On the treatment of the albanian issue in Yugoslavia on a Balkan level (after 1945)

Rreth trajtimit të çështjes shqiptare në Jugosllavi në rrafshin ballkanik (pas vitit 1945)

Author(s): Marenglen Verli / Language(s): Albanian / Issue: 01-02/2010

Keywords: treatment of the albanian issue ; Yugoslavia on a Balkan level ; 1945 ; Albania; Albanian History;

The issue of the Albanians in Yugoslavia, undoubtedly part of the Albanian issue in its entirety, started with the drastic disintegration of the Albanian territories. By institutionalizing and intensifying the policy of ethnic cleansing in the annexed Albanian regions, Yugoslavia legitimated, between the two Wars, the struggles of the native Albanian population towards the obtainment by all means of their human and national rights. After World War II, the Yugoslavian political elite followed the policy of balance between the republics, in order to maintain the equilibrium of the Federation. In that scope, especially until the Brioni Plenum of 1966, and after 1981, the southern republics of the Federation, Serbia, Macedonia and Montenegro, were tolerated to maximally aggress the Albanian element. On the other hand, the position of the northern republics of Slovenia and Croatia would be resultant of the relations between the Serbian -Montenegrin and Croatian -Slovenian alignments. However, for a long time, their interest on the Albanian issue was insufficient. It wasn't until the end of the 480s, when the dissolution of Yugoslavia started making surface, that the Albanian factor would be reevaluated and the issue would be considered seriously. During 1945 - 1948 Albania, which was under the Yugoslavian tutelage, despite being aware of the condition of the Albanians across the border, could not raise the issue of the Albanians in Yugoslavia. However, even the phase that followed 1948 left the official Tirana generally out of the game of an effective action that would defend the compatriots across the border. The rest of the Balkan countries, Greece, Bulgaria and Rumania, regardless of the tradition and the historical links, or the various relations with the Albanian Republic, neglected or remained silent for many years regarding the issue of the Albanians in Yugoslavia. The position kept by the Great Powers, or the western democracies was determined, during this period, by their regional geostrategic interests, which, during the last two decades generally favored the Albanians.

Drishti during Middle Ages

Drishti në Mesjetë

Author(s): Edmond Malaj / Language(s): Albanian / Issue: 01-02/2010

Keywords: Drishti ; Middle Ages; Albania; Albanian History

Drishti (also called Drivasto during Middle Ages) stands around 12-13 km close to Shkodra, in the region of Postriba. This city's castle is thought to date from the Roman or the Illyrian times. During the early middle ages, the city has been part of the Byzantine Empire, during the second half of the 11th century it has been under the reign of Bodini of Dioclea, from 1185 Drishti fell in the hands of the Serbs and from 1393 to 1395 it was lorded by the Ottomans, but from 1396 the Benedicts took its reigns. Balsha II tried to occupy the city twice and on 1418 he caused great damage to the Drishtans. Later, and until 1442, Drishti was taken by the Serbian Despots. After the Despots, Drishti was under the jurisdiction of the Venetians until 1478. The same year it was occupied then by the Ottomans and afterwards it fell completely as a city. Drisht's population is composed by several ethnic minorities. We found there the Roman, the Albanian, even the Slav or Greek element. Some of the last names of the families in Drisht are for example: clearly Roman as: Palombo or Colomba, de Leporibus, etc; Albanian last names as: Bariloth, Precalo, Scapuder (1368 the first trace of the name of the Albanian people "Shqiptar"); Serbian last names as: Beroj, Svinja; or Greek ones as: Calageorgi and Spano (spanos = beardless). From an administrative point of view, the city had Vojvoda, which principally concerned 'the police' and the communal organization of the city. There was also Podestas (Podesta), which means owner, captain, a man with total power in an office, and it seems that this post was also known as "castellanus popolaris".

