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Yucesahin and Yazgan bring together an intriguing collection of essays drawing on a series of research carried out across the world to offer new insights on gender and migration nexus. Recent developments in the field of women’s studies have led to a renewed interest in gender studies; nevertheless, these changes are having an effect and a need, which represent different theoretical and analytical tools rather than sex as a dichotomous variable. There is an increasing concern about using theoretical approaches of gender as relational, and spatially and contextually. Therefore, gender is an increasingly important concept in different areas as an analytical tool and research lens to understand how societies function, depending on diversified theoretical orientations. Gender studies not only include women’s studies but also cover men’s and LGBTTI-Q studies.The literature on gender has highlighted several issues, specifically gender identity, gendered representations, gender roles, gender politics, femininity and masculinity. West and Zimmerman state that analysing gender involves a complex of socially guided perceptual, interactional and micro political activities that cast particular pursuits as expressions of masculine and feminine “natures”. Evidently, the role of gender in the contemporary world is at the heart of understanding migrations. From this point forth, recent developments in human mobility have heightened the need for bringing gendered approaches to all aspects of the issues of conflict and movement regarding states, societies and families from broadening perspectives to the ac-curate understanding of the whole process.
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The moral obligation of solidarity – present in every religion – and the wayit functions in the relations between states, nations and people belongingto foreign ethnic, national and religious groups, have been discussed in theinternational arena for several years.The rule of solidarity is an ethical imperative that gives the right and imposesthe obligation to act whenever a human being experiences harm thataffects his mental and physical well-being or threatens his life. Accordingto John Paul II, “Solidarity is (…) a firm and persevering determination tocommit oneself to the common good; that is to say to the good of all and ofeach individual, because we are all really responsible for all”1. Tenzin Gjaco,the 14th Dalai Lama of Tibet says that when people demand the rights andfreedoms they cherish, they should not also forget about responsibilitiesthey have towards other people. “If we accept that others have an equal rightto peace and happiness as ourselves do we not have a responsibility to helpthose in need?”2. He claims that if we close our eyes to the suffering of othersto enjoy our freedom and success, we reject the responsibility. That is why it isabsolutely necessary to develop interest in the problems of others - individualsand entire nations3.
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Turkey’s Syrians: Today and Tomorrow, edited by Deniz Eroğlu Utku, K. Onur Unutulmaz, Ibrahim Sirkeci is published by Transnational Press London. The book presents a selection of papers drawing on recent research on Syrian refugees in Turkey. Since the first arrival of Syrian refugees, the issue has sparked considerable national and international interest. Political discourses concentrated on state ‘generosities’ to provide protection to those coming from insecurities and possibilities to reduce ‘burden of refugees’ to receiving countries via international solidarity. While these concerns focus on effects of hosting refugees, what happens to refugees themselves, how they are affected by government policies and how they are perceived by host country people are questions yet to be answered. This book brings together a multidisciplinary set of contributions scrutinising the case of Syrian refugees in Turkey.
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Germany is at the stage of redefining its place in Europe and the world in the complex conditions of the 21st century. It is attempting to strengthen its international position in both transatlantic relations and in the European Union. However, this can be described as competition in the process of globalization, not striving for hegemony. At the same time, the pro-European trend in its foreign policy is being observed in Germany. Among the political elites of the Federal Republic of Germany, slogans are being used to return to the German Sonderweg and to resuscitate the so-called German question. There is an increasing openness in writing about the "de-Europeanization" (De-Europäisierung) of Germany and the "domestication" (Domestizierung) of German policy. Currently, elements of continuity and cautious changes prevail in German policy. The failure of the Constitution for Europe cherished by Germany and efforts to obtain a permanent seat on the UN Security Council have shown that Germany had much less capacity to act than it was generally credited with. A. Merkel's government is trying to sort out the situation, which is not so easy, considering the coalition nature of the government and sometimes - as the eurozone crisis has shown - troublesome cooperation with the FDP, and previously with the SPD. Social pacifism is still strong in the country, there is no question of universal agreement on the goals, role and place of the Federal Republic of Germany in the new international order.
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Is NATO, which has been in existence for over 60 years, still the fundamental political and military structure guaranteeing security and stability in Europe - as it has been for decades? To what extent should the Pact be an element and factor of security on a global scale - what do the challenges of today require? Can NATO still operate effectively and be a credible alliance in the current conditions and in the face of new threats? These are some of the questions that should be asked before we begin to develop a new strategic doctrine for the Alliance. This, in turn, must resolve several fundamental issues that are important for making NATO more dynamic and getting it out of a critical juncture.
