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Za jedno z największych osiągnięć społecznych drugiej połowy XX wieku uznać można instytucjonalizację systemu ochrony praw człowieka i nadanie im wyróżnionej roli w stosunkach międzynarodowych.W Polsce stan badań nad prawami człowieka w krajach pozaeuropejskich prezentuje się dość skromnie ze względu na kłopoty z dostępem do materiałów źródłowych, egzotykę niektórych zjawisk i związane z nią ryzyko niewłaściwego rozpoznania istoty problemów. Książka ta jest unikatową, pionierską pracą w tej dziedzinie. Omówiono w niej całościowo funkcjonowanie praw człowieka w Afryce, odnosząc się do najważniejszych ich aspektów: od standardów wypracowanych w ramach ONZ i Unii Afrykańskiej, do dyskusji oryginalnych rozwiązań sądownictwa afrykańskiego. Sporo uwagi poświęca Autorka sytuacji kobiet na kontynencie.Grażyna Michałowska przedstawia w klarowny i uporządkowany sposób poszczególne zagadnienia w układzie problemowym, ujmując kontynent całościowo, ale nie ignorując jego wewnętrznego zróżnicowania. Analiza stanu przestrzegania praw człowieka w Afryce uwzględnia specyficzną perspektywę kulturową, bez której nie sposób pojąć procesów zachodzących w tej dziedzinie. Dzięki rozważaniom zawartym w tej książce łatwiej zrozumieć trudne i budzące protest obrońców praw człowieka afrykańskie praktyki dotyczące kary śmierci, stosowania kar cielesnych czy stosunku do kobiet. Wielkim jej atutem są bogate i aktualne materiały źródłowe.
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Lucrarea reuneşte consideraţii teoretice şi exemple practice legate de planificarea integrată şi cercetarea interdisciplinară din domeniile urbanismului şi amenajării teritoriului pornind de la experienţa cercetătorilor români din ţară şi diasporă.
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The Serb National Council (SNC), a national coordination of councils of Serb national minority representatives, is an elected political, advisory and coordination entity that operates as a self-government of Serbs in the Republic of Croatia. The SNC is engaged with the protection and promotion of Serbs’ human, civil and ethnic rights, and issues of their identity, participation and integration into Croatian society.The SNC was founded per the Erdut Agreement and the Letter of the Croatian Government about the completion of peaceful reintegration, which guarantees the Serb minority self-government as well as the right to organise as based upon the centuries old tradition of Serb self-government: from church/popular parliaments, to legislative and political acts which regulated the position of Serbs in the 13th and 14th century, to the documents of the National Antifascist Council. It was established in 1997, in Zagreb, at the initiative of the Alliance of Serb Organisations (SKD Prosvjeta, Serb Democratic Forum, Community of Rijeka and Istria Serbs and Joint Council of Municipalities) and among the founders were also the Idependent Democratic Serb Party (SDSS) , Baranja Democratic Forum, Association of refugee and displaced Serbs, representatives of parts of the Serb Orthodox Church (SPC) church municipalities, members of parliament and prominent individuals.
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With the inexorable rise of e-commerce comes the inexorable rise of the e-criminal. Cybercrime is now the world’s fastest growing crime. It has leapt to number two of the top ten business risks worldwide, from not even appearing in that list five years ago. For certain countries, cyberattack is now the risk of greatest concern. Gone are the days of concern about a low level hack of a website by a script kiddie. Today’s attackers are multi-faceted and increasing in sophistication, ranging from advanced persistent threats, corporate espionage, organised crime and ‘hactivists’ to cyberterrorists, ever more competent, and ever better funded. Cybersecurity has moved from being a technical issue to a political and boardroom issue. Financial markets are particularly important as they oil the wheels of all member state economies.
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The increasing tendency to submit questions of great political and constitutional significance to the European Court of Justice prompts the question whether the Court has become the arbiter of all major problems facing the European Union today. In discussing recent trends in case law, Judge Allan Rosas observes that de Toqueville’s description of the importance of the US Supreme Court could apply to today’s European Court of Justice. That said, the Court can only deal with questions that have been specifically submitted to it. In this paper the author refers to the EU’s external relations, asylum and immigration, economic and monetary policy, citizenship, the rule of law in general, and Brexit, as cases that would probably not have come before the Court were it not for the Treaty of Lisbon. Other explanations for the more recent reliance on the Court may be the inability of the political process to resolve the thornier issues facing the EU, and the fact that the Court is considered by many to be one of the more effective EU institutions. Finally, the author stresses the need for the Court to honour its judicial mandate and to do everything it can to preserve its legitimacy, an objective also furthered by the depoliticised appointment of judges through the so-called 255 panel procedure.
