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Exposé on the Political, Ideological, Cultural and Educational Formation of the New Man, conscious builder and devotee of multilaterally developed socialist society and of communism in Romania

EXPUNERE cu privire la activitatea politico-ideologică şi cultural-educativă de formare a omului nou, constructor conştient şi devotat al societăţii socialiste multilateral dezvoltate şi al comunismului în România

Author(s): Nicolae Ceaușescu / Language(s): Romanian

full title: EXPUNERE cu privire la activitatea politico-ideologică şi cultural-educativă de formare a omului nou, constructor conştient şi devotat al societăţii socialiste multilateral dezvoltate şi al comunismului în România, prezentată la Congresul educaţiei politice şi al culturii socialiste 2 iunie 1976CUVlNTARE la încheierea lucrărilor Congresului 4 iunie 1976 Expose on the Political, ideological, cultural and educational formation of the new man, creator of consdciousness and devotee of multilaterally developed socialist society and of communism in Romania. Presented at the Congress of Political Education and Socialist Culture on June 2, 1976. Speech delivered at the the conclusion of the Congress, June 4, 1976

The Hidden Economy in Bulgaria (Business sector survey), April 2004

The Hidden Economy in Bulgaria (Business sector survey), April 2004

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): English

In the period March 30 - April 20, 2004, Vitosha Research conducted a survey of the "hidden economy" in the business sector, covering 478 companies from accross the country. The survey employed the method of the face-to-face interview.

Germany in the Russia-Ukraine Conflict: Political or Humanitarian Mission?

Niemcy w konflikcie rosyjsko-ukraińskim: misja polityczna czy humanitarna?

Author(s): Anna Kwiatkowska-Drożdż,Kamil Frymark / Language(s): English,Polish

Keywords: Russia-Ukraine conflict; Germany; humanitarian policy;

Since the beginning of the Russian-Ukrainian conflict, profound changes in Germany’s thinking about Russia, its political elite and foreign policy, can be observed. The trust most German politicians had in their former strategic partner has now lessened. At the same time, Germany has been particularly involved in the process of resolving the conflict, which was demonstrated by the intensive diplomatic actions it undertook. When these failed, Chancellor Angela Merkel did not hesitate to force through the introduction and maintenance of economic sanctions. At the same time, however, this evolution in Germany’s thinking about Russia has not translated into any change in the two basic assumptions of the German attitude towards a possible solution to the conflict. First, Germany supports the concept of ‘strategic patience’ in politics in the context of Russia’s aggression. Second, it is convinced that Europe is fated to cooperate with the Russian Federation, and Europe’s welfare and security are only possible with Russia as a partner in cooperation, not against it or without it. Therefore, in the immediate future no radical change in Germany’s policy as pursued so far should be expected. This provokes questions concerning not only the effectiveness of Berlin’s current actions, but also – in a broader sense – Germany’s ability to negotiate and achieve real, political solutions to the Russian-Ukrainian conflict, reaching beyond (another) ceasefire. The Minsk agreements of 12 February can be considered a success worthy of a humanitarian mission carried out in the hope of reducing the number of casualties. However, the political mission undertaken by Chancellor Merkel and Foreign Minister Steinmeier aimed at “ensuring Europe’s security order”1 has so far resulted in the sense of helplessness and frustration which have recently dominated Germany’s policy towards Russia.

Choice of judges in comparative and in the Republic of Serbia - Proposals for Changing the Constitution

Izbor sudija uporedno i u Republici Srbiji – predlozi za promenu Ustava

Author(s): Vladan Petrov / Language(s): Serbian

Keywords: Public law; constitution; history; reform;suggestions; judges; election; appointment; Republic of Serbia; comparative law;

The adequate system of judicial appointments is one of the most important institutional guarantee of the real and personal independence of judiciary. In the first part of the article, the author briefly describes the main models of judicial appointments in comparative law. A lot of European states have introduced a special body (judicial council) with a competence to elect judges or to propose judicial candidates appointed by other organs (i. e. Parliament). However, there is no single non-political model of judicial appointments which could perfectly comply with the principle of the independence of judiciary, on the one hand, and the principle of the responsibility of judiciary, on the other. In the second part, the author analizes the most important features of the systems of judicial appointments in the states of the Region (the former Yugoslav republics). In all of them (except Slovenia), judicial councils elect judges. Those bodies consist of judicial and non-judical members. However, the judical element prevails. In almost all of them, there have been constitutional changes in the last few years whith a same goal to make a system of judicial appointments more objective. In the third part, the author, firstly, analizes the main characteristics of the system of judicial appointments under the Constitution of Serbia of 1990. The election of judges by the Parliament was the model with a lot of objections. The High Council of Judiciary was introduced in 2001 by the law not by the Constitution. The Constitution of Serbia of 2006 has made two important changes in the election of judiciary. Firstly, the Constitution has introduced the probationary period (three years) for a person who is elected a judge for the first time. Secondly, the Constitution constitutes The High Judicial Council as „an independent and autonomous body which shall provide for and guarantee independence and autonomy of courts and judges“. The author emphasizes the bad constitutional solutions from the inadequate definition of the principle of the separation of powers to the competences and the composition of the High Judicial Council.