The factors that defmed the necessity of a liberation war and the declaration of Independence in Kosova

Faktorët që përcaktuan domosdoshmërinë e luftës çlirimtare në Kosovë dhe Shpalljen e Pavarësisë

Author(s): Marenglen Verli / Language(s): Albanian / Issue: 01-02/2010

Keywords: necessity of a liberation war ; declaration of Independence in Kosova ; Albania; Balkan History;

Edhe pse me zanafillë më të hershme, çështja e Kosovës, siç dihet, u shfaq e plotë në vitin 1913, si një ndër pjesët e çështjes shqiptare, për shkak të vendimeve të Fuqiye të Mëdha, të marra në Konferencën e Ambasadorëve në Londër. Ato vendime të marra në interes të paqes evropiane, që gjithsesi nuk u sigurua, toleruan ekspansionin e qarqeve drejtuese monarkiste të Beogradit, dhe diktuan copëtimin e trevave shqiptare. Të gjithë treguesit përcaktues, veçanërisht përbërja etnike dhe kompozimi shpirtëror i shumicës dërrmuese të popullsisë së Kosovës dhe shumë viseve të tjera që iu aneksuan Serbisë, dëshmonin se ishte fjalapër treva të mirëfillta shqiptare, që sakrifihoheshin arbitrarisht dhe padrejtësisht të mbeteshin nën sundimin e huaj, në vend që të përfshiheshin natyrshëm në shtetin e vet kombëtar të porsakrijuar.

Scientific life

Jeta shkencore

Author(s): Teki Kurti / Language(s): Albanian / Issue: 01-02/2010

Konferencë shkencore: "Martaneshi - histori e traditë (Scientific Conference: "Martanesh - History and Tradition")

Aspects of the democratization of education in the region of Fieri (1946-1960)

Aspekte nga masivizimi i shkollës në rrethin e Fierit (1946-1960)

Author(s): Jani Sota / Language(s): Albanian / Issue: 01-02/2010

Keywords: democratization of education ; region of Fieri 1946-1960 ; Albania; Albanian History

While attempting to discus and analyse some aspects of the massivisation of education in the district of Fier (1946-1960), it is the opportunity to present some conclusions: • The essential conclusion of the study is that the development of the education in the district of Fier, it was commensurate to the lows, the official decisions, and educational programs plans of the development of education in a national level. Also in the profile of the educational development in the district of Fier could not be circumvented the regional dimension, which has been configured from factors such as: geography, lowland and hilly terrain of the region, the educational tradition and the great desire of the population to acquire new knowledge, the level of the educational staff, the creation of a climate of sympathy and respect for the newcomers, the pace of the economy of an agricultural nature, without neglecting the tendencies of the industrial-agricultural development of the Fier district during the post WWII period. • As in rest of Albania also in the district of Fier, the education was in the focus of the communist government. The Albanian state supported financially the whole educational system, the training and qualification of pedagogical personnel, the increase of the educational and didactic equipment etc. All the education was in the hands of the communist state and entirely controlled by it. • The Educational Reform proclaimed in the 17th of august 1946 and implemented initially in academic year 1946-1947, created the obligatory frame of the new educational system in Albania. It included: free of charge education, general and obligatory (elementary), unique education (organic bounding between all the levels of education and even in the whole republic), equal education between males and females, laic education in the native language etc. In the country it was prohibited the existence of the private schools and religious. The education became public. In the meantime in Fier district, as in the rest of country, the school besides the educational training it took a role in the ideological and political education for the children and the youth of Fier.

1953 - The new Soviet leaders warn: either a change or a catastrophe

1953 - Udhëheqësit e rinj sovjetikë paralajmërojnë: ose ndryshime ose katastrofe

Author(s): Ana Lalaj / Language(s): Albanian / Issue: 01-02/2010

Keywords: 1953 ; Soviet leaders ; change or catastrophe ; Albania; Albanian History;

Më 5 mars 1953, Stalini vdiq, kurse në ditën e funeralit të Stalinit, më 9 mars 1953, mijëra shqiptarë, bashkë me Enver Hoxhën, ranë në gjunjë përpara përmendores së bronztë në qendër të Tiranës. Që prej asaj dite, 730 mijë njerëz, në një popullsi më pak se 1.3 milionëshe, vunë firmat në "Betimin e popullit shqiptar para Stalinit të Madh" dhe më 2 korrik ai iu përcoll Moskës. Procesione të ngjashme u mbajtën edhe në kryeqytetet e tjera komuniste. Por shpejt u pa se këto betime "popullore" besnikërie ishin vetëm fasada. Burime të ndryshme, sidomos ato diplomatike, bënin fjalë se në vendet e Bllokut ishte fermentuar një gjendje shpërthyese, për shkak të vështirësive ekonomike, por edhe për shkak të drejtimit të keq dhe represionit që drejtuesit komunistë të këtyre vendeve ushtronin në popull. Në qershor të vitit 1953, ata thirrën me urgjencë në Moskë drejtuesit kryesorë të Partisë së Bashkuar Socialiste të Gjermanisë, të Partisë së Popullit Punëtor Hungarez, të Partisë së Punës të Shqipërisë dhe në vjeshtë të po atij viti udhëheqësit komunistë rumunë, çekë dhe polakë, të cilëve u bënë me dije se "pritej një katastrofë, nëse nuk do të merreshin masa".