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Poland and Germany have common interests in the Union, and above all, they have a significant role to play in implementing the so-called Eastern dimension of the European Union. Together, they should strive to create in Central Europe an area of "freedom, justice and security" outlined in the Amsterdam Treaty. Poland should approach cooperation with Germany in the EU rationally, guided not by immediate benefits or resentment, but with respect for its own interests and those of its partner. It should be borne in mind that in the history of the European Union, there has been no major initiative that has been adopted without the approval of Germany. The policy of sacro egoismo and being guided solely by national interests can easily lead to Poland's isolation in the European Union.
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20 short texts of friends of Seška Stanojlović (see the Table of Content) published on the occasion of her 70th birthday.
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Dvadeset četvrtog januara 2004. godine najstarije novine na ovim prostorima zabilježiće impozantan jubilej - čitav jedan vijek postojanja. Doživjeti to u tako burnim vremenima u kojima mi živimo pravi je podvig za jednu novinu. Jer, u zemlji u kojoj se to dešava u tome vijeku gotovo ništa nije više onako kako je bilo kada je nastala POLITIKA. Ni država, ni politika, ni ekonomija, ni granice - pa ni ljudi. Novina POLITIKA je, međutim, uspjela da nakon svega očuva ime, tradiciju, pa čak i oblik slova svoga zaglavlja. Mijenjalo se, naravno, iznutra mnogo šta: organizaciono i tehnički, pa i sadržajno. Umjesto jednih novina u njoj su nastajale lepeze raznovrsnih izdanja: večernjih, nedjeljnih, mjesečnih - za najmlađe i za odrasle. Bilo ih je: političkih, zabavnih, poučnih, porodičnih, sportskih, svakakvih. U svakom od tih posebnih izdanja nalazilo se, pored osobenog, i matično ime kuće: POLITIKA. A ona je izrastala u najveći novinski koncern u zemlji koji je, pored novina, stvorio i sopstvene elektronske medije: radio i televiziju.
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El término transnacionalismo se desarrolló en la década de los 1990 cuando los investigadores académicos respondieron al crecimiento migratorio nivel global y definieron las formas en que los migrantes organizaban sus vidas en sus lugares de origen y destino. Basándose en el trabajo pionero de Nina Glick-Schiller, Linda Basch y Christina Blanc-Szanton, Michael Kearney y otros, los investigadores académicos indagaron más allá de la geografía y la economía de la migración para considerar una variedad de flujos migratorios, así como cuestiones de género, pertenencia, clase y raza. Continuando con esta tradición, los autores incluidos en este volumen revisan y reinterpretan el transnacionalismo para una nueva generación de investigadores y los retos que las migraciones contemporáneas conllevan. [The term transnationalism developed in the 1990s as academic researchers responded to the global growth of migration and defined how movers organized their lives in places of origin and destination. Building upon the pioneering work of Nina Glick-Schiller, Linda Basch and Christina Blanc-Szanton, Michael Kearney and others, scholars looked beyond geography and the economics of migration to consider a variety of flows as well as issues of gender, belonging, class and race. Continuing this tradition, the authors included in this volume revise and reinterpret transnationalism for a new generation of researchers and the challenges of contemporary movement.]
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The publication concerns court interventions in the case of juvenile demoralization as well as adolescents who have for various reasons earned the status of juvenile delinquents. It is no coincidence that the authors employ the term “various reasons” which is associated with the very capacious yet vague concept of demoralization. This term is a key category of the Juvenile Delinquents Act which delineates response procedures in cases where an adolescent violates legal, moral and social norms and is raised in conditions which are detrimental to that child’s social development. Many concepts contained in the act are questioned by authors of studies devoted to the analysis of the Polish model of juvenile justice – lawyers, criminologists as well as educators and psychologists. These doubts are discussed in the book and, in addition, this message has been reinforced with data from the authors' own research. The publication adopts several perspectives for the evaluation of the juvenile justice model. However, it is appropriate to explain the absence of strictly legal analyses. Legal themes appear naturally, but they are intentionally left undeveloped and without a deeper examination. It is meant to facilitate the implementation of the aim of the book, which is an attempt to view the relevant law only through the educational functions it should or could perform in relation to children who are at risk of demoralization.
