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Après une succinte présentation des recherches concernant les principaux éléments vestimentaires de Dacie romaine, en base du matériel fourni par les monuments funéraires (stèles, édiculs, statues, médaillons), on entreprend une costumes chez les hommes et chez les femmes. Ainsi, l'on constate que la tunique et la capote (sagum) pour les hommes, et la tunique et la manteau long (palla) pour les femmes sont les costumes qui prédominent.
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The archaeological researches carried out in 2018 at Pietroasa Mică - Gruiu Dării contributed to the identification of some novel aspects regarding the Chalcolithic layer from this site and allowed, in the context of the discoveries from here and by reference to similar ones, the reinterpretation, from an informational and terminological point of view, of some subjects relevant for a more nuanced definition of the features of the Chalcolithic in north-eastern Wallachia. A novelty of the recently concluded researches was the discovery of ceramic materials belonging to the Cernavodă I type (with the addition of crushed shell) different in terms of decoration (probably Ib according to the analogies presented) to the one known from the previous researches from Gruiu Dării (Ic). The presence of the Cernavodă elements on a Cernavodă Ib-Ic - Cucuteni B2 chronological horizon is not a novelty for the similar discoveries in north-eastern Wallachia. The identification of two levels (superior - N 1 and inferior - N 2) allowed to establish possible correlations between their stratigraphic sequence and the stylistic differences noted, in particular, in the Cernavodă I type ceramics (with type "C" presence). These findings seem to reflect the existence of distinct stages of settlement on the site, corresponding to chronological horizons represented archaeologically by the mentioned levels. Moreover, the absence of "typical" Cucuteni or Cernavodă I sites prior to Cernavodă I - Cucuteni B deposits from Gruiu Dării and the entire northeast of Wallachia supports the theory of the penetration of the communities belonging to these cultural environments to a Chalcolithic horizon. The representation in balanced proportions of materials specific to the Cernavodă I and Cucuteni B environments in the sites belonging to the Chalcolithic from northeast Wallachia requires the reinterpretation of their cultural classification in the sense of abandoning the exclusive attribution of such discoveries (Cernavodă I - Cucuteni B) to the Cernavodă culture. The same argument, well documented archaeologically, of the balanced weight of the archaeological materials characteristic to the two cultural environments identified in the Cernavodă I - Cucuteni B settlements, should lead to the categorical invalidation of the theory of the Cucuteni imports (especially the painted ceramics) from the respective sites. Finding inconsistent approaches to the presence (undoubtedly backed and docu- mented archaeologically) of the "C" type category in the Cernavodă I - Cucuteni B sites requires a reassessment of the importance of the contribution of this ceramic species in the interference and synthesis processes specific to the northeast Wallachia. The diversity of ceramic species resulting from the symbiosis on the Cernavodă I - Cucuteni B reciprocal relationship, but also from the integration of type "C" ceramics in the composition of "host" environments implies, in our opinion, their inclusion in the broader category of archaeological materials of synthesis or interference and renouncing the perpetuation of the use of syntaxes such as the “Monteoru variant”. The considerations presented in this study regarding the re-evaluation of the cultural classification of the Cernavodă I - Cucuteni B sites, the invalidation of the Cucuteni imports theory from these sites, the reconsideration of the "C" type ceramics in the development of the various symbiosis phenomena and the framing of this ceramic species resulting from this process in the broader category of archaeological materials of synthesis or interference may constitute the necessary premises for the development and use of appropriate terminology for the reinterpretation of these aspects from the perspective of the current state of research.
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A group of seven buildings is analyzed from the point of view of the design features (namely the width of the walls and the entrances) and of their location (alongside Histria’s main streets). All of them have been excavated before 1949 and no archives concerning the research are available. All of them were considered as « civilian basilicas » and were interpreted as administrative buildings. This study assigns them, for an unknown period of time, the purpose of horrea and a brief economic justification is presented.
