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DWANAŚCIE WARSZAWSKICH ULIC, ZAMIESZKANYCH NIEGDYŚ PRZEZ WARSZAWSKICH ŻYDÓW, TO BOHATERKI NAJNOWSZEJ KSIĄŻKI PROF. JACKA LEOCIAKA BIOGRAFIE ULIC. O ŻYDOWSKICH ULICACH WARSZAWY: OD NARODZIN PO ZAGŁADĘ.
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The study examines the extent of German Lutheran burghers’ participation in pre-1848 associations in Hungary. Ranging from Free Masons’ lodges, ladies’ charitable societies, and Pest casinos (social clubs) to scientific-medical societies, the study explores the participation of Lutheran burghers as leaders, subscribers, or activists in various organisations from the Saxon towns to Pozsony/Pressburg, from Eperjes/Preschau to Pest. Although the figures and patterns of participa- tion show great variation across the types of associations and the traditions of different towns, German Lutherans generally show higher levels of activity than others. The paper suggests that the reasons for this lie in the shared cultural con- ventions of the stakeholders, such as their access to information abroad and their educational preferences, as well as their already existing nationwide network. The study is a methodological experiment of sorts, as the analysis approaches the associations as vehicles of social organisation. In this sense, instead of the traditional analysis of estates affiliation and profession, the subject of the present inquiry is a characteristic “estatesque” group of Hungarian society in the age of the late estates system, which can be described in terms of shared culture, and is characterised by strong social ambitions and cohesive countrywide cooperation.
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Following the 1827 foundation of the social club named National Casino (Nemzeti Casino), the so-called Age of Reforms in Hungary was also a time of “casino fever.” The debate clubs and book clubs also launched at this time were important forums for spreading the liberal ideals of the age. They played a defining role in helping the fundamentals of democracy gain foothold in Hun- gary, especially by their membership policies cutting across the categories of the estates system and dismantling the boundaries of feudal society. Their libraries contained Hungarian and international literature, and going beyond supporting the case of Hungarian language and literature, they also laid the foundations for an erudite Hungarian readership. The members of these societies had access to the most important journals of the time, which meant that they were well informed about the political and economic news of Hungary and the world, as well as the most recent literary news of the country. These clubs and associa- tions attest to the strengthening of civil society as well: besides their educational purposes, they strove to boost the local economy and social life, and they also proved to be a catalyst of social change through their patronage of charitable activities.The study aims to deepen and nuance the generic picture of reform-age civil organisations found in scholarship, through the example of Békéscsaba's Casino, established in 1842. Following a detailed overview of the operation of this pro- vincial casino before the 1848 revolution, the study provides a detailed insight into the circumstances of its foundation, the practical implementation of the projected aims and ideals, the organisational structure, the methods and strate- gies of the leadership, the composition of the membership and the subscription process, as well as the fabric of the casino (building, facilities, accounts), the library, and the reading habits of the members. The primary source for the study is the casino’s proceedings between 1842 and 1848, augmented by other archival sources from this period and news reporting in the contemporary press.
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In the past few decades Hungarian research into the history of civic societies and associations have contributed a great deal to our understanding of the spread of different types of societies and their social significance. Less was said about their potential to fulfil their planned initiatives, the kind of conflicts they faced during their work, the support they could rely on, and the forms of resistance that hampered their operation. The present study, thus, focuses on conflicts. The main question deals with the ways in which Hungarian agricultural associations were able (or unable) to act as the civil relief organisation at the time of the most severe humanitarian crisis of the 1860s, the draught and famine on the Great Plain. As demonstrated in the present case study, the poverty drives of the Zala County Agricultural Associations and their difficulties reveal the contemporary civic society’s potential for implementation within the restricted perimeters of civic action in the Interim Period. Upon a closer examination of the struggles between the association and the government, it becomes clear that despite its reservations about civil initiatives in general, in time of crisis the government could rely on their support to a great extent – perhaps because it was the only thing to be done to achieve anything at all.