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The COVID-19 pandemic has disrupted every domain of life. Migration and human mobility, in general, are not exceptions. Since March 2020, researchers, policy makers and many others have channeled their efforts to understand this new coronavirus, its impact and prospects. Many scholars were thinking and writing on the pandemic from its onset and many blog essays quickly appeared. One of the earliest peer-reviewed research articles Sirkeci and Yucesahin (2020) is reproduced here. This article and its focus on mobility and travel data showed that it was possible to predict the spatial spread and concentration of COVID-19 cases. Not only was this finding crucial to developing appropriate policies and strategies to counter the spread of the virus, it reminded us that the pandemic is a social disease and not simply a biological threat. The contributions in this book should be considered in this regard tackling the social and policy aspects as we leave the biological and medical side to the experts.
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Piotr Sztompka, Ewa Łętowska, Jan Kubik, Małgorzata Fuszara, Jerzy Zajadło, Grażyna Skąpska, Marcin Kula, Krzysztof Frysztacki, Tomasz Polak – wybitni przedstawiciele współczesnej myśli społecznej i humanistycznej przyglądają się najważniejszym problemom XXI wieku. Podejmowane w niniejszym tomie tematy dotykają kluczowych zagadnień współczesności: zaufania i odpowiedzialności, populizmu i demokracji, nowych ruchów społecznych, interpretacji prawa i nihilizmu prawnego, wspólnotowości, dylematów i napięć państwa opiekuńczego oraz społecznej pozycji systemu kościelnego. Cykl wykładów mistrzowskich, który stanowił podstawę niniejszej książki, odbył się w trakcie pandemii COVID-19, stając się przestrzenią wymiany myśli i doświadczeń w gronie osób reprezentujących różne obszary nauki i życia społecznego. Socjologiczna agora to głos środowiska naukowego, któremu przyszłość świata nie jest obojętna. © Copyright by Uniwersytet Jagielloński –Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego
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Autor skoncentrował swoją uwagę na relacjach między aktywnością administracji samorządowej, widzianej w perspektywie submiejskiej, metropolitalnej/aglomeracyjnej, państwowej i transnarodowej, a procesami urban governance z udziałem mieszkańców. (…)Interesująca jest twórcza próba nawiązania do koncepcji przeskalowania państwa Neila Brennera w odniesieniu do aktywności miejskiej administracji samorządowej polskich miast wojewódzkich (…).Walorem pracy jest przedstawienie „pozamiejskiej” interpretacji mechanizmów zaangażowania mieszkańców w lokalny proces decyzyjny w kontekście zadania wzmocnienia pozycji wspólnot samorządowych w strukturze państwa. (…)Jest to opracowanie dojrzałe metodologicznie i ważne w zakresie poczynionych ustaleń badawczych. prof. dr hab. Grzegorz Rydlewski, Uniwersytet Warszawski W dorobku piśmienniczym polskiej politologii jest niewiele prac podejmujących problematykę przeskalowania urban governance (…). Ksiażkę Kamila Glinki należy więc przyjąć z zainteresowaniem, tym bardziej że sposób konceptualizacji poszczególnych zagadnień jest nowoczesny i oparty na właściwych założeniach metodologicznych.Publikacja wpisuje się w coraz częściej podnoszone ostatnio postulaty upolitycznienia miast i próby odpowiedzi na pytania o miejsce miast we współczesnej przestrzeni politycznej. Książka może zainteresować zarówno badaczy (teoretyków), jak i praktyków. Szczególnie przydatna może być dla samorządowców, polityków miejskich, przedstawicieli organizacji trzeciego sektora, urzędników zaangażowanych w codzienne działania związane z przeskalowaniem, podejmujących wysiłek programowania i wdrażania polityk sektorowych. prof. dr. hab. Wojciech Sokół, Uniwersytet im. Marii Curie-Skłodowskiej Kamil Glinka – dr, adiunkt w Instytucie Politologii Uniwersytetu Wrocławskiego. Zajmuje się problematyką public governance, samorządu terytorialnego, polityki miejskiej oraz komunikowania publicznego i politycznego. Kierownik lub wykonawca kilkunastu projektów finansowanych ze środków Komisji Europejskiej, NCN, MNiSW, programu IDUB UWr. Laureat METREX Bernard Steinacher Fellowship 2022–2023. Odbywał staże i prowadził badania w Europejskim Instytucie Uniwersyteckim we Florencji (EUI), Uniwersytecie Masaryka w Brnie, Uniwersytecie w Lund.