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This article regards discoveries made at the enclosure wall of Tomis fromthe Late Antiquity during public interest works carried out in 2013. The discovery of a short segment of the defensive wall’s foundations off building no. 30 Ferdinand Boulevard,with a NNW-SSE orientation, indicates a chicane layout of the enclosure wall in itssector off the Archaeological Park. Besides this find, data obtained from an excavation thattook place in front of the gate situated next to the Fantasio Theatre provided new evidenceof the existence of a moat (fossa) in front of the defensive wall and the access way of thegate as well, that also hinting the crossing of the fossa by means of a bridge.
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The present article is concerned with the results of one of the preventiveresearches of 2015 from Capidava (Constanța County), an excavation that took place insector VIII extra muros immediately east of Porta Principalis, along curtain wall G. Ofall the researches carried out over time in this sector this is the one closest to the visiblewalls of the fortress. It led to the discovery of a lot of archaeological materials and several features, amongst which stands out a previously unknown ”U-shaped” tower. The towerwith a massive foundation (2.85 - 3 m thick) is similar to the ones known from the North-East side of the fortress (the only long side kept intact). The moment when the two coinsdiscovered right above the dismantled tower were lost (of which one was attributed to Constantius II/ Constans and subsequently dated between 336-361 AD) remains unknown, but their very presence still offers a vague terminus post quem for the demolition of the defensive structure.
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A debate regarding the planimetry of Carsium fortress is a relatively new item. Only now, we hope definitively, the relation between the ancient (Roman –Byzantine) fortification and the Middle Ages (Ottoman) one is cleared up. The discovery of the fortress North gate and part of some ancient buildings in the area between Unirii street and the ancient harbor at the Danube shore, considered by us as the fortress Southlimit, have allowed us to approach this subject. Inside the before mentioned space, where also a quarter of Hârșova town exists, some research was made, a larger part of the munfinished, but conclusive enough to allow a preliminary certain limits tracing for the ancient fortification. These are the building on Alexandru cel Bun street, the building inside the “fortress”, the fortification elements in sector “West precincts”, the ancient harbour, the building on Călărași street and the North gate of the fortress (Pl. I).1. Building 1 (Pl. II). It is placed at the crossroads of Alexandru cel Bun and Cetății streets, at the West end of the reserved surface. Two objectives were unearthed here: three partly researched “buildings” erected in Roman – Byzantine period, and two E-W and NSoriented, 2.50 m thick walls, suggesting the existence of a defensive line, maybe evenprecincts which could defend the fortress and the ancient settlement in the 2nd-3rdcenturies AD. The situation found in this sector is on the whole especially interesting andof exceeding importance for the fortress planimetry and may establish the Western limit of Carsium fortification in the late Roman and the beginning of the Roman – Byzantineperiod.Building 1a (Pl. III, Fig. 1) practically represents an E-W oriented wall, placed at about 25-30 m North of the before mentioned excavation (North of Cetății street). Wehave no hints that there is a direct link between them. The mortar composition is heresimilar to the building two, placed South of Cetății street. A coin from the first part of the4th century was identified at the base of the wall.2. The building inside the „fortress” (Pl. IV, Fig. 2) represents part of a construction with walls of stone attached with mortar but also with earth. The building technique and also the stratigraphy show a number of rebuilding phases during the 4th tothe 6th century. The excavation was not extended to determine the complete size of thebuilding. A „Dridu” dwelling was identified above the destroyed walls.3. Fortification elements in sector „West precincts” were analysed by us in aforegoing article. We only specify now that these, to which we add the wall remnants insector „North precincts” discovered during the 2008 campaign on one hand and theNorth gate of the fortress on the other hand, cannot be enclosed as planimetry to the same defensive system. Most probably each of them at their turn represent phases orre buildings of the fortifications used during the centuries 4-6.4. The basilica in Carsium (Pl. V, Fig. 3) was partly identified in S I in 1994. The walls are preserved on a maximum