Bosna i Hercegovina u vrtlogu

Author(s): Robert J. Donia / Language(s): Bosnian Publication Year: 0

In the past six decades, English-language accounts of the Second World War in Bosnia and Herzegovina have evolved, starting with the perspective of Allied strategic military interests and moving toward an understanding of the conflict as a struggle among regional actors. In the late wartime years, English readers saw the Second World War largely through the portal of Allied military observers who visited Tito or Mihailović. Early postwar scholarly accounts of the war echoed English readers’ obsession with the gargantuan military struggle and the reasons for Allied victory. Since then, English-language histories have increasingly drawn upon the voluminous documentary record and emphasized the role of the national question in the course and outcome of the war. Some authors have adopted a regional approach and focused principally on the war in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The quality of recent histories is excellent, but there is a lamentable absence of social history in these works, and horrible fate of the Jews in the Second World War has all but disappeared from more recent accounts.

Historijske refleksije antifašističkog rata u Makedoniji u makedonskoj historiografiji 1991-2005. godine

Author(s): Marjan Dimitrijevski / Language(s): Bosnian Publication Year: 0

In the past decade, Macedonian historiography has been enriched by new studies that offer scholarly and thoughtful interpretations of the Macedonian struggle against fascism (NOAR) and its role in the larger coalition against fascism. This scholarship adheres to the principles and methodologies used in contemporary European and Balkan history, adopting a healthy and critical spirit to objectively and impartially examine the subject. Dimitrijevski traces how this scholarship is leading in new directions for the general understanding of the Macedonian anti-fascist movement. In doing so, he notes that this historiography is critical to the development of Macedonia’s national identity, national consciousness, and inter-community relations as well as for issues of human rights, democracy, freedom, equality, peace, and tolerance in the region.

Masakri i genocid počinjeni u Drugom svjetskom ratu i ponovno otkrivanje žrtava

Author(s): Tea Sindbaek / Language(s): Bosnian Publication Year: 0

It seems to be a common tendency of the historiography of the Second World War in Yugoslavia and several other countries that certain types of victimisation were left out of history writing for several decades. Particularly experiences of defenceless and humiliated victims were apparently too shameful and painful to be conceived for a long period after the war. From the 1970s and particularly in the 1980s, however, massacres and victims became central in historiography and popular history in Yugoslavia and elsewhere. While this is probably partly the result of a necessary distance in time, it seems also to accompany a change in international discourse, which ascribes moral and symbolic esteem to the role of victims. Yugoslav historiography naturally had its particular characteristics. There were ideological imperatives, some of which would have been similar to those of other socialist countries, while others were indeed special for Yugoslavia: The need to emphasise an autochthonous revolution independent of the Soviet Union, a history of brutal violence and strong antagonisms between different groups within Yugoslavia, the changing political climates, not least following Tito’s death. Nevertheless the similarities in the developments of Second World War historiography in Yugoslavia and elsewhere are striking. Therefore I believe that Yugoslav historiography has participated in and been influenced by these common tendencies. In the Yugoslav case the heroic deeds of the partisans remained the positive focus of World War II history into the 1970s. When finally genocide and victims’ suffering entered the historians’ agenda in the 1980s, however, these issues formed a particularly powerful theme within history and public debate. This was partly because re-evaluation of this historic period also meant rethinking of the background of the political system, and partly because reviving these gruesome historic experiences would inevitably influence national relations among the Yugoslav peoples.

O nekim aspektima obrazovno-odgojne politike Narodnooslobodilačkog pokreta na području Bosne i Hercegovine (1941-1945)

Author(s): Azem Kožar / Language(s): Bosnian Publication Year: 0

The educative and pedagogical politics of National-Liberation Movement in Bosnia and Herzegovina (as a part of Yugoslovenian Movement initiated and run by the Communist Party of Yugoslavia) in a period 1941-1945, was based on the idea of National-Liberation Movement, that included: equality, brotherhood and unity of its peoples, established on a secular atheistic basis. When compared to the pre-war monarchically Yugoslavian politics, particulary the educative and pedagogical politics of the Independent country of Croatia that was simultaneously implemanted in the unliberated teritory of Bosnia and Herzegovina, it was a radical new turning point. However because of the war-winnibg euphoria it attached too much importance to the role and aims of National-Liberation Movement, as well as to the tole of the Party and personality. Its attitude towards orther issuses from far and near past of Bosnia and Herzegovina was very superficial. These and other characteristics, mostly obtained from the experience of the Soviet Union, bacame prominent in history lessons. Not even the after-war (socialistic) educative and pedagogical politics managed to get rid of the inherited deficiencies from the ear until the beginning of 1980s. Then the new curricula of history issues were formed as a result of a gradual process of releasing Bosnian historiography from the shackles of politics and ideology.