The Soviet-Albanian conflict as seen by Albania's nearby countries

Konflikti shqiptaro-sovjetik në optikën e fqinjëve të Shqipërisë

Author(s): Hamit Kaba / Language(s): Albanian / Issue: 01-02/2010

Keywords: Soviet-Albanian conflict ; Albania's nearby countries; Albania; Albanian History;

The Soviet - Albanian crisis of 1960 - 1961 created a difficult and delicate situation for Albania. The Albanian leadership found itself in front of several dilemmas that included the existence of the Communist regime and the country's national security. Albania's nearby countries, Yugoslavia, Greece and Italy showed a really active behavior concerning the situation that was created. However, their politics towards Albania were not symmetrical in their objectives and in their way of expression and execution. They did not propose the alternative of dividing between them the Albanian territory, as they had done before. Even their positions concerning the Communist regime in Albania, the possibilities of dethroning, maintaining or modifying this regime, were different. Italy, Greece and Yugoslavia, just as they had done before, were implicated in a "conflict of interests" showing their doubts openly and observing one - another with distrust. Italy and Greece, two member countries of NATO, have often addressed their options to the State Department, NATO etc. Inside the neighboring triangle, the politics of Tito's Yugoslavia were seen with a greater doubt by the Albanian leadership itself, the two neighboring countries, and even by the United States and the Occident in general. The danger that the Yugoslavian state represented for Albania had its source on the bad relations between the two countries' leaderships, the improved Soviet -Yugoslavian rapports and the "free hands" policy that Yugoslavia had adopted, as a state that was engaged in none of the two greatest blocs of the time - NATO and the Treaty of Warsaw. However, leaving aside the dilemmas of the time, the Albanian leadership remained Stalinist until the end. It was anchored behind Mao Zedung's China. The country's continuity was also assisted by the unchanging rapports between East and West under the Cold War, during which "crossing the fences" was almost impossible. The Hungarian example in 1956 had been a clear indicator in that direction.

Arbëria's Benda in the later Middle Ages

Benda e Arbrit në Mesjetën e Vonë

Author(s): Pëllumb Xhufi / Language(s): Albanian / Issue: 01-02/2010

Keywords: Arbëria's Benda ; Middle Ages; Albania; Albanian History

At the end of the 12th century, more evidently, but in fact since the 11th century, the byzantine sources in the beginning, followed a little later by the Papal and Slavic ones, start distinguishing a central territory of the medieval Albania, which they called Arber. (greek. Ἄλβανον, lat. Albanum, slav. Рабьнь). Due to its geographic position, close to Durrës and along the Egnatian Way, Arbër has been in the center of the medieval history, not only of Albania, but of the history of Adriatic - Balkans, as well. That is why famous scientists of Balkanology and Albanology have baptized Arbër as the "nucleus" of medieval Albania. In this territory, around the end of the 12th century, the Principality of Arbër, the first formation of an Albanian medieval government was created. During the 14th century, the land of Arbër, more or less integrated the lordship (county) of Topiaj, and in the 15th century it was unified with the stable center of the State of Skanderbeg. Even on 1621, one and a half century after Skanderbeg's death, a well-known habitant of these lands, Pjetër Gudi from Gurabardh, testifies that the territories once belonging to Arbër, were now called "the lands of Skanderbeg" by his compatriots. Thus were considered the cities of Mat, Benda, Kurbin, Tamadhë and Çermenikë, which are part of the highlands behind the cities of Krujë and Elbasan. This study aimes to throw light on one of the regions that belonged to Arbër, Benda. In that effort, the study tries to define the geographical position of Benda, as related to neighbor territories. It begins from Tomadhë, precisely identified in Martanesh, mentioned with that name in late sources. The author presents a new concept concerning the geographical location of the lands of Kunavi and Stefani as well. This concept confronts the locations given by authors like Sufflay or Stadtmüller. On the other hand, based on the unused documents and on a reconsideration of the historic documentation, it is proved that Benda is the place of origin of the famous family Shkurra. On an earlier study, the author has mentioned the thesis that the Princes of Arbër during the 12 th and 13th century, Dhimiitër, Gjon, Progon belonged to this family. The fact that, even during the 16th - 18th century, Benda remains a center for the political and military development, regarding to the resistance against the ottoman occupation, is another element brought by the author.

