Britanski pogled na Hrvatsku 1945.: politika i društvo

Author(s): Katarina Spehnjak / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

Diplomatic relations between Britain and Yugoslavia in 1945 encapsulated all their past and future conflicts: traditional British orientation and interests as opposed to a pragmatism dictated by political realism and the evolution of Yugoslavian politics equally conditioned by its dominant factor – the Communist Party of Yugoslavia (KPJ) and its position as a small country at a time of global turmoil. At the end of the war British and Allied Military interest became less important in the face of a new geopolitical strategy which rested on the division of Europe and the world into two blocks. Even if at the time he decided to support Tito and the Partisans Churchill believed that it was not important if they wanted to introduce Communism – because the British ≪‘won’t be living there’≫ – in 1945 it was characterized by this factor. This can be seen in terms of the questions of support for UNRRA, the Tito – Šubašić, the problem of Istria and Trieste, and the extradition of war crimes. Yugoslavia, in an effort to obtain international recognition of the NOP (Narodnooslobodilački pokret – National Liberation Movement) accepted concessions in internal-political matters which in any case were quickly shown to be temporary. Although politically within the orbit of the USSR, the new Yugoslavia did not receive support from it on some critical foreign-political issues. When the resignation of minister Ivan Šubašić, the British trump card, occurred on the eve of the elections to the Constituent Assembly of the new Yugoslavia, and when the opposition – disabled by the regime but also by internal divisions – declined to engage in a political struggle, Britain, after experiencing initial discomfort at the unexpected turn of events, decided not to break off relations with Yugoslavia. Nonetheless, in solving certain future problems, Britain retained elements of its earlier policy. In British diplomatic reports Croatia, along with Serbia, was the main ≪≫bulwark of opposition,≫≫ especially important in this regard were the Croat Peasant Party, the Catholic Church, and the peasantry as powerful forces. The estimation that support for the new government was somewhere between 10-20% conflicts with the strong electoral showing of the National Front. Even if repression by the regime is held to play a large role in this support, the avoidance tactics and lost opportunities on the part of opposition leaders reveal a number of characteristic political and cultural stereotypes, from which the leaders of the communists are not immune either. The bulk of this article rests on this issue.

ЕЗИКОВАТА ПОЛИТИКА В БЪЛГАРИЯ ПО ОТНОШЕНИЕ НА ТУРСКИЯ ЕЗИК В ПЕРИОДА НА КОМУНИСТИЧЕСКАТА ИДЕОЛОГИЯ

Author(s): Harun Bekir / Language(s): Bulgarian Publication Year: 0

The largest minority in Bulgaria is formed by Turkish; After the Bulgarian, Turkish is the most spoken language in the country. For multiple languages are spoken in the country, language planning is one of the country's major open or hidden agendas. In different historical periods of Turkish in Bulgaria, instances by the different approaches are possible. However, when this approach comes a time in the country, it did not continue in the same way every time it has started. Because the Turkish approach to language planning a special exhibit about the Bulgarian state, the various struggles, transformations, after changes regarding language policy has had to develop new approaches. In this study for Turkish language in Bulgaria we would like to evaluate language policy.

Realpolitik of Indo-Nepal Relations

Author(s): Sunil Thapa / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

Substantial political and economic exchanges have marked the historical relationship between Nepal and India. They maintain their diplomatic relations through high-level visits, trade initiatives, and financial investments. Moreover, India has assisted Nepal in the domain of infrastructure development but is motivated by geopolitical considerations and preferences. The Treaty of Segouli, concluded in 1816 between the Kingdom of Nepal and British India, led to Nepal's relinquishment of a substantial territorial expansion. This began the emergence of realpolitik in Nepal, which facilitated foreign intervention in the country's political affairs. India has exerted a significant hegemonic influence on Nepal's internal and external affairs since its independence from British rule in 1947. This influence has been particularly evident since establishing the 'Peace and Friendship Treaty' between India and Nepal in 1950. India has played an active role in Nepal's political movements, introduced the concept of a common river, and imposed its desires and interests through river water agreements. Additionally, India has infringed upon Nepalese territories and utilized Nepalese political parties and their leaders to create a political-economic environment in Nepal that benefits India. Furthermore, India has a covert presence in selecting Prime Ministers in Nepal. Therefore, these factors collectively suggest that India's influence and domination infringe upon Nepal's sovereignty and independence.

