevitably doomed. However, fate could have been somewhat less tragic. For the subsequent events, the state of the civil democratic revolution of 1918 can partly be held accountable. But the main responsibility lies with István Tisza’s Hungary, and the government in power from August 1919.
More...
In the 1910’s the Slovak national movement had a double political program. The first level of this was the realization of the Nationality Law of 1868/XLIV. The second was the achievement of the autonomy for the compact Slovak language area in Upper Hungary. The Slovak national movement was too week to reach these goals all by itself, so they had to look for allies. They had four possibilities. The first was making alliance with other parties in the Hungarian parliament or besides it. The second was entering into connections with the crown prince, Franz Ferdinand who intended to federalise the Empire and give autonomy to ethnic groups within the Monarchy. The third was the Czech-Slovak cooperation, because the Czech regarded them as a brother nation. The fourth was to make pact with the Hungarian government to get some preferences by virtue of the Nationality Law of 1868/XLIV. Until the World War I the last the Hungarian government meant the real alternative, from 1915 the Czech-Slovak cooperation.
More...
The main political objective of István Tisza was to protect the integrity of historical Hungary at all costs: this was the underlying reason for sustaining the dualist system and the relationship with the Habsburgs. He believed that the situation dictated by the balance of powers exposed the Hungarians to grave danger, thus he maintained order with a firm hand, though by rule of law. He tried to curb the excesses of Hungarian nationalism („Hungarian imperialism”). He regarded contemporary world politics as struggle for regional dominion. Though he was a pro-German politician, in my view he rejected German dominance over Central Europe. As a devoted Christian, he considered the war a disaster.
More...
The Hungarian society was modernized after 1867 as a consequence of the economical prosperity and the liberal political atmosphere. The first period of the emancipation of women started in the same decades of the 19th century. The process of this emancipation became powerful during the Great War because of the mobilization of the whole society when the women replaced the men on the home front. In the short period of the bourgeois republic of 1918 the women could enjoy civic and political rights from the right to vote to the right to study at all faculties in the same conditions as men. First the so called Christian and national counterrevolutionary political regime gave voting right to women in 1919 too but it restricted the opportunities of women’s education in the next year and also restricted the female voting right in 1922. Despite of those facts the fight for emancipation of women was continued by right wing and/or conservative female societies and hybrid types of women: they promoted the Christian and national regime on the one hand and wanted to got the same or similar rights as men on the other hand. So we can call them right wing feminists. And it needs to be mentioned the bourgeois feminists who changed their vocabulary and used the right wing and national frames in the political communication.
More...