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The study provides and overview of the history of the Israelite Hungarian Lit- erary Society (est. 1894) and the National Hungarian Israelite Association for Public Education (est. 1909), both Hungarian Jewish cultural societies, from their foundation at the turn of the nineteenth century until 1914.The period between the second half of the 1880s and the outbreak of World War I was an extraordinary time in the pre-Holocaust history of emancipated Hungarian Jews. At this time, the intelligentsia of the integrationist Jews were more concerned about the disintegrating identity of the acculturated and secular- ised Jewish middle class than about external threats, that is, anti-Semitism. Jewish cultural societies were established to halt this process, which was perceived as dis- astrous at the time. Their founders were inspired by their conviction that the Jew- ish identity of the middle class can be sustained or reanimated by the presentation and laudation of their cultural heritage rather than of their religion.While the two associations felt the continuous need to proclaim their useful- ness for patriotic purposes, they repeatedly delved into discourses which defined Jewishness on an ethnic and ‘racial’ basis. This was in stark contrast both with the official standpoint which aimed to reduce Jewishness to a religious category and with the Hungarian-Jewish assimilation ideals in general.
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Cardinal Stefan Wyszyński, Primate of Poland, spent half a year in total in Krynica-Zdrój in the years 1951-1978. Not only did he spend time relaxing in the spa but he also worked on important matters regarding the Church in Poland and receiving many guests, both priests, including Cardinal Karol Wojtyła, and laymen, e.g. Jerzy Turowicz and Jerzy Zawieyski. He always stayed with the Sisters of Saint Elizabeth, although the detached house “Ostoja” was a special place for him, he leased it from Maria Okońska’s family. The house was turned into a guest and retreat house for young people and run by female employees of the Primate Institute. Róża Siemieńska was a director of “Ostoja” for many years and used the Primate’s support to renovate and extend the boarding house despite of the objection of the local authorities; the house has operated as the Cardinal Stefan Wyszyński Educational and Formation Centre until today. The article documents holidays of Cardinal Stefan Wyszyński in Krynica-Zdrój.
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This study draws the attention on some of the articles written by Father Dumitru Stăniloae against the communist ideology, during his work at the religious publication Telegraful Român (Romanian Telegraph). The relationship between Christianity and the communist ideology, pictured by Dumitru Stăniloae, through the militant journalist’s nib, is one made up of lights and shadows. Such attitudes were legitimized, however, through the doctrine of Christianity, as the journalist and theologian from Sibiu argues.
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Historically, the most significant changes in the demographical structure of Anatolia have occurred in the last 150 years. In the last two centuries of the Ottoman Empire, the territories began to shrink as a result of the weakening of the Empire, losing wars and thus, losing significant portions of lands. The region that was affected most from this territorial shrinking process was Anatolia, which was considered as a safe haven at the nucleus of the Ottoman Empire.It is a commonly held view that the Ottoman-Russian War of 1877-1878 (the War of ‘93) was a critical point for the demographic structure of Anatolia. As a result of the disastrous defeat suffered at the hands of the Tsarist Russia the Muslim populations of the Balkans immigrated en masse to the Anatolian territories. This immigration wave left lasting effects on the demographic structure of the Ottoman Empire while at the same time creating the opportunity for the Balkan nations to constitute their nation-states. The independence movements in the Balkans were followed by the political changes in the Caucasian region and the Muslims of Crimea and Caucasia began to flood into Anatolia in large numbers beginning in the 1860s. The new “national” Turkish state, founded after the War of National Struggle in the first quarter of the 20th century, has been well established on a sociological basis in terms of nation-building with the integration of the Muslim refugees from the Balkans and the Caucasus with the native Muslim population of Anatolia.This nation-building process of modern Turkey during the first half of the 20th century was closely examined by the American officials who compiled a social and demographic map of Turkey.