UVOD – Period austrougarske uprave

Author(s): Zlatiborka Popov Momčinović,Fabio Giomi,Zlatan Delić / Language(s): Bosnian Publication Year: 0

Razmeđe koje će se ovdje obraditi tiče se smjene dvije imperije na prostoru Bosne i Hercegovine – otomanske i austrougarske. Naglasak će ipak biti na drugom segmentu s obzirom na obim i ciljeve knjige: ovdje se akcentuje određeni period ne težeći pri tom da se nivelišu drugi periodi s obzirom na složenost društvenog konteksta i uopće društvenog determinizma, a posebno ako imamo u vidu genealogiju okcidentalizma, orijentalizma i između njih ugniježđenog balkanizma. Kada govorimo o bh. ženi u periodu austrougarske uprave (bilo da govorimo o ženi kao takvoj, ženama kao posebnoj društvenoj grupi ili pak o ženama koje su se istakle u različitim domenima svoga rada ali i svakodnevice) ne možemo a da se ne osvrnemo na svojevrsni duh vremena na razmeđima različitih epoha.

II DIO: 1941-1945. Drugi svjetski rat i iskustva bosanskohercegovačkih žena

Author(s): Amila Ždralović / Language(s): Bosnian Publication Year: 0

Ovaj dio knjige bavi se položajem i djelovanjima žena u BiH za vrijeme Drugog svjetskog rata. Obilježje ovog perioda jeste uključivanje žena u različite oblike aktivnosti narodnooslobodilačke borbe za slobodu unutar koje se profiliraju drugačije društvene vrijednosti uključujući i ideju ravnopravnosti spolova u svim društvenim segmentima. Društvene promjene koje će uslijediti nisu bile samo deklarativne i formalno-pravne prirode, već su ozbiljno dovele u pitanje tradicionalne predrasude i stereotipe o mjestu i ulozi žene u društvu. Novi sociokulturalni kontekst omogućava i stvaranje organizacije Antifašističkog fronta žena (AFŽ). Iako ostaje otvoreno pitanje da li i u kojoj mjeri ovo organizovanje žena može nositi prefiks feminističkog, neupitna je uloga koju je odigralo u procesima emancipacije žene. Pored mnogobrojnih zadatka, žene okupljene oko jedinstvene organizacije AFŽ-a posebno su se isticale svojim kulturno-prosvjetnim radom.

UMJESTO ZAKLJUČKA: Ženska civilna scena u Bosni i Hercegovini

Author(s): Zlata Grebo / Language(s): Bosnian Publication Year: 0

Ovu knjigu zatvara govor profesorice doktorice Zlate Grebo koji je održala na konferenciji povodom obilježavanja desetogodišnjice potpisivanja Pekinške deklaracije. Konferenciju su organizovale Žene ženama u Sarajevu od 25. do 27. novembra 2005. godine. Ovakvim završetkom knjige želimo, prije svega, da pokažemo beskrajno poštovanje prema misli i zalaganju Zlate Grebo, jedne od najvećih naučnih radnica BiH, kao i da ukažemo poštovanje i solidarnost Udruženju Žene ženama, koje su nam sestrinski ustupile ovaj govor.

The Concept of Neutrality: Origins and Challenges - From the Peace of Westphalia to the European Union

Author(s): Ove Bring / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

Neutrality could be defined as a nation’s status of impartiality, and thus non-participation in hostilities, when other countries are at war. The position of neutrality is probably as old as war itself, but only in the sense that certain actors wanted to stay outside an armed conflict. The self-proclaimed neutrals had no rights in this context, no guarantees, no legal assurances. But during the Middle Ages and later, for example during the Thirty Years War in Europe, bilateral agreements were concluded that promised certain states respect for their position of neutrality during an ongoing armed conflict. The position of permanent neutrality, valid also in future wars, was more ambitious and was not, at this time, covered in international agreements. But to the extent that a concept of neutrality slowly was emerging, it was linked to the existence of an armed conflict. It was not a matter of neutrality or impartiality in a general political sense. Thus, the emerging legal position of neutrality did not exist in peace time, but only after the outbreak of war. That important point also corresponds to the position of modern international law.