height between 0.30 and 0.63 m and are 0.70 m thick.They are built of stone with irregular brick layers attached with mortar made of sand,lime and pounded bricks. A pavement made of bricks on which pentagrams were imprinted in the crude paste is partly preserved inside. If proven that the edifice had asingle nave, then the possible measurements could be between 6/8 x 12/14 m, maximum17/18 m x 25/30 m.5. The ancient harbour (Pl. VI, Fig. 4). It is placed in the fortification Southernpart, at the Danube, between two rocks which were adjusted specially for this purpose most probably even in ancient times. The excavation which took place during the 2012campaign has identified three building phases.Roman – Byzantine period (3rd phase) is represented by a wall remnant built of littlesize stone attached with mortar made of sand, lime and pounded bricks. It is now preserved with a height of over 2 m and is 2.80 m thick.The 2nd phase is identified by a wall remnant placed 1.60 m deep, only between the limestone spur and the downstream rock (to West). It has the same building characteristics as the former. An arson level was discovered at a depth of 2.90 m in front of the wall.The 1st phase, the oldest one, only recently identified, lies at a depth of 3.20-3.30 m.The wall is attached to East to the same rocky spur, is built of little size stone attachedwith mortar made of sand and lime, lacking firmness. At a depth of 3.40 m a number ofimpressions from the poles used at the wall substructure were identified in the unstablesoil near the water. Thus, it clearly appears that Vitruvius’ rules for erecting walls wherethe soil „is soft” are respected.6. The building on Călărași street (Pl. VII, Fig. 5) represents the remnants of abuilding with walls erected with stone attached with earth, with at least two phases,destroyed by a violent arson. The walls are 0.75 m thick and are preserved on a maximumheight of 1.10 m. Outside, towards South, there are in a poor condition preserved stonepavement remnants, polished here and there. A coin from Constantine the Great wasrecovered from the earth beween its stones.On the whole we consider that these discoveries are of utmost importance, not onlyfor restitution of Carsium fortress history, its vertical evolution, but especially forhorizontally establishing its limits. For now, we know for these centuries the exactCarsium fortress North and South limits.
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The Gumelnița culture is one of the most spectacular Eneolithic cultures inthe Balkan area. During their long evolution in Romania, the communities of Gumelni țaculture have made a series of pieces of clay that mimic the human silhouette, some ofwhich are distinguished by an exceptional artistic value.Most of the pieces presented were discovered in the Gumelnița settlement of Măriuța– La Movilă (33 items), most of which were female embodiments (26), followed by 6 head shapedobjects and an anthropozoomorphic representation. Of the 56 figurines, only 3present on the body several horizontal, parallel incisions, bordered by a vertical one,which can symbolize a clothing object.In this study we aim to capture the general features of the Gumelnița anthropomorphic plastics in the collections of the Lower Danube Museum.For practical reasons, for the most nuanced analysis, in the working methodology ,we considered the classification of the archaeological material from a typological point ofview, but also morphologically. We also considered the technical data (horizontal andvertical dimensions).
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The publication of a Mithras relief from Castelu/Medgidia, bearing aGreek inscription and a simple tauroctony scene, offers an opportunity for its iconographical analysis in the context of analogies existing in Moesia inferior and other Roman provinces. Therefore, it is possible to highlight the specifics of the Mithras reliefs from the region.
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The article presents an amount of Greek (Hellenistic) and Roman epochamphorae fragments, recovered on occasion of some surface investigations at Costine ști -point "Pescărie". The pieces are part of the Brukenthal National Museum collections in Sibiu. Their fragmentary status only allows general observations regarding their typology and chronology.The Hellenistic fragments are dated within the limits of the 4th-3rd (eventually alsothe 2nd) cent. BC. Shapes and clays attributed to Herakleia Pontike and to the Thassiancircle can be recognized; others are of Menda, Rhodes (possibly made in Knidos) and Kosorigin.The less numerous Roman epoch ceramics fragments belong to the brighter coloredclay types, with narrow neck and tube-shaped basis (Shelov type B / Opaiț type I E) from the early Roman epoch and to the LRA 1 type from the 6th cent. AD.