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Jest to wykład rzetelny, skonstruowany ściśle chronologicznie, bardziej opowiadający niż analizujący. Historia polityczna w ujęciu Autora to historia polityki, która rozgrywa się przede wszystkim na terenie instytucji państwowych i w obrębie klasy politycznej. Głównym podmiotem nie jest więc anonimowe społeczeństwo, obecne w postaci wyników sondaży i głosowań, a niekiedy opisu strajków. Są nim bezpośredni uczestnicy – przede wszystkim liderzy – gry (walki) politycznej, co nadaje płynności wywodom Antoniego Dudka i podnosi temperaturę narracji. Prof. dr hab. Andrzej Paczkowski Antoni Dudek jako jeden z pierwszych profesjonalnych badaczy zajął się początkami, a następnie dziejami Trzeciej Rzeczpospolitej. Swój warsztat historyka i politologa wykorzystuje także w najnowszej, opartej na rozległych badaniach, historii politycznej Polski. To najlepszy dziś przewodnik dla wszystkich próbujących zrozumieć nasze dzieje po upadku rządów komunistycznych. Prof. dr hab. Jerzy Eisler Antoni Dudek – historyk i politolog, profesor nauk humanistycznych. W latach 1989–2014 pracownik Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego, obecnie wykładowca na UKSW w Warszawie. W latach 2011–2016 członek i ostatni przewodniczący Rady IPN. Autor i współautor wielu książek o historii najnowszej Polski oraz jej systemie politycznym. Publicysta i komentator polityczny, prowadzi na YouTube autorski kanał „Dudek o Historii”.
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The compendium consists of five policy papers that are the result of the project “Young Leaders Training”. Participants of the program worked in groups on the proposals and they chose specific questions within the topics, angle of approach and the number and content of the recommendations.
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Today, the growing impact of climate change, armed conflicts, social polarization, and economic instability threatens the foundations of the global order. These challenges escalate rapidly, fuelled by technological advancements and economic uncertainties that we face on a global scale. Disinformation and misinformation stand out as critical global threats. The pressing issues of cybersecurity, geopolitical tensions, unequal opportunities, inflation, forced migration, economic downturns, and environmental degradation present urgent risks that demand immediate attention. The imbalances and inequalities in wealth and resource distribution at all levels breed instability locally, regionally, and globally, further amplifying the fragility and volatility of our global system. Beyond the immediate crises, our book delves into the potential repercussions of artificial intelligence and its implications for the geopolitical supply chain in Türkiye. It meticulously unveils how climate change and geopolitical dynamics could severely impact Türkiye’s security framework, economic landscape, and business sector. In this context, Türkiye must boldly declare its commitment to fostering collaboration among nations, businesses, and civil society to effectively address these global challenges. Türkiye’s pivotal role in this collective endeavour cannot be overstated, and the country should continue to lead initiatives aimed at collaboration and problem-solving. This book offers valuable insights from scholars, experts, and industry leaders, with the goal of elevating awareness and effectively managing emerging risks at every level. Together, we can navigate these turbulent times and create a more resilient global order.
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This paper explores the ambivalence of current Serbia – NATO relations. The relationship features alongside Serbia’s ‘exceptionality’ in comparison to the relations of the other Western Balkan countries with the Alliance. In spite of this ‘exceptionality’ Serbia’s security policies have being brought in line with the prevailing security discourse and concept of NATO. The main event that has shaped Serbia – NATO relations is the 1999 bombing campaign of which its consequences and impact on current Serbia – NATO relations are described and analysed here. The central argument is that despite the experience of NATO’s hard power in 1999, Serbia’s security policies have been socialised through the post-1999 engagement with the Alliance as well as the perceived convergence of NATO’s and the European Union’s security policies. This case study contributes to the literature on socialisation by analysing an exceptional case of socialisation which took place without Serbia either being a member of the EU or NATO, or any sort of declared ambition to join the Alliance. It stands in contrast to the already explored examples of socialisation of the Central and East European, Baltic and Balkans states whose security policies have been socialised due to these countries’ open and undisputed ambitions to join both the EU and NATO and their following admittance into both of these organizations.
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Results of public opinion polls on corruption conducted among police officers, assessment of police work, statistics on filed criminal complaints against police officers and different scandals in connection with the MoI work which occurred in 2013 indicate that there is significant corruption in the police and that this undermines the integrity of police and its officers. In addition to this, a harmonized system of internal police control, which, together with institutions of external oversight and control, should prevent the police from exceeding their competences and simultaneously ensure greater responsibility of police officers, does not work well in Serbia. Also, the implementation of strategic documents for reducing police corruption is questionable. All this together is not conducive to meeting the expectations of most citizens that the police should play the leading role in the fight against corruption in Serbia (CeSID, UNDP 2012: 25).
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