Post Cold War “neutral” states - Moldova, Turkmenistan, Ukraine

Author(s): Dragan Štavljanin / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

Аграрно питање у Босни и Херцеговини за време аустроугарске управе

Author(s): Sanja Savić / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

Although unresolved agrarian relations in Bosnia and Herzegovina and the conflicts that broke out on that occasion served Austria-Hungary as an excuse to obtain a mandate for occupation at the Berlin Congress, Article XXV of the Berlin Treaty did not formally obliged the Monarchy to resolve this issue. The occupation administration decided to keep the established agrarian relations and Ottoman agrarian regulations. Because it was between two irreconcilable sides, the Austro-Hungarian administration looked at the agrarian question exclusively from a political standpoint. However, for the interested parties, it represented the most significant economic-social, national, and confessional issue. Therefore, the agrarian question represented a suitable tool for creating intolerance among the population of Bosnia and Herzegovina, which the Austro-Hungarian administration successfully used for its goals. The importance of the agrarian issue was also understood by the political parties formed at the beginning of the 20th century in Bosnia and Herzegovina, and it represented one of the most important issues in their political activity. Petar Kočić particularly stood out in the work on its solution. The agrarian issue came before the Bosnian-Herzegovinian Parliament after the government submitted a draft law on the optional settlement of the agrarian relations. The resolution of the agrarian issue was significant not only for its impact on economic and social relations, but also for the political realignments it sparked. This issue was the biggest stumbling block in the cooperation between Serbs and Muslims. On the other hand, the existence of a significant number of serfs among the Catholics should have united Serbian and Croatian politics in the fight for the compulsory purchase of serfs. Political tactics, however, took politics in Bosnia and Herzegovina in a completely different direction. A Croat-Muslim pact is created, and the Serbian Parliamentary Club disintegrates precisely because of internal contradictions regarding the way in which the agrarian issue will be resolved. Despite the differing positions of the Serbian and Muslim parliamentary groups, the regime managed to form the necessary majority in Parliament during the vote. Aside from Croats and Muslims, the law is also supported by some Serbian deputies. The government believed that with a lower interest rate, it would provide the serf with more favorable conditions for redemption, which would further lead to the creation of a free peasant class that would be able to develop agriculture in the county. Solving the agrarian issue by voluntary redemption showed that the Muslims were guided by their economic calculation. Their relations with Serbs and Croats during parliamentary work were motivated solely by the desire to preserve old privileges.

South Eastern Europe: A Common History in Brief

Author(s): Živorad Kovačević,Meghan Simpson,Radomir Šovljanski / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

There used to be a clever description of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (SFRY) that indicated all of its complexity: one country, two scripts (Cyrillic and Latin); three basic religions (Roman Catholic, Orthodox, and Islam), four languages (Serbian, Croatian, Slovenian, and Macedonian); five major nationalities (Serbs, Croats, Slovenians, Macedonians, and Bosniaks) and several smaller national groups (Albanians, Hungarians, Turks, Roma, etc.); six Socialist Republics (Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia, Macedonia, Montenegro, Serbia, and Slovenia), with seven neighbors (Italy, Austria, Hungary, Romania, Bulgaria, Greece, and Albania); and eight constitutive parts (six Socialist Republics and two Autonomous Provinces—Vojvodina and Kosovo). A history of the territory of South Eastern Europe might be best summed up in terms of the constant flow of populations and changing regimes. In the center of what came to be the SRFY, across Bosnia and Herzegovina and Serbia, there stretched a line separating the Western and Eastern Roman Empire (later known as Byzantium); Roman Catholic and Orthodox religions (after the schism in 1054); the Habsburg and Ottoman Empires; the West and the East. While Yugoslavia’s name was supposed to indicate that it was the country of the Southern Slavs, in fact, it was composed of significant nonSlav minorities—among them, the largest in number being Albanians, Hungarians, and Germans—who had also inhabited the region for centuries. The Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, established in 1946 (as the Federal People’s Republic of Yugoslavia), was a socialist state and not an actual democracy. Though leadership in Belgrade wielded a significant amount of control over all the Republics, the country was much more liberal domestically and more open to the world than other countries of the Eastern Bloc. For much of the socialist period, particularly from the 1960s, it enjoyed high living standards and access to international markets. When the SFRY refused to accept Soviet hegemony in 1948, it became, according to Warren Zimmerman, the last Ambassador of the United States to the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, the “protected and sometimes pampered child of American and Western diplomacy.”