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The topic of our article is an overview of the current status of research forthe whole province of Scythia regarding an unmistakeable small 6th century AD amphoratype. It is commonly known in the scientific literature as spatheion (σπάθειον) and currently appears in typologies as type Bonifay 33 / Berenice LRA 8a / Peacock - Williams51 / Kuzmanov VIII / Scorpan 1976 type 16 S. Such cylindrical small sized and low volume containers (about 1.5 l) arrived in Scythia with other products imported from the Exarchate of Africa during the last half century of Roman rule on the Lower Danube. On this occasion 5 new spatheia are introduced to the scientific literature, i.e. 3 from Capidava and another 2 from Axiopolis (?). The amphorae from Capidava have all secured contexts dating from the last two decades of the 6th - beginning of the 7th century, where as the twin spatheia kept in the collection of the Axiopolis Museum in Cernavoda yielded from accidental discoveries, even if they clearly belong to the same chronological horizon.
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This research aims to identify the effects of a science, technology, engineering, arts and mathematics implementation in the ancient age architecture field on the achievements of the undergraduate students and their science, technology, engineering and mathematics (STEM) perceptions. The research was based on the explanatory design, while the experimental design with pre-test and post-test control groups was carried out in the quantitative component of the study and the case study was carried out in the qualitative component. In the first stage, the study context, selections of the groups, development and implementation of the pre-test and formation of the project groups were realised. The second stage was accomplished by carrying out the study in accordance with the determined plan, implementations of the practices, realising the post-test and conducting the interviews. Finally, a significant difference was observed between the achievement test mean scores of the experimental group and the control group in favour of the experimental group.
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The worshipping of Liber, roman God known as a protector of wine and winery, in full equalized with a Greek Dionysus (Bacchus), was spread over the whole ancient world. The author describes and analyses material traces of the cult of worshipping Liber at Senia. So, from the inscription, which in the memory of his mother Gavia Maxima was carved by her son Lucius Gavins Optatus, we discover about the arrangement of the Liber's sanctuary (Fig. 1), while the fragment of the dedicatory inscription is a proof of its enlarging (Fig. 2). The existence of the temple means the existence of a group of worshippers. The author further makes conclusion that, in view of the meaning of God's name (liber means to be free), his worshipping at Senia might have been still more popular among the liberated persons and their descendants, meaning by the social group which in that mercantile and seaport town was quite numerous and which actively participated in all the segments of the public life. Among the monuments, which might be somehow linked to the worshipping of Liber, the author included also finds of marble composition where in the central place was a young man with an armful of various fruits (Fig. 3). The temple of Liber was located on the north-east outskirts of the ancient town, on the place of today's Čopić's settlement. In 1997 its walls were discovered quite accidentally. The temple, in which Liber's believers performed their mystic rites, was renovated in the 2nd c. Based on the archaeological finds and, in the context of the development of socio-historical events at Senia, the author is of the opinion that the function of the temple ceased by the end of the 4th c. or in the course of the 5th c, when the burials of the late ancient Senian inhabitants took place just in it. In that moment tradition of that cult place disappeared and the logic assumption is that the temple was violently destroyed in fights between the Christians and pagan religion believers. During the urbanization of the ancient Senia, on the north-east outskirts of the town were formed properties and terraces with good conditions for the cultivation of vineyards. In the 14th c. greater number of documents proved the existence of vineyards on the outskirts of the town, which belonged to the Senian citizens, as well as the production of Senian wine, whose sale was regulated by the Senian statute which gave it preference over the imported one. Against the opinion of the author, the wine-growing and wine-selling of the Middle Ages citizens of Senj, lay on the traditions developed in the ancient times. In that context, very interesting is the renaissance illustration of the small Dionysus on the stone relief, framed by an abounding vine, which used to be a trade-mark of single wine-growers or some association, producer or wine-dealer of the Middle Ages Senia (Fig. 4).