Tristful separations: a historic-juridical regard on the marriages between albanian and foreign citizens

Ndarje të trishtuara (Një vështrim historik - juridik mbi martesat midis shtetasve shqiptarë dhe të huaj)

Author(s): Ana Lalaj / Language(s): Albanian / Issue: 01-02/2010

Keywords: separations ; historic-juridical regard ;marriages between albanian and foreign citizens ; Albania; Albanian History

A society that was under the control of the Party-State, implicated the same control on its cellule as well; the family and the person. The struggling relationships of the couples that were created during this period between Albanian and foreign citizens, principally from countries of the ex-Communist Block, were part of this occurrence. This issue is observed within the legislation of that time, as well as within the political orientations and extra legal practices of the party and state structures. In order to build the new supporting intelligence, the Communist government of Albania sent quite a few Albanian youngsters in the Universities of USSR and other countries of 'the camp' for studies. It was absolutely natural and understandable that love relationships would evolve between the students. Not few of them were proved stable and towards marital commitments, creating thus, a need for a solution. The Albanian legislation changed several times depending to the changes that underwent the Soviet legislation on marriages, which allowed marriages only between couples from communist countries. This was the situation until 1960. Later on, the aggravation of the ideological and political relations between the Communist Party of Albania and the Communist Party of USSR brought the interruption of the economic, cultural, military and diplomatic rapports between the two countries. This state of alert and war declared by the Party-State was imposed on all the structures of the Albanian society, even on its cellule, the family. Under this situation, the families that went under the principal challenge were those of the ex-students married to foreign women and that now had become military, scientific, and cultural personalities. Politics intervened aggressively in their private life. Built on the feeling of pure love, part of these couples resisted against the political storm. However, most of them were separated, leaving behind tears and memories. According to a report of the Ministry of Home Affairs, until November 1963, 66 foreign women permanently returned to their countries. The fact that other motives might have influenced the separation of these families cannot be excluded. However, the determinant factor was the political one.

The issue of the Albanian and Greek minorities within the International Organizations during 1925-1929

Problemi i minoriteteve shqiptare dhe greke në organizmat ndërkombëtare në vitet 1925-1929

Author(s): Beqir Meta / Language(s): Albanian / Issue: 01-02/2010

Keywords: Albanian and Greek minorities ; International Organizations ; 1925-1929 ; Albania; Albanian History

The Great Powers of that time and the international organizations that dealt with the minorities treated the issues of the foreign minorities in Albania and the Albanian minorities in Greece in a disproportional manner. A typical example of the above is the way the Albanian minority in Chameria was treated as compared to the Greek-speaking minority in South Albania. This article presents new data on this subject. The principal study uses a comparative methodology, based on all the indications concerning the social and economic situation, as well as the political rights of the minorities. It reflects the efforts of the Albanian government for the protection of the Cham population and its interrelationship with the international organizations. The Greek - Albanian debate on the protection and treatment of the minorities, as well as the dissymmetrical policies followed by the two countries towards their respective minorities are treated in e detailed way. The Yugoslavian - Albanian relations on the issues of minorities and religion are dealt with in the same narrow manner. Inside the article one can find an elaborate reflection of the position kept by the British government and legations towards the issue of Greek and Albanian minorities and the rapports between the two countries. A documented presentation covers the attitude of the Greek and Albanian press towards the issues of the minorities.

The politics of the Albanian Communist Government on minorities in Albania (1944 - 1948)

Politika e shtetit komunist shqiptar ndaj minoriteteve në Shqipëri (1944-1948)

Author(s): Sonila Boçi / Language(s): Albanian / Issue: 01-02/2010

Keywords: politics of the Albanian Communist Government ; minorities in Albania ; 1944-1948 ; Albania; Albanian History