Alliances and Institution Building - Introduction

Author(s): Aleksandar Popov / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

The first part of this book tells the story of a group of actors who have worked for the normalization of turbulent relations, stability, and the entrenchment of democracy in South Eastern Europe. This story begins with the Center for Regionalism (Centar za Regionalizm) that, since its establishment in October 1998, has played an important role in creating a favorable environment for cooperation within and across communities, cities, and regions of the former Yugoslavia. The Center has been involved in several initiatives that have had far-reaching effects, from the local to interregional levels

The Association of Multiethnic Cities of South Eastern Europe–Philia

Author(s): Jovan Komšić / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

This chapter introduces the work the Association of Multiethnic Cities of South Eastern Europe–Philia in the decade and a half since the cessation of hostilities in the former Yugoslavia. Growing from its origins as a civil movement and a loose network of activists to an association that now encompasses over 60 communities across Central and South Eastern Europe, Philia works to better trade, diplomacy and relations among its members and the wider region. Facing a particularly daunting task of overcoming mutual hatred and distrust that were prevalent in the results of many public opinion polls after the war, the founders of the Association relied on their prewar contacts to begin to lay the ground for reconciliation and the first few signals of a possible normalization of cross-border relations. Established on the basis of human rights and good governance, Philia has focused on supporting democracy and peace-building at local levels. Its most important requisite for any city’s membership has been the endorsement of the Agreement on Interethnic Tolerance, a document designed to foster and protect European standards of fundamental freedoms and national minority rights, as well as compulsory partnership with a local nongovernmental organization. This bottom-up initiative, driven by its founding members from its general secretariat in Novi Sad, works to reestablish cross-border communication and cooperation through municipal triangles of cooperation. Upholding the principles of free will, autonomy, openness, transparency, respect and consensus, Philia, for instance, does not shy away from promoting the potentially controversial use of minority languages in private and public life, while reaching out to a broad spectrum of interest groups, whether businesses, schools, chambers of commerce, universities or local elected and public officials. Organized around a number of initiatives and public campaigns for civic engagement, Philia members are pragmatic and do not insist that every member take part in every initiative, realizing that these steps are gradual and need time to mature. Through an array of seminars, training courses, capacity development, city diplomacy, research, small grants, campaigns, and alliances with other like-minded pro-European civic organizations, Philia has significantly contributed to interregional dialogue.

REMZİ OĞUZ ARIK - ANADOLUCULUK

Author(s): Büşra Kara / Language(s): Turkish Publication Year: 0

Dünya’da Fransız İhtilali sonrasında görünür olan Milliyetçilik ideolojisi içerisinde çeşitli milletleri barındıran Osmanlı İmparatorluğu üzerinde yıkıcı etkilere sebep olmuş bu sebeple aydınlar ülkeyi korumak adına çeşitli fikir akımları geliştirmişlerdir (Zengin, 2019, 47-48). Toprak bütünlüğünü ve bağımsızlığı korumak için ortaya çıkan Osmanlıcılık ve İslamcılık akımları yetersiz kalınca Türkiye’de çeşitli milliyetçilik akımları görünür olmaya başlamıştır (Kakışım, 2018, 221). Türkiye’de milliyetçilik ideolojisi, 20. yüzyılın başlarından itibaren çeşitli düşünce akımları ve siyasi gelişmeler çerçevesinde şekillenerek toplumun her katmanında etkisini göstermiştir. Anadolucu milliyetçilik anlayışının ilk ortaya çıkışına bakıldığı zaman Cumhuriyetin kuruluş yıllarında görünürlük kazandığı göze çarpmaktadır. 1921 yılında yayınlanan Dergâh Dergisi Anadolucu fikrin temellerini oluşturmuştur (Umur, 2016, 234). Ortaya çıktığı bu dönemde Anadoluculuk fikrinin savunucuları Hilmi Ziya Ülken gibi isimler olmuştur. 1925 sonrasında sessizliğe bürünen Anadoluculuk 1930 sonrasında yeniden görünürlük kazanmış bu sefer Remzi Oğuz Arık ve Nurettin Topçu Anadolucu fikrin iki öncüsü olmuştur (Ünüvar, 2018, 57). Türkiye’deki milliyetçilik algısında Ziya Gökalp dönemi sonrasında ortaya çıkan Arık, Gökalp’in fikirlerinde katıldığı ve katılmadığı noktalara değinerek kendi görüşlerini aktarmıştır (Ünüvar, 2018, 65). Anadolucular, Gökalp’in milliyetçiliğinin soyut temeller üzerinde olduğunu ancak kendilerinin Anadolu toprakları ile milliyetçiliklerini somut temeller üzerine inşa ettiğini söylemişlerdir (Bülbül, 2016, 76-77).