Umjesto predgovora

Author(s): Jasna Turkalj,Zlatko Matijević,Stjepan Matković / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

Nakon sloma političkih ideja koje su iznjedrile revolucionarna gibanja 1848./49. u zemljama je Habsburške Monarhije uveden režim neoapsolutizma, kojim je car i kralj Franjo Josip I., između ostaloga, kaznio buntovne Mađare, a “nagradio” sebi odane Hrvate. U neoapsolutističkom razdoblju, poznatome i kao Bachov apsolutizam, koje je potrajalo gotovo punih deset godina, mogu se pronaći početci pravaštva.

Prilog istraživanju pravaškog pokreta 1880-ih

Author(s): Jasna Turkalj / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

Following the failure of the uprising in Rakovica in 1871 and its temporary disappearance from public life, the Party of Right resumed its active involvement in Croatian politics in 1878. Unlike the period before 1871, when a small circle of likeminded men had gathered around A. Starčević and E. Kvaternik, in the new circumstances the Rightist ideas spread broadly and grew into the basis of a nationalist movement. Representing the programme of an independent Croatian state outside of the Habsburg Monarchy even after 1878, the leaders of the Party of Right vehemently criticized the conditions created in Croatia by the 1868 constitutional agreement with Budapest and the opportunism and weakness of first the Mažuranić government, and then the government of Ladislav Pejačević. A steadily growing number of almost all of the disaffected from all strata in Croatian society gathered under the umbrella of the Party of Right. The elections to the Croatian Parliament in 1881, 1883, and 1884, which were all conducted in the face of open intimidation by the ruling regime, clearly showed the strength of the Rightist movement, as well as its tactics during the repressive rule of Ban Khuen (1887). Archival sources, the political press (both official and opposition), which is related to the pre-election activities, and the results of the elections offers a variety of data which contributes to a more complete picture of the Rightist movement. This paper will present, in chronological order, the results of analysis of sources which show the territorial extent (the gradual spread of Rightist influence throughout Civil Croatia and the former Military Frontier) and professional structure of the leadership of the Party of Right, that is, the representatives sent to the Croatian Parliament during the 1880s.

Jedan pogled na gospodarsku aktivnost pravaških vođa od 1861. do 1914. godine

Author(s): Mira Kolar-Dimitrijević / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

Rightist economic activity changed from case to case; it was strongly influenced by the regulations of the Croat-Hungarian Agreement of 1868. The article divides the economic management of the Party of Right into three time periods: 1. 1861-1871. Kvaternik writes his well known work Hrvatski glavničar (Croatian Capitalist) which points to the necessity of creating domestic capital and stimulating its growth with a stock exchange. His ideas did not find fertile ground because the members of the party did not recognize their importance. 2. 1878-1894 Following the quiet that descended upon Rightist ranks after the Rakovica uprising of 1871, the party activists returned to the political stage in 1878. Until 1890, F. Folnegović was the most important individual in the party concerned with economic matters. His efforts enabled the publication of official party organs and the construction of the Starčević Dom (Starčević House). 3. 1895-1914 In 1890, J. Frank joined the Party of Right. Even though he never established a particular economic programme for strengthening the Pure Party of Right, he can largely be credited for the fact that the coffers of the Party began to receive important contributions which he invested into party activities, but which he also used to initiate the development of industry and banking (for e.g., “Danica” in Koprivnica). During the term of P. Rauch as Ban, work was begun on establishing a Department of Economy for the Land Government, which in 1914 resulted in the creation of the fourth branch of this government, the Department of National Economy, which, even if it came too late, changed the very nature of the Croat-Hungarian Agreement.

