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La construction de toute identite, qu’elle soit pensee comme religieuse, culturelle, linguistique, ou autre se fait au moyen d’une definition prealable des rapports sociaux des sexes. II en va de meme de I’identite dite ethnique et/ou nationale.
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Review of: Nataliya Tchermalykh - Lisa McIntosh Sundstrom, Valerie Sperling, and Melike Sayoglu. Courting Gender Justice: Russia, Turkey, and the European Court of Human Rights. New York: Oxford University Press, 2019. 296 pp. ISBN 978-0-19-093283-1.
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The first National Action Plans for the Advancement of Women were adopted more than 20 years ago. Nevertheless the gender inequality level in Russia has not decreased. The Russian state, like the Soviet one, while solving problems of women acts in the national the task of strengthening women as political actors (implementation of Women Empowerment policy) is not put forward. In fact, the governmental woman policy is replaced by family and demographic ones. The process of following the traditionalist gender norms in a modernizing society devalues the gender policy. The National Strategy of activity for Women for the period from 2017 to 2022 was adopted in our country in March 2017, though the draft of Federal Law “About State Guarantees of Equal Rights and Freedoms of Men and Women and Equal Opportunities for Their Implementation” was rejected in July 2018. In these conditions, the academic gender community should not only investigate the Russian gender issues, but also initiate an expert discussion of gender issues in media.
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The article deals with the characteristic features of women’s rural social activism, the result of which is the practice of entrepreneurship. Challenges of the era, marked by a change in the political course of the country in the late 1990’s, gave ideological and psychological impetus to the motivation of rural social activists not only in the organization of production practices, but also in the improvement of the spiritual and cultural life of dying villages in Nechernozemie. Social activism as a form of life activity of social actors is more typical for people living in rural areas, in contrast to civil activism, characteristic of urbanized, mobile educated groups of young and able-bodied population of cities. Rural social activists carry out projects that are more time-consuming and far-reaching in terms of time prospects than urban activists. Rural social activists, especially women, make a positive, future-oriented contribution to the social, spiritual and economic development of depressed rural areas. The motives of women’s activism resulting in entrepreneurial activity in the rural areas of the Russian North (Vologda and Leningrad regions) were: 1) traditionally positive attitude to the phenomenon of women’s extra-family production activity in the population who did not know the serfdom (remote areas of the Vologda region); 2) the difficult economic situation in which women found themselves in post-perestroika Russia; 3) the realities of administrative and legal relations of modern liberal democratic society, in which there continue to be “glass” and “silver ceilings” for socially active women, as well as psychologically motivated desire of women entrepreneurs to overcome these barriers; 4) spiritual guidelines for the combination of production and material activities and work in the field of preservation and development of historical and cultural heritage of rural regions of the North of Russia, based on the clear understanding of the importance of spiritual culture for the reducing rural population.
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The article discusses the features of the feminization of migration at the global and regional levels. The reasons and regional features of the increase in the number and share of women in migration flows in various regions of the world are substantiated. Features of labor migration of women in the Eurasian region, including Russia and the countries of Central Asia, are revealed. The situation with the labor migration of women in Russia as a host country, as well as in the countries of its key partners — Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan — is analyzed. The key problems of the situation of women migrant workers in Russia are identified. Recommendations are offered on improving the regulation of labor migration in the interests of migrants and states.
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Belarus ranks high in the world gender equality index. However, this does not mean that in practice gender balance has been already achieved. The process is hampered by traditional stereotypes and paternalistic rhetoric. The goal of the article is to demonstrate the gender imbalance that first of all appears as an unexpected consequence of growth of the number of women in the sphere of the higher education. This sphere is considered to be among the most advanced in gender equality, however, mass higher education available for all who can pay stimulates gender imbalance among the graduates: most of them are women. They cannot find proper employment because of imbalance between the number of women-graduates and the market demands for the most popular “feminist” professions: pedagogical, humanitarian, economic, juridical and the like. This phenomenon generates new social problems and produces new gender inequalities. A second sphere of visible gender imbalance is labor market. Gender imbalance is maintained by the continuing gender division in the labor market and the existence of the so called “glass ceiling”. Third, gender imbalance exists in family domain where social policy provides several benefits to women stimulating their roles as mothers. The official rhetoric disseminated by the state media and the socialization mechanisms imposes the idea that the main task of every woman is to deliver babies. This way women are considered as active subjects only in demographic sphere of a society. On the basis of statistical analysis, the author concludes that the growth of gender equality takes place only if it does not interfere with the interests of the market economy. However, the mass higher education stimulates gender imbalance, and the labor market does not need a large number of specialists in a number of specialties chosen by women. The country’s economic priorities differ in practice with the official social policy in regard to gender, they generate new types of gender inequality. The achieved high ranks in women’s life expectancy, education and number of sits in the parliament does not automatically provide gender balance. This situation is not completely specific for Belarus. On the contrary, it is common. Market interests are an insurmountable barrier for the paternalistic social policy everywhere in the world. Belarusian state itself plays in the market and strives to achieve economic profit more than to achieve gender equality in the everyday life.