This article aims to analyze the main directions of the politics led the Albanian government, on minorities that live in Albania. It emphasizes the fact that, due to the small specific spread of these minorities in the Albanian society, they did not constitute a disturbing subject for the Albanian government. In consequence, the Albanian communist government did not compile any specific political platform concerning the minorities. The politics of the Albanian government on minorities were based on the principles of the proletarian internationalism and were drawn depending on the specific situations that would appear. During the years 1944 - 1948, just as during the period between the two World Wars, the concerns and politics of the Albanian government were concentrated on the Greek minority, not only due to its being the largest minority in the country, but also due to the specificities that it presented. The principal directions of the politics of the Albanian government on minorities are analyzed in the article categorized in three groups: The State of Albania aimed to create the necessary conditions for the integration of the minorities in the political, economic and cultural life of the country, by accepting them as citizens with equal rights. The State of Albania was bind to create the elements, which would guarantee the preservation of the national identity of the minorities. Despite all the incompleteness and the lacks that can be observed during this process, the Albanian government created the possibilities for an education in the native languages and the preservation of the traditional culture belonging to each minority. A particular importance was given to the establishment of politics able to eliminate the ethnic differentiation inside the country. That was a precondition for the political and social cohesion inside the communist Albania, as well.

From Presidence to Monarchy: Legitimacy issues

Nga presidenca në monarki: çështje të legjitimitetit

Author(s): Valentina Duka / Language(s): Albanian / Issue: 01-02/2010

Keywords: Presidence ; Monarchy ; Legitimacy issues ; Albania; Albanian History;

Kalimi i Shqipërisë në sistemin monarkik të qeverisjes, në vjeshtë të 1928-ës, ishte në fakt kalim në një sistem më afër tradicionales dhe më të pranueshëm për shqiptarët, se sa sistemi republikan.

Editorial

Editorial

Author(s): / Language(s): English / Issue: 2/2015

JESUS AND THE ROMAN STATE FROM THE PERSPECTIVE OF LUKE. A CONTRIBUTION TO UNDERSTANDING THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN CHURCH AND STATE

JESUS UND DER RÖMISCHE STAAT IN DER SICHT DES LUKASEVANGELIUMS ZUGLEICH EIN BEITRAG ZUM VERHÄLTNIS VON KIRCHE UND STAAT

Author(s): Hans KLEIN / Language(s): German / Issue: 2/2015

Keywords: Gottherrschaft; Botschaft Jesu; Augustus; Steuer; Zeloten; Ungerechtigkeit gegenüber dem Staat

Die Beziehungen zwischen Kirche und Staat sind ein Problem, das die Kirche seit ihrer Anfangszeit begleitet. Im folgenden Beitrag wird zunächst die Botschaft Jesu von der Nähe der Gottesherrschaft näher betrachtet, welche die Dauerhaftigkeit des Staates in Frage stellt. Jesus ist von den Außenstehen und auch von den staatlichen Organen als Umstürzler betrachtet und als solcher gekreuzigt worden, wiewohl er keinerlei politische Interessen, sondern nur geistliche hatte. Lukas zeigt in seinem Evangelium und in der Apostelgeschichte, dass Jesus und ebenso Paulus keine Ungerechtigkeit gegenüber dem Römischen Staat ausgeübt hat. Jesu Eltern haben sich den Geboten des Kaisers unterworfen, Jesus hat keine Steuerverweigerung ausgesprochen. Er wurde vom eigenen Volk verlästert. Dies Volk verlangte seinen Tod. Das Christentum hat eine spezifische, geistliche Botschaft. Diese hat aber immer auch Elemente, die dem Staat unangenehm oder zuwider sein können, besonders, wenn dieser autoritär oder von einem Diktator geführt wird.

ACTS AND ROMAN AUTHORITIES

ACTS AND ROMAN AUTHORITIES

Author(s): Martin MEISER / Language(s): English / Issue: 2/2015

Keywords: Roman Empire; Conflicts between Jews and Christians; Domitian; Nerva; Trajan; Hadrian; Pliny the Younger; Roman Army; Gallio; Antonius Felix; Tertullus; Porcius Festus

Die Sicht des Lukas auf das Verhältnis der christlichen Gruppen zum Imperium Romanum ist immer wieder einer Kritik unterzogen worden. Doch gilt es, das Bild einzelner römischer Herrscher nach sozialem Stand und geographischer Herkunft des antiken Betrachters zu differenzieren. Auch musste Lukas unter den Bedingungen fehlender Meinungsfreiheit abwägen, wen unter den Personen der Vergangenheit er kritisieren konnte, ohne sein Anliegen zu gefährden: Er wollte Christinnen und Christen zurüsten, ihren Glauben zu bezeugen und gegenüber korrekten und korrupten Machthabern offensiv für die Belange einer politisch loyalen, aber religiös anderweitig gebundenen Minderheit eintreten.