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Gaius Suetonius in Vitae Galbae, as part of his Vita divi Augusti, described the case of a banker (nummularius) and the penal sanction applied to him by the later emperor Galba. The governor of the province of Hispania Tarraconensis ordered to cut off the hands of a banker who was unfairly changing money. In order to show even greater severity of the punishment, he ordered the cut off hands to be nailed to the table where the banker was performing the dishonest acts. Undoubtedly, nummularius punished by Galba conducted operations within mensa nummularia. The owners of the cantors used qualified people recruited from among the lower social strata, mainly slaves, to perform mint operations. The professional examination of the quality of a coin required a great deal of specialist work. The convict participated in the banking activity as a support technical personnel. The minting and testing operations ended with sealing the purse with tesserae nummulariae. Such specialized operations were not performed by Roman citizens. The content of tesserae nummulariae may be an indication that the testing operations were performed by slaves. Servi had actual knowledge of the contents of the controlled purses and the control process could be an opportunity for abuse or even punishable acts. The slave would therefore suffer a well-deserved and adequate punishment in the form of chopping off his hands and nailing them to the table at which he dishonestly carried out minting and testing activities.
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Review of: Michał Lewandowski - ANTONI DĘBIŃSKI, POLITYKA USTAWODAWCZA CESARZY CHRZEŚCIJAŃSKICH W SPRAWACH RELIGIJNYCH, WYD. KUL, LUBLIN 2020, SS. 235
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Der Autor dieses Artikels sucht nach der Lösung des Problems des Wappens von der Stadt Senj. Die bisherigen Autoren, die die Senjer Vergangenheit bearbeitet haben, supponieren die Bestehung eines älteren Klosters des hl. Georg, das zuerst den Templern, und nach der Abfahrt derselben den Benediktinern gehorte. Bei diesem Kloster lag wahrscheinlich die Kirche des hl. Georg, nach der die Stadt Senj ihren Patron, und Sv. Juraj, der Ort siidlich von Senj, seinen Namen bekommen hat. Der Autor des Artikels setzt die Bestehung zweier Kirchen des hl. Georg voraus. Die eine lag auf der Stelle des heutigen Nehaj s; in dieser Kirche wurde der Patron von der Stadt Senj geehrt. Sie hatte schon vor den Templern existiert, die sie 1183/84 wie eine ausgebaute Kirche bekommen haben. Unabhängig von dieser Kirche existierte die Klosterkirche der Abtei des hi. Georg im Ort der heute den Namen dieses Heiligen trägt. Der Autor hat alle Daten gesammelt, die die paralelle Bestehung der Templer und der Benediktiner in der Nähe von Senj beweisen. Ihr Kloster wurde von der Mitte des 14. Jahrhunderts sehr oft "Abtei des hi. Georg de Lisac" genannt. Die Kirche des Patrons von der Stadt Senj auf dem Berg wurde wahrscheinlich in den dreißigen Jahren des 16. Jahrhunderts zerstort, und auf ihrer Stelle wurde die Festung Nehaj gebaut. Als Entschädigung für diese zerstörte Kirche erbauten die Senjer ihrem Patron eine andere Kirche, die sich neben der Domkirche befindet. Aus der Inschrift an dieser Kirche geht voraus, daß sie nach derjenigen vor der Festung Nehaj entstanden sei; und nach dem Relief der an ihr gestanden war, trägt sie die Zeichen des Senjer Patrons. Diese Zeichen haben ihre Stelle an der Spitze des Altars der erneuten Domkirche im 18. Jahrhundert gefunden. Dieser Altar wurde im zweiten Weltkrieg zerstört, und in der Nachkriegsrestauration entfernt, und darum blieb Senj nicht nur ohne die Kirche, sondern auch ohne die deutliche Kennzeichnung, daß der hi. Georg sein Patron ware. Es besteht doch ein Relief des hi. Georg am äußeren Teil des Chors in der Kirche der hi. Maria von Art, und in der Kirche des hi. Kreuzes in Senjska Draga befindet sich die Statue des gleichnamigen Heiligen. Das ist aber nicht nur örtliche, sondern auch bildende Peripherie, deswegen ist es notwendig iiber eine stärkere Bindung der Senjer Heutigkeit mit der Senjer Vergangenheit nachzudenken, und der Ritter der hi. Georg driickt den Geist der Senjer Vergangenheit am besten aus.