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The article presents the results of studies on how gender inequality in the sphere of social and labor relations is recognized and perceived by University teaching employees against the background of the ongoing neotraditionalist crackdown and in the conditions of optimization of higher education (job cuts, fragmentation of rates, unstable employment, increased teaching load, bureaucratization, forced reduction of requirements for students in terms of per capita financing, the growing gap in the income of teachers and administration, the actual elimination of self-government in Universities, increased ideological pressure). According to the qualitative data, Russian higher education optimization causes an aggravation of gender problems (gender pay gap, glass ceiling, lack of consideration of the needs of workers with family responsibilities, etc.), making them more visible for university employees. The level of decision-making is dominated by men, practicing hierarchical management model. In the hands of university managers there were sensitive issues of managing financial resources, building incentive systems, personnel policy, the solution of which often (arbitrarily or involuntarily) turns out to be gender-discriminating / blind. Survey results indicate that the equality principles between men and women in higher education are only partially respected, and the majority of respondents recognize the problem of gender inequality as acute.
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In the modern world the majority of the countries aim at enrolment of qualified specialists. This makes it possible for qualified and highly competent women succeed in competing at a labor market both at home and abroad. The gender theory of migration considers the independent labor migration of women to be the main trend nowadays. The author carries out the analysis of current trends of women’s labor migration and investigates the last twenty year changes in the following spheres: employment of women, migration geography, motives of job search in the international labor market, etc. Requirements of the foreign companies to selection of experts are analyzed; restrictions at employment of women in a foreign company are brought to light. The importance of policies on the cross-cultural and social adaptation of the women coming to work from other countries – developed by large international companies and aimed at helping to overcome the painful period of getting accustomed to a new workplace and achieving high effectiveness of work in the company — is underlined.
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The article presents the results of theoretical and empirical study of the problem of postponing childbearing by women of childbearing age from 18 to 44 years in the Republic of Mordovia. The characteristics of the Russian specificity of delayed childbearing by women are given. The factors promoting this process, including those existing at the level of an individual woman, as well as the factors of support at the state level are revealed. The empirical material shows that, despite the fact that the policy of the state paying sufficient attention to the process of transformation in all spheres of society, aimed at increasing the demographic potential of the population, the majority of respondents consider themselves to be unprotected in the sphere of motherhood and childhood. In accordance with such attitude women try to postpone the birth of a child to a later time (on the average — to 35—39 years). The authors of the study took into account individual and personal characteristics of women in the areas of: financial assistance and support, career growth and self-realization, healthy lifestyle, mental health, medical care, legal protection, demographic processes. It was revealed that reproductive attitudes of women aged 26—35 years differ little from those of women aged 36—44 years. Additional measures of the state support promoting the solution of problems of “real” and “potential” mothers in the Republic of Mordovia are allocated. The authors evaluate the impact of the regional measures on the problem. In addition, as promising areas of family and demographic policy in the field of fertility, the following should be noted: a set of financial measures, including both ensuring a minimum standard of living for employees taking into account their marital status, labor adaptation of women in the decree, and a proportional increase in benefits for the second and subsequent child; strengthening measures of targeted support in the system of social protection of the family; protection of reproductive health of the population from adolescence; reorientation of measures of family and demographic policy of the country from the conceptual component to strategic planning. The recommendations aimed at the development of effective measures and the creation of effective conditions focused on the compromise interaction between women and the state, taking into account the reproductive interests of the female population and the needs of society in the reproduction of the population. Such measures can be effective if all public authorities work together in a comprehensive manner to provide adequate assistance to women of childbearing age.