CHRISTIAN SUBMITTING TO ROMAN AUTHORITY ACCORDING TO ROMANS 13:1-7

CHRISTIAN SUBMITTING TO ROMAN AUTHORITY ACCORDING TO ROMANS 13:1-7

Author(s): Stelian Tofană / Language(s): English / Issue: 2/2015

Keywords: Roman authority; conscience; fear; submission; obedience; secular power; Pauline

This study analyses a text from Romans 13,1-7 where the Apostle Paul presents six reasons for the Christian submission and obedience to the civil Roman authority at that time. Taking into account that the Roman Persecutions against to Christians have already made a lot of victims among them, Paul’s exhortations to Roman Christians urging them to be obedient to secular authority, seemed to be extremely courageous. Paul argues his advices by affirming that governing authority that exists is established by God and it is, therefore, his “ministry” in the world rewarding the good deeds and punishing the wrong ones. According to this perspective the Christians motive for submission to the civil authority is not “the fear”, but rather “the conscience” and “the love”. Rom 13,1-7 constitutes, therefore, the key text of the entire New Testament on the subject of Christian’s obedience and submission towards the State’s civil authority.

MORE RELIABILITY FROM GOD: SENTINELS ON THE WALLS OF JERUSALEM (ISAIAH 62,6-9)

FÜR MEHR ZUVERLÄSSIGKEIT GOTTES: DIE WÄCHTER AN DEN MAUERN JERUSALEMS (JES 62,6-9)

Author(s): Johannes Klein / Language(s): German / Issue: 2/2015

Keywords: Tritojesaja; Beschwörung; Schwur; Tempeleinweihung; Wächter; Politiker; Rückkehr; Exil; Mauern

Als wahrscheinlichste Abfassungszeit von Jes 60-62 wird die Zeit nach der Tempeleinweihung angesehen, ca. 25-30 Jahre nach der Wende durch das Kyrosedikt, eine Zeit der Tempeleuphorie mit nationalreligiösen Heilserwartungen, aber auch eine Zeit, in der die Realität an diesen hohen Erwartungen zu scheitern drohte. Die Ich-Person von Jes 62.6-9 sieht die Lösung der Probleme in der Beschwörung Jhwh durch Wächter, die an die (noch unfertigen) Mauern Jerusalems gestellt werden. Ziel der Beschwörung ist, dass Jhwh ein Versprechen leistet, für Gerechtigkeit einzutreten, und zwar in dem Sinn, dass wer arbeitet, auch essen soll. Diese Beschwörung könnte im Rahmen eines öffentlichen Ereignisses -wohl der Tempeleinweihung - geleistet worden sein und hatte dadurch hohe politische Brisanz. Die Anliegen wurden klar formuliert, ohne die Verantwortlichen für Staat und Gesellschaft direkt anzugreifen. Letztere wurden sogar eingeladen, Wächterfunktion zu übernehmen und damit strategisch in die formulierten Ziele eingebunden. Eine neue prophetische Art der kritischen Begleitung der Verantwortungsträger.

APOSTLES AND POLITICS IN THE ROMAN EMPIRE

APOSTLES AND POLITICS IN THE ROMAN EMPIRE

Author(s): Julia A. Snyder / Language(s): English / Issue: 2/2015

Keywords: Acts of Peter; Acts of Thekla; Acts of Paul; Acts of John at Rome; Philostratus; political; anti-imperial; apocryphal Acts

This essay discusses political perspectives in several extrabiblical stories about the apostles: the Acts of Peter, Acts of Thekla, Acts of Paul (Ephesus and Martyrdom episodes), and Acts of John at Rome. It investigates the literary function of references to political figures, observing that their presence both decorates the literary backdrop and serves to advance the plot. The essay also argues that these narratives should not be described as '' anti-imperial,'' drawing on Philostratus' Life of Apollonius of Tyana as a reference text.

BOOK REVIEWS

BOOK REVIEWS

Author(s): Hans KLEIN / Language(s): German / Issue: 2/2015

Jean Zumstein, Das Johannesevangelium KEK 2, Vandenhoeck&Ruprecht 2015, 795 S. ISBN 978-3-525-51638-6