Kad pravaši pođu različitim putovima: Frano Supilo i Josip Frank o “novom kursu”

Author(s): Jure Krišto / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

The duality of Croatian political ideology, which in its most important aspects remains today, dates back to the 19th century. This duality did not develop into overt antagonism while the members of the National Party and the adherents of Starčević represented the opposing sides, but the antagonism becomes very apparent – and consequently fateful – from the time of the various fissures in the Rightist ranks. The antagonism in Croatian political ideology can be illustrated by comparing the ideological positions and political programmes of F. Supilo, a former Rightist, and J. Frank, a consistent, even if a somewhat radicalized and calculating Rightist. Their personal clash and the opposing quality of their respective ideologies culminated in the context of the promulgation of the Rijeka Resolution and the creation of the Croato-Serb Coalition. This review article begins by outlining the situation on the Croatian political scene in order to emphasize the unique quality of the political and ideological clash between Supilo and Frank. The next part of the review takes a look at their direct confrontation in the news reporting around the politics of the “New Course” and the Rijeka Resolution. The article ends by presenting some conclusions which should help in understanding Croatian political and ideological antagonisms in the era that followed and which are still apparent today.

Pravaš i svećenik – skica za portret Jurja Tomca

Author(s): Ivica Miškulin / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

Juraj Tomac (1866-1930), a Catholic priest and Rightist, is an example of “a man from humble origins” who played an important part in the political life of the Croatian nation in the period from the end of the 19th century through the first half of the 20th century. He was an individual who combined within himself a belief in the Catholic Church and a great dedication to the struggle of the Croat people for independence. This article describes Tomac’s contribution to State Right ideology generally, as well as his relationship to the leaders of the various fractions of the Party of Right (A. Starčević, M. Starčević, J. Frank, etc.). Because of his political activities, Tomac was constantly in conflict with the ruling authorities, first with those of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy and later with those of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes, which led on two occasions to his incarceration. Tomac’s activities did not receive a great deal of support from his superiors in the Catholic hierarchy either, so he was often forced to move and change positions. As a convinced Rightist, he was often in conflict with adherents of Radić’s peasant movement. Despite all tribulations, Tomac remained committed to his political beliefs until the end of his life.

Hrvatska stranka prava 1990. godine: obnova, djelovanje i uzroci raskola

Author(s): Goran Ante Blažeković / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

With the coming of democratic elections in 1990, Croats of Rightist political orientation believed that is was necessary to renew the Croatian Party of Right (Hrvatska Stranka Prava – HSP) as the oldest Croatian party. It was originally founded in 1881 by Dr. A. Starčević and E. Kvaternik, but was banned after the royal dictatorship was proclaimed on 6 January 1929. They felt that the Party of Right in Starčević’s time was well ahead of its time, but that due to its ideology based on Croatian state right and statehood, was indeed more than necessary and modern. On 25 February 1990, at the Reform Congress held at no. 23 Jurevska Street in Zagreb, twelve Rightists renewed the HSP, reintroducing it to the Croatian political stage. The HSP was at the time the only party in Croatia which in its programme did not mention the as of yet internationally recognized Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia; it also spoke of Croatian right to the whole of its historical and ethnic territory. It was too late for the HSP to stand independently in the elections of April 1990, but nonetheless the party stood with the Croatian democratic block, instead of the rather dubious Coalition of National Understanding. As well, the party worked enthusiastically in Croatian political life through its party paper “Croatian Right.” The restorers of the HSP had good intentions when they chose a president for the party who lived abroad (in the U.S.). When the president of the party, D. Paraga, returned to Croatia in August 1990, a number of developments took place which brought about a split in the party ranks. After overcoming this internal crisis, the HSP survived on the Croatian political scene and went on to assume a leading role among Croatian political parties.

Uloga Ozne u preuzimanju vlasti u Hrvatskoj 1945.