İslâm Düşüncesinin Teşekkül Döneminde Ebû Hanîfe’nin Siyasî Duruşu -Sivil İtaatsizlik Kavramı Bağlamında Bir Okuma

Author(s): Mevlüt Uyanık,İsa Doğan,İbrahim Kâfi Dönmez / Language(s): Turkish Publication Year: 0

Felsefe tarihinin ilk dönemlerinden itibaren önemini koruyan sivil itaatsizlik kavramıyla özdeşleşmiş simge düşünürler olarak Atinalı Sokrates, Concordlu Thoreau, Hindistanlı Gandhi’yi sayabiliriz.1 Acaba İslâm düşüncesinin teşekkül döneminde fikrî, itikadî ve fıkhî akımlar ve bunların kurucu öznelerinin düşünce yapıları, bir de, siyaset ve hukuk felsefesi açısından ‘değer’lendirilse nasıl sonuçlar çıkabilir? Bu öncülden hareketle, İslâm düşüncesinde ‘kurucu özne’ konumunda olan Hasan el-Basrî ile başlayan siyaset felsefesi merkezli ‘okuma’larımız2 “İslâm’ın teşekkül devrinin büyük mütefekkirlerinden” 3 birisi olan Ebû Hanîfe Nu’mân b. Sâbit b. Zûtâ b. Mâh (ö. 150/767) ile devam edecektir.

Visoko i okolina u vrijeme Osmanske vladavine: upravna organizacija, konfesionalne, demografske i privredne prilike

Author(s): Aladin Husić / Language(s): Bosnian Publication Year: 0

Još od kraja 14. stoljeća osmanske trupe počele su se pojavljivati u Bosni. Prvi akindžijski upadi u sklopu šire strategije na jugoistoku Evrope bili su usmjereni na Hercegovinu. Posljednjih godina 14. stoljeća (1392) zabilježeni su upadi i ka samom središtu, na područje Glasinca. Njihovo kasnije prisustvo u Bosni bilo je uvjetovano ne samo unutarnjim prilikama u samoj Bosni nego i u njenom užem i širem okruženju, posebno kada je Bosna postala prostor sučeljavanja interesa dviju sila, Ugarske i Osmanskog carstva u prvoj polovini 15. stoljeća. To je rezultiralo čestim osmanskim prisustvom u Bosni. Tako su se odnosi Bosne i Osmanskog carstva odvijali od otvorene konfrontacije do savezništva s nekim od aktera na bosanskoj povijesnoj sceni. Povremeno savezništvo započelo je još u vrijeme Sandalja Hranića koji je, prema izvještajima 1411. godine, držao osmanske najamničke odrede od 7.000 vojnika.

Visoko u Kraljevstvu/Kraljevini srba, hrvata i slovenaca/Jugoslaviji 1918–1941.

Author(s): Enes S. Omerović / Language(s): Bosnian Publication Year: 0

Krajem 1918. godine Bosna i Hercegovina doživljava i preživljava još jedan društveni lom. U događajima koji su se redali kao na ubrzanom filmu okončana je četrdesetogodišnja austrougarska uprava Bosnom i Hercegovinom, okončano je i četverogodišnje ratno stradanje te proces koji je u različitim oblicima egzistirao od prve polovine XIX stoljeća – proces južnoslavenskog ujedinjenja i stvaranja prve zajedničke jugoslavenske države.