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Потпирајќи се на антрополошки пристап што ги поврзува социјалистичкиот, раниот постсоцијалистички и современиот потрошувачки капиталистички период во Бугарија, овој труд ги анализира транзициите на едно урбано место. Женскиот пазар е централен пазар во Софија, обележје на едновековно постоење, каде што активностите во 1990-тите процветаа заедно со падот на социјалистичката економија. Следејќи ги траекториите на неговите трансформации од 1970-тите до 2014 година, создадена е слика за еден комплексен општествен свет, длабоко испреплетен со динамичните политички, општествени, економски, како и дискурзивни контексти на постсоцијалистичкото општество. Паралелно следам како овие значителни динамики прават некои урбани политики да изгледаат разумни, а други не. Од крајот на 1970-тите беа планирани голем број проекти за реконструкција на Женскиот пазар. Разгледувањето на овие планови ни овозможува да видиме како во текот на кус временски период доминантните урбани вредности и идеалите за пазарот се менуваат многупати. Проектите за урбаното обновување се условени одговори на недостатоците од урбан простор, како што субјективно се перципираат од технократските елити и хегемонистичкото јавно мислење. Опишувам дека, како резултат на ова, во 21 век во Софија нема повеќе место за урбан простор што се грижи за потребите на најсиромашните и маргинализираните.
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Drawing on an anthropological approach that binds the socialist, the early post-socialist and the contemporary consumer capitalist period in Bulgaria this article analyses transitions at a single urban site. Zhenski Pazar (Women’s Market) is the central marketplace in Sofia, a landmark of a century-long existence, where activities in the 1990s boomed alongside the collapse of socialist economy. By tracing the trajectories of its transformations from the 1970s to 2014 a portrait is constructed of a complex social world, deeply entangled in the dynamic political, social, economic, as well as discursive contexts of a post-socialist society. In a parallel stream, I track how those larger dynamics make some urban policies seem reasonable and others not. Since the late 1970s, a number of redevelopment projects for the Women’s Market were planned. Reviewing those plans allows us to see how over a short period of time dominant urban values and the ideals for a marketplace have changed many times over. Urban regeneration projects are contingent responses to the deficiencies of urban space, as subjectively perceived by the technocratic elites and hegemonic public opinion. I outline how as a result of this in the 21st century Sofia there is no place anymore for an urban space that caters to the needs of the poorest and the marginalised.
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More than a quarter of a century after the international recognition of Bosnia and Herzegovina as an independent state outside of Yugoslavia, a period for a comparative analysis of historiographic results is appropriate. In this paper, attention is devoted to the treatment of Bosnian territory in various social frameworks, financial and personnel capacities, affinities and ideological orientations. Certain areas of scientific work, of course, had a natural sequence of activities, some needed to be adjusted, while approaches and focus in some fields developed completely new forms in the spirit of contemporary osmanism. The planned exhibition is a collection of practical experiences in the field of the Ottoman work in both the Yugoslav and post-Yugoslav periods.
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The protests that affected the student population in 1968 around the world did not go beyond Yugoslavia. The first Belgrade, and then the students of other Yugoslav universities, launched demonstrations and highlighted the demands for more equitable relations in society. Student demonstrations in Yugoslavia that erupted in June 1968, were a series of public demonstrations and strikes and other protest actions that took place at universities in Yugoslavia, with special emphasis on demonstrations of students from the Belgrade University. The year 1968 is a symbol of revolution and historical change in society, and student revolutionary mood, mini-revolution, demonstrations, riots and dissatisfaction spread from the United States to Europe, and from Paris through Prague to Belgrade, Zagreb, Ljubljana and Sarajevo. Student dissatisfaction was initiated by the inefficiency of the implementation of economic and social reform, and the decline in the standard of living not only of the broader strata of society, which had a negative impact on the student population. During the student mini-revolution, they were trying to gain for their ideals the working class, convincing them in equal interests and the only way to the desired goal, but without success. In this connection, this paper seeks to draw on the basis of the press (Oslobodjenje and Front Freedom) and letters and telegrams addressed to the Union of Students of the Belgrade University to demonstrate that the employees of the company and mine in the Tuzla region reacted to these student demonstrations in Belgrade, then the schools, college students and others. By holding a meeting of working collectives, choirs, then sending letters and telegrams, they condemned the actions of students, but also gave full support to Tito in building a self-managing socialist society.