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Archaeological evidence of the use of animal hides in burials have recently become known in the Late Iron Age and the Middle Ages (800—1300 AD) in Finland and Karelia (Russia). The purpose of the article is to interpret the ritual of wrapping the dead in hides of Eurasian elk and reindeer. For the first time, the authors use a combination of innovative methods of archaeozoological analysis to study the remains of fur, and the method of ethnoarchaeological reconstruction to study the burial rite.Wrapping bodies in hides of wild animals is a widespread long-term tradition, which was practiced in Northern Europe by the Stone Age hunters. This funerary rite was supposed to ensure the “transformation” of a person into an ancestor animal. Reminiscences of hunting religious beliefs were preserved in the ideology of Northern Europe after the transition to agriculture.
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The article investigates some notions of the origin of universal historiography and promotes a reflection on the concept of History in antiquity and today, especially in classrooms of juvenile education. For that, a basic, exploratory, subjective, and inductive bibliographical research was carried out within the scope of the written production of classical and contemporary authors, with a view to contributing to a critical re-reading of the historiographic bases, something that is necessary given a characteristic of the constant evolution of science, which demands more and more technicality and specialization – and this happens to the historical discipline too. The purpose of reflection is to foster a critical discussion that contributes to the teaching of History in the classroom, in the present day, since the world today seems less and less prone to the study of the humanities, for several reasons. The conclusion is that we cannot forget the past teachings, much less how humanity faced and overcome its problems and challenges, with confrontations and solutions that transformed the past into a present, and from here arises the mission of building the future, aware that we will not evolve if we are not very clear about the notion of the human condition at all times.
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Pe marginea comunicărilor prezentate la secţia „Investigaţia istorico-orheologică, sursa fundamentală de îmbogăţire a patrimoniului muzeal", în subsecţia cu tema: „Procesul formării poporului român — premise", au luat cuvîntul tovarăşii: Hadrian Daicoviciu, directorul Muzeului de Istorie al Transilvaniei, Cluj-Napoca; Mircea Babeş, de la Institutul de Arheologie; Gheorghe Bichir, de la Institutul de Arheologie; Tiberiu Bader, de la Muzeul Judeţean Satu Mare; Liviu Petculescu, de la Muzeul de Istorie al R. S. România; Ştefan Constantinescu, Caracal; Virgil Mihăilescu - Bîrliba, de la Muzeul de Istorie Piatra Neamţ; Constantin Petolescu, de Ia Muzeul de Istorie al R. S. România; Gheorghe Poenaru-Bordea, de la Institutul de Arheologie; Carmen Maria Petolescu, de la Muzeul de Istorie al R. S. România ; Alexandru Vulpe, de la Institutul de Arheologie; Dardu Nicolaescu - Plopşor, de la Institutul de Antropologie Bucureşti; Eugen Comşa, de la Institutul de Arheologie; Mihai Brudiu, de la Muzeul de Istorie Galaţi; Ion T.Dragomir, directorul Muzeului de Istorie Galaţi; Valeriu Leahu, de la Muzeul de Istorie al R. S. România; Ion Chicideanu, de la Muzeul Judeţean Dîmboviţa; Simion Ştefan, de la Institutul de Arheologie; Victor Teodorescu, de la Muzeul de Istorie al judeţului Prahova, Ploieşti; Vasile Dupoi, de la Facultatea de Istorie Bucureşti; Mariana Marcu, de la Muzeul de Istorie Braşov.
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