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The Global Compact on Refugees (GCR), adopted in December 2018 by the United Nations (UN) General Assembly, expresses the political will of UN member states and relevant stakeholders to foster responsibility sharing for refugees and their host countries. Among GCR key objectives is that ofexpanding mobility and admission channels for people in search of international protection through resettlement and ‘complementary’ pathways of admission. The GCR provides a reference framework to critically assess European Union (EU) policies in relation to two main issues: first, the role and contribution of the EU and its Member States towards the implementation of the GCR in ways that areloyal to the Compact and EU Treaties guiding principles; second, and more specifically, the main gaps and contested issues of existing resettlement and complementary admission instruments for refugeesand would-be refugees implemented at the EU and Member State levels.
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EU-Russia cooperation in the framework of the Common Space on Freedom, Security and Justice, launched almost a decade ago in 2003, has borne fruit more in the security aspects than the justice and liberty-related policy areas. This study assesses the uneven cooperation onjustice and home affairs between the EU and Russia, while delving into the intersection between cooperation on justice, liberty and security and the promotion of human rights, democracy and rule of law in EU-Russia relations. The study concludes by proposing a set of policy recommendations to the LIBE Committee for playing a more active role in this important field of cooperation between the EU and Russia.
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From an examination of the instruments of the Common European Asylum System (CEAS) and related policy measures regarding border surveillance and migration management, two inter-related issues stand out as particularly sensitive: Access to asylum and responsibility for refugee protection.The prevailing view, supported by UNHCR and others, is that responsibility for the care of asylum seekers and the determination of their claims falls on the state within whose jurisdiction the claim is made. However, the possibility to shift that responsibility to another state through inter-state cooperation or unilateral mechanisms undertaken territorially as well as abroad has been a matter of great interest to EU Member States and institutions. Initiatives adopted so far challenge the prevailing view and have the potential to undermine compliance with international refugee and human rights law.
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This paper examines the challenges facing the EU regarding data retention, particularly in the aftermath of the judgment Digital Rights Ireland by the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU) of April 2014, which found the Data Retention Directive 2002/58 to be invalid. It first offers a brief historical account of the Data Retention Directive and then moves to a detailed assessment of what the judgment means for determining the lawfulness of data retention from the perspective of the EU Charter of Fundamental Rights: what is wrong with the Data Retention Directive and how would it need to be changed to comply with the right to respect for privacy? The paper also looks at the responses to the judgment from the European institutions and elsewhere, and presents a set of policy suggestions to the European institutions on the way forward. It is argued here that one of the main issues underlying the Digital Rights Ireland judgment has been the role of fundamental rights in the EU legal order, and in particular the extent to which the retention of metadata for law enforcement purposes is consistent with EU citizens’ right to respect for privacy and to data protection.
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This paper assesses the Commission’s proposal presented in December 2015 to set up a European Border and Coast Guard (EBCG), based on the responses made by the EU border agency Frontex to the ‘refugee crisis’ that began in 2015 and continues unabated. It explores the extent to which this proposed new body will be capable of remedying the EU’s short comings in meeting established border and asylum standards and related institutional needs on the ground and concludes that it is unlikely to do so. The paper argues that the EBCG proposal does not establish a true European Border and Coast Guard. Instead it would revamp Frontex into a Frontex + Agency. The EBCG would expand the current logic of national border guards to be committed to the Frontex Agency ‘pools’ and therefore does not solve the ‘dependency’ of Frontex on member states. More importantly, the EBCG would do too little to ensure that member states comply with EU border and asylum standards, which has constituted the central deficiency throughout 2015 and earlier.
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This paper deals with loss of citizenship of the European Union (EU) due to the loss of nationality of an EU member state. Only the nationals of a member state possess European citizenship; the loss of nationality of a member state thus also implies the loss of European citizenship. Member states are in principle autonomous in nationality matters, which means that their rules on loss of nationality, and loss of EU citizenship, differ considerably. But member states must respect international law and the general principles of European law when dealing with loss of nationality. This report aims to provide a comprehensive and systematic comparative analysis of existing regulations and procedures in EU member states with regard to the involuntary loss of nationality.