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Like any other imaret in the Ottoman Empire that of Sofu Mehmed Paşa located in Sofia and designed by the great architect Mimar Sinan provided shelter, help and free food for the waqf staff, the guests and travelers, the poor and the needy. The paper presents the menu and the recipes of the dishes, the beneficiaries and their portions provided by the soup kitchen whose capacity of work allowed approximately 250 people to be fed. However, the main purpose is not only to introduce data about the services of the imaret according to the founder’s will, but also to establish the functioning of the imaret as revealed in contemporary sources both during the periods of financial stability and during the economic crisis or damages which interrupted and caused changes in the charitable practice of the foundation.
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Developing Fiume into an international port was one of the achievements of the Hungarian state that was acclaimed by the wider public in the Age of Dualism. The scale of the industrialization process is well illustrated by the fact that by 1891 the population of the city increased threefold as compared to the population at the time of the Compromise of 1867, and it became the second most industrialized city in Hungary based on the proportion of its industrial layer. Fiume’s significance, however, can be also gauged by other means that its position in the hierarchy of Hungarian cities. The city was also an integral part of the Croatian urban network and had major influence on other seaside settlements in its vicinity. This influence was partly exerted through the population employed by the industrial establishments of Fiume and commuting from the Croatian villages nearby. On the other hand, the fact that all infrastructural development was channeled into the city put it into an unbeatable position of advantage compared neighboring cities that formerly ranked similarly. The biggest loser in the process was Zengg (Senj). The study focuses on Zengg’s loss of position: primarily concentrating on the regional realignment as a consequence of Fiume’s industrialization, it sidesteps the praise of Fiume’s nation-wide significance and nuances the usual perception of the port city being isolated from its environment. The aim of the study is to find out how an industrial city’s centrally determined development is experienced by the neighboring region and its former trade hub, what narratives are created to describe its changing position, and how they respond to their new problems. The first part of the study concentrates on the narratives, while subsequent sections delve into the city’s problem-solving strategies.
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The study reflects on the unrest that broke out on a payday at the Ikarus plant on Christmas 1951. Based on the analysis of this event, the paper presents how the laborers, especially the skilled workers, experienced party ambitions that were increasingly affecting their workplace after the nationalization of the factory, permeating decisions made about manufacturing processes and delimiting their discretion regarding wages – one of the reasons for the tensions emerging on the factory floor. The skilled workers, however, faced more than just the factory's leadership. As the study demonstrates, besides the party-dependent nationalized economic governance, technocratic groups played an independent role in the vehicle industry, specifically in the Ikarus plant. From the beginning, nationalized economic governance necessitated a technocratic layer of society, which had emerged long time before the 1960s. The first professional organizations and the specialized public of the engineering sector were formed as early as the end of 1940s. Based on these, technocrats became independent and self-governing factors in the industry. The study shows that after nationalization some of the entrepreneurial functions in the factory were taken over by the technocratic leadership, which meant that their influence increased compared to the former period of market economy. In order to limit the power of the party in their plant, the technocrats cooperated with the skilled workers who were dissatisfied with their worsening position but were indispensable for the given technological manufacturing processes.
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Chikayoshi Nomura: The House of Tata Meets the Second IndustrialRevolution. An Institutional Analysis of Tata Iron and Steel Co.in Colonial India. Springer, Szingapúr, e-book, 2018. 287 oldal.
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Nyári Denisz: A kelet-szlavóniai magyarok a két világháború között. / Mađari istočne slavođu dvaju svjetskih ratova.Zrínyi Magyar Kultúrkör, Eszék–Osijek, 2017. 150 oldal.
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Fejős Zoltán: „Mert abban az időben lehetett vándorolni”.A cigándi amerikások emlékezete.Cigánd Város Önkormányzata, Cigánd, 2017. 336 oldal.
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