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This article considers the image of stakhanovka E. Vinogradova as a Soviet celebrity. The analysis of Vinogradova’s representations in the press reveals the features of the Soviet celebrity culture, as well as patriarchal nature of the Soviet society. Being similar to celebrity culture of the capitalist countries in many respects, Soviet celebrity culture did not oppose private and public. On the one hand, it helped to avoid inequality in relations between the famous stakhanovites and their “fans” and to show the unity of all Soviet citizens as one big working family. But on the other hand, the image of stakhanovka as a minor member of this family proved the preservation of the patriarchal gender hierarchy in the Soviet public discourse.
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This article examines the theoretical insights developed on the basis of Marxian critique of political economy by Socialist-Feminist literature that focuses on the connection between gender relations and capitalist mode of production. This literature, which understands the causality relation between capitalism and women’s oppression within the framework of social reproduction theory, does not only provide a significant contribution to the women’s movement but also provokes fruitful discussions on the actual workings of capitalism. In order to appreciate the importance of this contribution, the article first reviews the preliminary attempts of the 1970s that focus on the connection between capitalism and patriarchy; it then goes on to examine, in a thematic way, the different approaches in social reproduction theory, adopted as response to impasses in this early literature, through notions of relative autonomy of ideology, articulation of modes of production, and unity of capitalist production and reproduction; and finally, it concludes with a critical discussion of the limits and impasses of social reproduction theories from a historicalmaterialist perspective.
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The employment of women was a thoroughly discussed topic among the Baltic German Community at the turn of the 20th Century because it combined central social issues such as nationalism, religion and women's emancipation. The debate focused on the question of how to bring into line working and family life. This was of vital importance to the Community since their family structures were being particularly challenged by demographic change, the policy of Russification, the transformation of the working conditions during the industrialization and the impulses from the national and the women's movements. These influences spurred discussions about the future of the Baltic German way of life, which was defined in terms of family, religious denomination and social commitment. This debate can mainly be traced in the Baltic German (women's) Journals, but we also find Statements in the diaries of young noblewomen. Most of the predominantly traditional middle-class and aristocratic participants in the discussion made just moderate concessions to modernity. Thus, the bipolar view of the allegedly "natural" roles of men and women within the spheres of family life and society was hardly called into question. It was the conclusions that differed fundamentally. While one traditionalist faction wanted to confine female work to housekeeping in order to secure family life as a nucleus of Baltic German culture, the other, also traditional faction, arguing from the point of view of the Protestant work ethic, advocated the idea of women's employment outside their home, as a contribution to society as a whole. Even if the Baltic Germans by and large reacted to the challenges of the modern age with a traditionalist attitude, it becomes clear that nationalistic and religious arguments were not necessarily anti-modernist, but could and were as well interpreted in an emancipatorial rather than a patriarchal way.
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The main purpose of this study is to make visible the female labor used in the production of hazelnuts which is important agricultural product for Turkey. Especially, women living in rural areas constitute the most disadvantageous in terms of the problems encountered. The invisibility of women's labor in rural areas emerges as informal and precarious and the vast majority of the work done with depreciation seen as an extension of domestic works. On the other hand, when the related literature is examined, even though many studies are carried out regarding the working and living conditions of women, the studies conducted with the women working in the agricultural sector are limited. Although these studies deal with the issue of labor in hazelnut farming with different dimensions, the women’s labor and gender perspective has not been mentioned very much. In this context, our study has been carried out on local and seasonal agricultural female workers who are generally ignored in the literature. In this context, in the two different villages of Fatsa District of Ordu, detailed interviews were conducted within the framework of semi-structured questionnaires with neutrally selected 20 women., In the interviews, sociological characteristics of women, ownership structure, working and living conditions, gender relations and future fictions of women have been asked.
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A Room of One's Own can be categorized as a 'feminist manifesto' because it discusses the role of women in the history of literature. Woolf argues that women are oppressed and explains why women are prevented from writing fiction. Further, A Room of One's Own raises many critical issues that are still significant for women of our contemporary world and hence suggests some of the materialist reasons for the oppression of women from Antigone to the present. To Woolf, educating women is the major momentum in their liberation because that is the only way for them to be treated 'equally'. Through female representations in the book, Woolf presents the conditions of men and the mindset of the society. This qualitative study aimed to determine male representations as perceived by undergraduate English Language and Literature students. Male chauvinism, male domination and male freedom were found to be the dominant themes.
