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Уставно питање у Југославији
4.50 €

Уставно питање у Југославији

Author(s): Jovo Jakšić / Language(s): Bosnian

A lot is being said and written about the Croatian issue. Many ask themselves and others: what is the Croatian question? No matter how well a person was informed about this issue, and no matter how well-intentioned he was, this question cannot be answered in a few words. Because, the Croatian question, in fact, means the Constitutional question of the whole country, the most important part of the question. In the history of nations and states, numerous constitutional struggles have been waged between individual classes, classes, dynasties, peoples and regions. But guided in on special occasions and other times, each of these struggles had something special, and could not be fully compared with the constitutional struggle of another time, or another people.

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Театри на войната - сражения и историография: османски историци за участието на раята на Драгоман във войната между свещената лига и османската империя (1683-1699)
4.50 €

Театри на войната - сражения и историография: османски историци за участието на раята на Драгоман във войната между свещената лига и османската империя (1683-1699)

Author(s): Dzheni Ivanova / Language(s): English,Bulgarian Publication Year: 0

The study is based upon the representative ottoman historical narratives - the histories of Silahdar Mehmed Aga and Defterdar Mehmed Pasha - in search of typology of social behaviour of the Christian inhabitants of the Ottoman Balkan provinces during the war between the Holy League and the Ottoman Empire in the end of the 17th century . The Ottoman authors whose reports will be analyzed are part of the historiographic direction that presents the military and political events in the Ottoman Empire during the second half of the 17th century. At the same time the chroniclers involve information about the life in the provinces, as a reflection of the war upon the reaya, and its reactions. The purpose of this report is to present the Ottoman viewpoint in the light of Ottoman historiography, as concrete events, happened in the Ottoman rear during the successful advance of the Habsburg forces. From the presented examples, concerning in particular the reaya of Dragoman, will be outlined some conclusions, characterizing the behaviour of part of the non-Muslim population in the context of the specific political situation.

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Влизането на България в Първата световна война: причини и предпоставки
4.50 €

Влизането на България в Първата световна война: причини и предпоставки

Author(s): Georgi Markov / Language(s): English,Bulgarian Publication Year: 0

At the beginning of World War I Bulgaria remained neutral, waiting for favourable conditions to engage in the conflict. Its supreme political objective was national unification. The Balkan countries were under constant pressure of the warring coalitions that were trying to win new allies. No Balkan state was a master of the situation and each was afraid about it's back. Because of its geographic location Bulgaria had a strategic position in the Balkans and its joining one of the warring groups would have ensured its geopolitical advantage in the war. In the "Bulgarian summer of 1915" both warring coalitions tried to attract the country on their side, offering territorial compensations or awards. Germany's promises were taken as more reliable by the politicians and Bulgaria entered World War I as part of the Central Powers. The choice of the great allies proved wrong. What was more, the manner of selection was also wrong - not according to the possibility of final victory, but according to the bidding in the territorial auction the profit of which would be lost at the loss of the war.

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Preocupări ale autorităţilor române pentru amenajarea portului maritim Bugaz (Limanu Nistrului) 1918‑1940

Preocupări ale autorităţilor române pentru amenajarea portului maritim Bugaz (Limanu Nistrului) 1918‑1940

Author(s): Valentin Ciorbea / Language(s): Romanian Publication Year: 0

Un sumar bilanţ al activităţii portului Bugaz pe parcursul celor aproape opt ani, între redeschiderea traficului şi cedarea ocupantului sovietic, relevă rezultate pozitive pe mai multe paliere. Populaţia locală şi cea din hinterlandul portului, care a cuprins o regiune de 100 km din sudul Basarabiei, a beneficiat de un debuşeu pentru exportul produselor cerealiere, cu preţuri avantajoase şi stimulative. Navigaţia între Marea Neagră şi limanul Nistrului s-a îmbunătăţit ca urmare a amplasării balizelor şi instalaţiilor de acostare a navelor. De aceste facilităţi au beneficiat nu numai navele care veneau la încărcat, ci şi pescarii din zonă. Numărul locurilor de muncă, stabile şi temporare, a crescut. Portul Bugaz a provocat o mişcare economică şi comercială în sudul Basarabiei cu efecte în îmbunătăţirea transporturilor pe apă cu porturile Constanţa şi Sulina, de unde cerealele luau drumul spre pieţele din Orientul Mijlociu şi Occident. La Bugaz s-a derulat o activitate „determinată şi condusă în spirit naţional românesc”, într-o zonă cu o populaţie eterogenă şi cu o utilizare pentru comunicare „din ce în ce mai întinsă a limbii româneşti” . Indubitabil, portul Bugaz a contribuit la consolidarea procesului conexării Basarabiei la economia unitară a României.

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CAS Newsletter 2022/2023
0.00 €

CAS Newsletter 2022/2023

Author(s): / Language(s): English

Articles, pictures and interviews can be reprinted only with the consent of the publisher.

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IN SOCIALIST YUGOSLAVIA 1945-1990
15.00 €

IN SOCIALIST YUGOSLAVIA 1945-1990

Author(s): Zdenko Radelić / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

The KPJ publicly advocated democracy, private property, a just solution to the social and national issues, and freedom and equality for all nations in Yugoslavia. Its leaders claimed that the goal of the partisan movement was liberation and popular democracy. However, contrary to the declared nationwide breadth of the People’s Liberation Movement, the KPJ held the army, the security apparatus, and the propaganda. The agreement between Josip Broz Tito and Ivan Šubašić that the citizens of Yugoslavia would be the ones to decide on the state system after the war was an important precondition for the international recognition of the Democratic Federal Yugoslavia (Demokratska Federalna Jugoslavija, DFJ) by the Allied powers. But the monopoly over the partisan movement enabled the Communists to create the preconditions for imposing their dictatorship. Thus, the KPJ used the struggle for the liberation of Yugoslavia – in Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina also for the overthrow of the NDH – and for resolving the national question to seize power and carry out the Communist revolution. It also meant abolishing all other parties and introducing a dictatorship. Part of the HSS leadership and its president Vladko Maček fled the country just before the partisans arrived in Zagreb in 1945. The HSS operated abroad under Maček’s leadership until his death in 1964 in the United States, when he was replaced by the party’s vice president, Juraj Krnjević. August Košutić, the party’s secretary, remained in the country, where after trying to cooperate with the Communists and join the partisans he was interned and completely marginalized by the new government. In addition to the HSS, there were individuals, parties, and organizations from the Ustasha movement who were politically active in exile, including Ante Pavelić, who died in 1959 in Spain of wounds obtained in an assassination attempt.

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