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This study examines the workings of the Common European Asylum System (CEAS), in order to assess the need and potential for new approaches to ensure access to protection for people seeking itin the EU, including joint processing and distribution of asylum seekers. Rather than advocating the addition of further complexity and coercion to the CEAS, the study proposes a focus on front-line reception and streamlined refugee status determination, in order to mitigate the asylum challenges facing Member States, and vindicate the rights of asylum seekers and refugees according to the EU acquis and international legal standards. Joint processing could contribute to front-line reception and processing capacity, but is no substitute for proper investment in national systems.
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Undocumented migrants are one of the most vulnerable groups in the EU. This report assesses the main findings and synergies of a selection of EU-funded research projects on irregular immigration and the status of undocumented migrants. It reveals that the results emanating from social science research contrast with the EU policy documents adopted in light of the forthcoming Stockholm Programme – the third multi-annua lprogramme on an Area of Freedom, Security and Justice. The authors argue that acknowledgement of the findings of independent research is lacking in EU policy, which continues promote a control-based approach to migration that has profound ethical and human rights implications. The report concludes with a set of policy recommendations aimed at overcoming the current inconsistencies in EU and national policies as well as in practices on irregular migration under the mandate of the Stockholm Programme.
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The European Commission published in November 2010 a Communication aiming at putting the EU Internal Security Strategy (ISS) into action. The Communication envisages five key strategic objectives for the EU’s internal security: disrupt organised crime, prevent terrorism, raise levels of security in cyberspace, strengthen external borders management and increase the EU’s resilience to natural disasters. This paper starts by critically examining the extent to which these objectives actually constitute shared common concerns in all EU27 member states andwhether they are based on independent and objective evidence. After demonstrating the contrary, we then argue that the ISS should be rather considered as an ‘Internal (In)security Strategy’ because of the lack of an accompanying solid rule of law and liberty strategy (model) focused on ensuring the delivery to everyone living in the EU (and who will be subject to increasing EU internal security policies focused on more surveillance, preventive measures and an intelligence-based approach) the twin rights of rule of law and fundamental rights.
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This Research Paper is a contribution to a wider cost-of non-Europe assessment in the Area of Freedom Security and Justice requested by the European Parliament’s Committee on Civil Liberties that can be found here. The research takes stock of the state of play in European Union cooperation in the area of legal immigration. The Research Paper identifies gaps and barriers of current sectorial and fragmented EU legal immigration acquis. It assesses their economic impacts and impacts at individual level in terms of fundamental rights protection and non-discrimination laid down in international, regional and EU human rights and labour standards. The research highlights the need for ‘more EU’ in upholding equal treatment standards between third country workers with EU nationals in relation to working and living conditions. The Research Paper elaborates on the potential benefits, cost drivers and feasibility of different policy options for the EU ranging from: better enforcement, to the gradual extension of EU legislation towards other labour market sectors or bringing back to the idea of a Binding Immigration Code. The research concludes that EU internal market, national administrations as well as EU and Third Country Citizens would benefit from more homogenous policy approach in the area of legal migration.
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In February 2011, the European Commission published a proposal for a new Directive on theuse of passenger name record (PNR) data for the prevention, detection, investigation and prosecution of terrorist offences and serious crimes. This proposal replaces an earlier draft of 2007 for a Framework Decision on the use of PNR data for law enforcement purposes. The new proposal does not seem to allay the earlier concerns of important stake holders with regard to the 2007 proposal. Its content contradicts not only important principles of data protection as described by the Commission in November 2010, but also the principle of proportionality underlying EU law.
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Recent events in North Africa and the Mediterranean have had consequences in terms of human mobility, and are putting the foundations and components of EU’s migration policy under strain. The forthcoming European Council summit of 23-24 June 2011 is expected to determine ‘the orientations for further work’ under the Polish Presidency and the next JHA Trio Presidency Programme for the EU’s policies on cross-border migration in the Mediterranean and internal mobility within the scope of the Schengen regime. This paper constitutes a contribution to current and future EU policy discussions and responses on migration, mobility and security. It provides a synthesised selection of recommendations in these domains resulting from the research conducted by the Justice and Home Affairs (JHA) Section of the Centre for European Policy Studies (CEPS) during the last nine years of work.