Author(s): Zdenko Radelić / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

This paper analyzes the work of the Odjeljenje za zaštitu naroda (OZN – Department of National Defense), the information and intelligence service of the Yugoslavian Armed Forces under the leadership and full control of the Communist Party, in the takeover of government after the conquest of designated areas in the territory of Croatia, especially the larger cities. In the period which preceded the takeover of government, the OZN placed the greatest emphasis on the collection of information about the condition of its enemies and potential opponents, the assignments of the most important officers of the Independent State of Croatia (NDH) and the Ustaša organization, the members of the Croat Peasant Party (HSS) and other political parties, the supporters of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia and collaborators of the Third Reich, as well as the disposition of units of the NDH and the Third Reich. It especially monitored the disposition of units in cities, their streets and buildings and plans of defense. One section of the OZN produced a file listing those who were to be arrested and have their property seized. In cooperation with other state institutions of Federal Croatia, it elaborated plans for the operation of state and municipal bodies and productive and service organizations, in order to ensure the uninterrupted flow of daily life. At the end of the war and during the consolidation of the new government, the most attention was paid to the HSS and the Intelligence Service of Great Britain. The work is based on the reports of the OZN, which are held at the Croatian State Archive.

Poslijeratni komunistički sustav i javno ponašanje

Author(s): Ljubomir Antić / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

The author directs his attention at the public behaviour of individuals and groups within the context of the totalitarian communist system of Socialist Yugoslavia. In imitation of the Soviet system, the postwar communist regime in Yugoslavia had as its goal the total control and direction of society and individuals. Proceeding uncompromisinly it killed every hope of the possibility of change. Constructing a closed society, the system did not create the opportunity for choice. From the middle of 1945, those who did not accept a totalitarian Yugoslavian government as their own, in order to survive, had to adapt. The most common form was to act under false pretenses: individuals kept their own convictions to themselves, but out of oportunism they presented themselves in public according to the demands of the ≪new times.≫ The new situation was especially reflected in family life. Double upbringing: private at home and public in kindergarten and school, was a common occurence in this era. Religion, but also spirituality in general, were relegated to family and church (sacristy). Artists were especially challenged to conform to the official style – socialist realism. Public manners and style came under the powerful influence of the ruling ideology. Official unidimensional reality fell upon human spirits like a uniform grayness. People lived in the same gray apartment blocks in identical apartments. The village too had to accept on uniformity. In creating the new man, weak as he was, the citizen had to surrender to the subject, and the integral person to the homo duplex, or the man without a chest.

Ideologijska rekonstrukcija hrvatskog antifašizma : primjer Istre

Author(s): Darko Dukovski / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

Antifascism in Istria is a complex historical and political phenomenon which carries within itself various social, national, cultural and political motives. It is not ideogically and politically, nor socially and nationally, unique. It was not a unique movement, not even among a group of politically active citizens. From its origins at the beginning of the 1920s, it contained a wide panoply of motives, aims and social supporters. Antifascism in Istria was at the same time urban and rural, Italian and Croatian-Slovenian, clerical and atheist, anti-communist and pro-communist. In such variety antifascism appears in Istria almost at the same time as the establishment of the first fascist organizations. It appeared first of all in opposition to fascist violence, and afterward as opposition to the violent national assimilation of Istrian Croats as well as opposition to social and class oppression. Its motives and activities overlap and achieve fuller expression. Even in the two greatest instances of armed antifascist uprising that occurred in the prewar era, the Republic of Labin and the revolt in Proština, both in 1921, these components are interwoven. It can be concluded that Istrian antifascist resistance was a constant which appeared relatively early, before fascism came to power, in rather varied forms and among various social, national and political factors which would significantly influence the political life of interwar Istria, but also the period of the war in which the most important social and politcal turning point occurred. Croatian antifascism was especially united during World War Two and despite minor disturbances remained committed to the same course of struggle against fascism and promotion of national unification and liberation. It was only after the liberation that it split along the lines of reaction to the communist (Bolshevik) system and the issue of relations with the Catholic Church.

Između kralja, poglavnika i maršala

Author(s): Tvrtko Jakovina / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

The author attempts to situate that watershed year that concluded the Second World War in the context of world history and show what it meant for the development of Croatia and Yugoslavia. He focusses on the relations among the Allies regarding the disagreement concerning Tito, especially the plans from the end of 1943 to the beginning of 1944 in which Ivan Šubašić was to be inserted in Croatian territory in order to influence Croat Peasant Party sympathizers to transfer their allegiance to the ≪Partisan flag≫, as recorded in the documents of the British Foreign Office. From 1944, Ivan Šubašić was the key element in the British and American governments≫ attempt to decommunize the character of Josip Broz’s Partisan movement and ensure a multiparty, democratic and federal consitutional monarchy in Yugoslavia. Josip Broz Tito determined matters on the ground; he was unwilling to accept the decisions made between Moscow and London, or those in Yalta, although he was not entirely negative. In addition, the author points out the Soviet strategy for the gradual communization of Eastern Europe, as well as the American consent to Moscow obtaining a security zone along the borders of the USSR, and how this pertains to the circumstances in Yugoslavia. The relations within the Independent State of Croatia and the relations of Hitler and Pavelić were unimportant to the political solution of Croatia’s or Yugoslavia’s future.