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The following article focuses on gender roles during World War II in the Slovenian lands. It outlines a number of identities and motives, both revolutionary and traditional. The revolutionary period was profoundly influenced by the centuries-old anthropological situation – Christianity. World War II transformed gender roles and allowed women to enter the male sphere. They achieved this by resorting to traditional mechanisms with their own rules, laws, and history. The study shows that women gave legitimacy to the National Liberation Movement, which, in turn, provided them with a new social status – one that was much more aligned with tradition than the socialist movement claimed. The stories of female fighters, activists, family members, and undecided bystanders reveal how the occupation shaped the wartime years and how the new Socialist Yugoslavia rose to power.
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Krajem Prvog svjetskog rata u Evropi, pa i šire, desile su se velike promjene u smislu razvitka društvenog i, posebno, političkog života. Te promjene su se reflektirale i na novoproglašenu Državu Srba, Hrvata i Slovenaca (kasnije Jugoslaviju) i, posebno, na Bosnu i Hercegovinu, u kojoj su zbog klasne, nacionalne i konfesionalne heterogenosti te slabog razvoja demokratskih institucija te promjene donekle bile usporene. Laura Papo Bohoreta, “La Franceza”, djevojački Luna Levi – rođena 28. marta 1891. godine u Sarajevu, a umrla 12. jula 1942. u bolnici u kojoj su radile sestre milosrdnice, također u Sarajevu – kao i mnogi bosanski Sefardi bila je uključena u spomenute procese.
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The aim of this paper is to investigate Iranian email invitations production considering the gender, the distance between the inviter and the invitee, and the representation as independent variables. To this end, 30 EFL learners including 15 males and 15 females at intermediate level were designated to write email invitations in two different situations. Totally, 60 invitation emails were collected and analyzed. The findings, regarding the length of speech prior to the invitation sentence (s), showed that Iranian EFL learners produced words before the main invitation sentence specifically when they know the invitee. For information sequencing, the frequency of [supportive+invitation] was high among males and females; that is Iranians put their invitation after the supportive sentences to enhance their positive face and the invitee’s. With regard to verb usage in email invitations, Iranian EFL learners used ‘want’, ‘invite’ and ‘would like to invite’, mostly the last two (invite/would like to invite).
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Preterm birth is used to identify deliveries before 37 weeks; the terms of ''preterm'' or ''premature'' baby are used to describe the babies who are born before 37 weeks. After birth, the challenging medical condition of preterm babies, since it may require the baby to stay in the newborn intensive care unit (NICU), usually may prevent the skin-to-skin relationship between babies and their parents and may have a negative effect on the mother-baby relationship, it could be stressful for both mother and baby. Studies show that preterm birth may be associated with the psychological problems experienced by the mother, post-traumatic stress symptoms and / or post-traumatic stress disorder may be one of the mental health problems experienced by the mother following premature birth. It is known that negative emotions experienced after birth affect not only the maternal health but also the development of the baby. Posttraumatic stress that the mother will experience after preterm birth may an affect the mother's perception of her baby and disrupt the normal mother-baby relationship. Based on the very few studies in the literature focusing on the symptoms of TSS after preterm birth, in this review, PTS reactions and symptoms experienced by mothers of preterm babies, PTSD, factors associated with PTS, how PTS affect the mother-baby interaction and intervention programs which have been targeted the TSS symptoms will be discussed.
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Kumu kunstimuuseumi aastakonverents „Women Artists in Baltic and Nordic Museums” 5. ja 6. märtsil 2020.
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The objective of this article is to challenge and destabilise existing approaches to state socialism as a historical period during which women remained passive observers of social and political realities. Beginning with the afterthought about the possibility of utilising some of the concepts and categories of feminist methodologies within the post-socialist context, I present results of the research conducted, between 2010-2014, with women active in communist parties and women’s organisations before 1989, in Poland and in Georgia. Drawing from in-depth interviews and archival documents, including the United Polish Workers Party and Women International Democratic Federation archives, I then examine three aspects of the experience of women active socially and politically under state socialism. First, I present diverse motives behind the decision to become a party member. Second, I explore the amount of autonomy that, in their own words, women active in the communist party and women’s organisations had at their disposal. And third, I look at the ways in which socialist activists can be positioned within existing narratives on feminism and women’s movements in post-socialism.
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