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This publication is the latest of a series of four publications that present the findings of the research project titled the “Association Agreement between the EU and Ukraine and Cross-border Cooperation between Slovakia and Ukraine: Implications and Opportunities”. The research project was implemented by the Institute of Political Science at the Faculty of Arts of the University of Prešov and supported by the Slovak Research and DevelopmentAgency over the period of 2016 ‒ 2019 (project no. APVV-15-0369). This fourth publication presents the results of empirical research focused on perceptions, preferences, motivations and strategies of regional and local actors on both sides of the border. The book entitled Cross-BorderCooperation between Slovakia and Ukraine: Volume IV: Perceptions of Localand Regional Actors, co-authored by Michal Cirner, Martin Lačný, Anna Polačková and Gabriel Székely, consists of two extensive scientific studies.The first one provides interpretation of the empirical research results at the local level, and is divided into nine sub-chapters, focusing on different sets of issues from the structured questionnaire for local CBC actors: migration and social interaction; identifying barriers to interaction and cross-border cooperation; perceptions and ideas about the residents on the other side of the border; evaluation of cross-border cooperation policies; the expected impact of cross-border cooperation; expected impacts of the EU AssociationAgreement with Ukraine. The second study, presenting interpretationof empirical data obtained at regional level, is structured according to thestructure of the questionnaire for regional CBC actors and thus similarly to the study at local level, but includes one extra sub-chapter, tracking a set of questions focused on types and levels of mutual economic interaction. The final part of both studies consists of the interpretation of correlation analysis results and the final commentary in the form of policy considerations.
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Otrzymaliśmy bardzo potrzebną monografię o Rohingya – jednej z najbardziej prześladowanych i umęczonych społeczności na świecie, milionie ludzi bez domów i ziemi, których żaden kraj nie chce przyjąć. Jest to równocześnie uniwersalna opowieść o dwóch „izmach” – kolonializmie i nacjonalizmie – które doprowadziły do obecnej tragedii. Powstawanie granic i narodziny narodów są niezwykle fascynujące, ale bywają też bolesne, pełne nienawiści i przemocy. I świadomość tego jest nam dziś bardzo potrzebna. Nie tylko w Azji.Agnieszka Lichnerowicz Kim są Rohingya? Na to wydawałoby się banalne pytanie nie ma prostej odpowiedzi. W tle jest tragedia miliona ludzi, o których przeszłości świat prawie nic nie wie. Ba, których nazwy nie jesteśmy w stanie dobrze wymówić. O fenomenie „narodu wygnanego” Rohingya pisze w prezentowanej monografii naukowej Michał Lubina, a jest to pierwsze tego typu przedsięwzięcie wydawnicze w Polsce. Autor jak mało kto w Polsce zna Birmę i to od podszewki. Naukowy styl potrafi okrasić anegdotą. Nie boi się stawiać odważnych tez niejako „pod włos” utartym interpretacjom. Otrzymana książka to lektura obowiązkowa dla tych wszystkich, którzy chcą wyjść poza nagłówki gazet i zrozumieć mechanizm jednego z większych exodusów współczesnego świata.Jacek Pawlicki, „Newsweek Polska”W 2017 roku armia birmańska doprowadziła do ucieczki z Birmy ponad 700 tys. muzułmanów Rohingya. W jednej z największych katastrof humanitarnych ostatnich lat doszło do czystki etnicznej, zbrodni przeciw ludzkości, a może nawet do ludobójstwa. Kim są Rohingya, dlaczego wzbudzają taką nienawiść i czemu stali się kolektywnym kozłem ofiarnym? W prezentowanej książce znajdziemy odpowiedzi – pozornie proste, a w istocie niesamowicie złożone – na te i wiele innych zasadniczych pytań związanych z Rohingya. Członkowie tej społeczności są muzułmanami i są prześladowani – to właściwie jedyne dwa fakty niepodlegające dyskusji. Reszta jest przedmiotem zażartych sporów, a ich wynik decyduje o losie ponadmilionowej wspólnoty. Książkę wzbogacają poruszające zdjęcia autorstwa Marcina Zaborowskiego. Ukazują one ludzki wymiar tragedii Rohingya i są ważnym świadectwem dopełniającym chłodną analizę naukową przedstawioną w wywodzie pracy. Dr Michał Lubina – adiunkt w Instytucie Bliskiego i Dalekiego Wschodu na Wydziale Studiów Międzynarodowych i Politycznych Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego. Autor kilku książek dotyczących Birmy, w tym m.in. Birma (Warszawa 2014), Pani Birmy Aung San Suu Kyi. Biografia polityczna (Warszawa 2015), a także The Moral Democracy. The Political Thought of Aung San Suu Kyi (Warszawa 2019).Patronat medialny: Radio TOK FM
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