Politika komunističkog režima u Jugoslaviji prema vjerskim zajednicama 1945. godine

Author(s): Miroslav Akmadža / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

During 1945 important changes in the status o religious communities occurred, first in the territories under Partisan control, and after the conclusion of the war, in the whole territory of the newly established communist state of Yugoslavia. Compared to the previous regime, the policy of the communist government toward religious communities changed in important ways, which resulted in distrust among religious communities toward the new leadership. Fear of the new regime’s policies as far as religion and religious communities were concerned was quickly realized, as it set about making a harsh account of the leaders of the most numerous religious communities, along with the clergy in general.

Saveznički izbjeglički logori počeci otpora hrvatske političke emigracije komunističkom režimu u domovini / logor Fermo/

Author(s): Berislav Jandrić / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

After the collapse of the Independent State of Croatia and the unsuccessful surrender to the Allies at Bleiburg, many Croats found safe shelter in the Allied refugee camps in Austria, Italy, Germany, and so on. After getting over the initial period of shock, the Croatian political emigration began to organize, drawing up plans to take action to bring down the communist regime in the homeland and reestablish the Independent State. Camp Fermo in Italy, even if by land the furthest distance from the homeland, was the center which held the greatest number of Croatian intellectuals, emigrants, and also individuals of other social classes who were the first proponents and organizers of opposition to the existing communist regime in Yugoslavia.

Uloga muzičkog folklora u spoljnoj politici Socijalističke Jugoslavije 1950–1952.

Author(s): Ivan S. Hofman / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

The conflict with Cominform in 1948 was a turning point in the history of socialist Yugoslavia. In complete isolation and difficult economic crisis, after initial vacillation and desire to prove its Stalinist orthodoxy Yugoslavia has started to seek new ways in the development of socialism, on the basis of its own revolutionary experience. On the foreign policy plan, its diplomatic activity was aimed toward restoration of previously severed ties with the West, in an effort to get necessary aid from this side and thus free itself from the heavy pressure of the USSR and its satellites. Musical folklore got its place in the new foreign-policy orientation of Yugoslavia. In the 1950–1952 period the Government of the FPRY sent leading professional and certain amateur folklore groups to competitions and tours in the West lasting several weeks, and in September 1951 organized an international congress of ethnomusicologists in Opatija. The government of the FPRY regarded tours of folklore ensembles and the international congress as one of the means to overcome isolation of the country, as well as a way to present Yugoslavia as a new leader of international labour movement, after the Soviet communists, as it was believed, betrayed fundamental principles of Marxism and international proletarian solidarity.

Le dialogue byzantino-bulgare

Author(s): Vasil Gyuzelev / Language(s): French Publication Year: 0

Les congrès internationaux des études byzantines face à la conjoncture historique

Author(s): Marie Nystazopoulou-Pelekidou / Language(s): French Publication Year: 0

Mount Athos and Political Thought in the Slavonic World

Author(s): Bojana Krsmanović / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

The topic of Mount Athos and political thought in the Slavic world can be approached in two ways. On the one side, it is by perceiving the role, importance and influence that Mount Athos had, as a monastic centre, on the development of political thought in the Christian Slavic states, i.e. among the Christianised Slavic peoples. On the other, it would be important to answer the question placed in a reverse perspective: what place was given to Mount Athos in the political thought that developed in the Slavic states, i.e. among the Slavic peoples? On this occasion I would like to comment on two aspects of the said issue: the first is about the specifics of the so-called Russian, Bulgarian and Serbian models, which can be traced from the very foundation of the Slavic monasteries. The second aspect is connected with the territorial inclusion of Mount Athos into the borders of the Slavic states and its adjustment to the “domestic” political and ideological concept (the example of Bulgarian and Serbian rule over Athos).