Nasilje nad ženama u oružanim sukobima: Zločini seksualnog zlostavljanja u Bosni i Hercegovini 1992–1995

Author(s): Sabina Subašić Galijatović / Language(s): Bosnian Publication Year: 0

Masovno nasilje nad ženama počinjeno tokom međunarodnog oružanog sukoba i okupacije Bosne i Hercegovine od 1992. do kraja 1995. godine podrazumijeva široki dijapazon zločina, usmjerenih posebno na ono što čini genealošku vezu jednog društva – ženu kao stub obitelji, njen fizički i mentalni integritet, kao i veze sa prošlošću i budućnošću.1 Jedan od najtežih zločina protiv fizičkog i mentalnog integriteta žena svakako je zločin silovanja i seksualnog zlostavljanja, kako u pogledu posljedica po žrtve, tako i društvo u cjelini, budući da ima za cilj uništavanje simboličnog stuba grupe na kojem počiva struktura obiteljskog i društvenog života.

Naslijeđe šutnje: Kultura nasilja nad ženama i potraga za promjenom

Author(s): Sarina Bakić / Language(s): Bosnian Publication Year: 0

Iako su danas teme poput nasilja, naročito nasilja nad ženama, itekako prisutne u okvirima socioloških promišljanja u Bosni i Hercegovini, i ovo poglavlje nastoji doprinijeti ozbiljnijem identificiranju različitih društvenih i kulturoloških faktora koji utječu na veliko prisustvo nasilja nad ženama u Bosni i Hercegovini. Različita sociološka istraživanja o nasilju nad ženama omogućavaju razumijevanje kompleksnih uzroka i posljedica ovoga fenomena. Razumijevanje dinamike nasilja i identifikacija ranjivih grupa itekako može nadalje pomoći u razvoju efikasnih strategija za prevenciju i intervenciju kada je ovaj konkretan društveni problem u pitanju.

Kada se kritički sagleda duga povijest nasilja

Author(s): Not Specified Author / Language(s): Bosnian Publication Year: 0

Ova knjiga nastala je kao rezultat znanstvene suradnje i istraživačkog rada skupine historičara/historičarki, pravnika/pravnica, sociologa/sociologinja i historičara/historičarki književnosti u okviru projekta “Nasilje nad ženama: Diskursi, perspektive, lekcije iz bh. povijesti”. Osmišljavanje navedenog projekta rezultat je spoznaje da je, uprkos dugotrajnosti i višeslojnosti nasilja nad ženama u BiH, kao i brojnim izvorima u kojima se nasilje može detektirati, ova problematika bila marginalizirana u historiografiji. Znanja kojima se raspolagalo o ovome bila su fragmentarna te nije postojala nijedna studija koji bi ovo pitanje promatrala na komparativan način, u nekom dužem periodu. Da bi se otklonio taj nedostatak i ostvario doprinos na polju razumijevanja sociokulturne povijesti BiH, istraživački tim koji je iznio ovaj projekt detektirao je, obradio i u okviru deset poglavlja predstavio različite oblike nasilja nad ženama u bh. povijesti, kao i odnos društva prema navedenom fenomenu od antičkog perioda do suvremenog doba.

Židům vstup zakázán! Marginalizace a exkluze židovského obyvatelstva v horních městech před rokem 1850 na příkladu Horního Slavkova

Author(s): Pavel Dohnal / Language(s): Czech Publication Year: 0

The topic of the persecution and emancipation of the Jews opens up a range of interesting issues – from the adoption of a general policy of disciplining subjects through to an exploration of personal identities in the pre-modern era. In less than a century, the status of the Jewish population of the Bohemian lands had changed beyond recognition. Whereas in the 18th century they were still only a tolerated section of society, sometimes at risk of fatal persecution, by the end of that century they were gradually able to participate in the economic life of the Habsburg Monarchy, and after the middle of the following century they had finally gained full civil rights. This paper outlines the relationship of the central and local authorities towards the Jewish population of the Bohemian lands by focusing on the official agenda of the royal mining town of Horní Slavkov. Extant sources – such as the town’s correspondence with Jewish communities and individuals, or the town’s criminal law agenda – provide insights about the legal practices of the day and enable us to highlight the problems associated with enforcement of the legislation restricting the right of residence for Jews in mining towns.