Electoral Modalities of the Presidency of BiH (Incentives of Sejdić / Finci Decision)

Izborni modaliteti Predsjedništva BiH (poticaj odluke Sejdić/Finci)

Author(s): Mirza Korajlić / Language(s): Bosnian

Keywords: Public law; constitution; reform; changes; models; ethnic minorities; Sejdić-Finci; verdict; incentive; presidency; BiH; electoral system;

Član 5 Ustava Bosne i Hercegovine regulira instituciju Predsjedništva BiH. Predsjedništvo Bosne i Hercegovine se sastoji od tri člana: jednog Bošnjaka i jednog Hrvata, koji se svaki biraju neposredno sa teritorije Federacije, i jednog Srbina, koji se bira neposredno sa teritorije Republike Srpske. Članovi Predsjedništva biraju se neposredno u svakom entitetu, tako da svaki glasač glasa za popunjavanje jednog mjesta u Predsjedništvu Bosne i Hercegovine. Najupadljivija karakteristika Predsjedništva BiH je da je to institucija sastavljena od tri člana, a ne jedinstvena izvršna funkcija. Tročlano Predsjedništvo, kao i druge državne institucije u BiH, kreirane su tako da se dijeli moć između tri konstitutivna naroda, da ni u jednom državnom organu predstavnik bilo kojeg konstitutivnog naroda nema prevlast. Ovaj dio Ustava izražava etničku dimenziju unutrašnjeg uređenja države Bosne i Hercegovine i gotovo isključivo se bavi postojanjem i djelovanjem tri „konstitutivna naroda“, ili tri etničkovjerske skupine, Bošnjaka, Hrvata i Srba. U tom dijelu „Ostali“ narodi, kao i „građani“, mada se spominju u Preambuli Ustava BiH, praktično su ostali izvan domašaja ustavne regulacije. Dakle, dva su glavna problema današnjih izbora članova Predsjedništva BiH: 1. U Predsjedništvo mogu biti izabrani samo pripadnici konstitutivnih naroda i na taj način se isključuju (diskriminiraju) „Ostali“. Znači, „Ostali“ nemaju pasivno biračko pravo, kao jedno od osnovnih političkih prava građana u savremenim demokracijama. Dok je aktivno biračko pravo opšte, pasivno biračko pravo je ograničeno. 2. Kombinacija teritorijalnih i etničkih propisa isključuje (diskriminira) Bošnjake i Hrvate iz Republike Srpske i Srbe u Federaciji BiH da budu izabrani u Predsjedništvo BiH, ali i da glasaju za člana Predsjedništva svoje etničke grupe, tako da se aktivno i pasivno biračko pravo uskraćuje za oko 45% građana BiH. Takvim pravilom se samo pripadnici određene etničke grupe mogu smatrati potpuno lojalnim građanima entiteta, koji mogu braniti njegove interese. Prema tome, postoji diskriminacija u oba entiteta sva tri konstitutivna naroda: Bošnjaka, Srba i Hrvata, kao i nacionalnih manjina, a posebno se diskriminiraju građani Bosne i Hercegovine, jer nemaju ista politička prava u izbornom procesu na cijeloj teritoriji BiH. Slijedi da je ugrožen princip jednakosti građana u pogledu pristupa najvažnijim državnim funkcijama. Na osnovu toga se može zaključiti da izbori za Predsjedništvo BiH nisu u potpunosti slobodni izbori i da ograničavaju aktivno i pasivno biračko pravo, kao i neke od osnovnih principa demokratskih izbora, jednake mogućnosti i puno učešće građana u političkim procesima. Presudom Evropskog suda za ljudska prava u predmetu Sejdić i Finci protiv Bosne i Hercegovine, sistem izbora članova Predsjedništva BiH i Doma naroda Parlamentarne skupštine BiH proglašen je diskriminirajućim u odnosu na „Ostale“. Problem diskriminacije Srba u Federaciji i Bošnjaka i Hrvata u Republici Srpskoj nije odlučen u pomenutoj presudi. Iako u Katalogu ljudskih prava koja sadrži Ustav Bosne i Hercegovine nije izričito nominirana lista političkih prava, s obzirom na međunarodne standarde koji su sadržani u Ustavu, može se zaključiti da su garancijama političkih prava obuhvaćena prvenstveno: prava koja uključuju slobodu mišljenja, savjesti i vjere; slobodu izražavanja i štampe; aktivno i pasivno biračko pravo, kao i pravo na demokratske izbore; zabrana diskriminacije u skladu sa članom 2 (4) Ustava BiH. To znači da građani pod uvjetima opće jednakosti i bez diskriminacije po bilo kojem osnovu, imaju pravo da biraju i da budu birani, te da bez ikakve diskriminacije upravljaju javnim poslovima i da im bude, pod jednakim uslovima, dostupno vršenje javne službe. Iako bi se iz ovoga moglo zaključiti da izborno pravo, kao i druga politička prava, pripadaju građanima u Bosni i Hercegovini na cijelom njenom teritoriju i bez bilo kakve diskriminacije, ipak postoji nesklad i kolizija ovih ustavnih odredbi u odnosu na ustavne norme koje uređuju pitanja izbora, između ostalog, i Predsjedništva BiH.

The secrecy of communication and protection of the security of the Republic - on the occasion of a decision of the Constitutional Court of Serbia

Tajnost komunikacija i zaštita bezbednosti Republike - povodom jedne odluke Ustavnog suda Srbije

Author(s): Nataša Rajić / Language(s): Serbian

Keywords: Public law; constitutionality; Constitutional Court; verdict; communications; Law on the Security Information Agency; Republic of Serbia;

Several important constitutional questions were opened by the decision of the Constitutional Court of Serbia on the unconstitutionality of certain provisions of the Law on the Security Information Agency. Those questions are concentrated around three key categories: the constitutional definition of the possibility of limitation of the right to privacy, the clarity and precision of norms that regulate the jurisdiction of the security services in that area, as well as the proportionality of undertaken measures. The basic problem in the functioning of the state in contemporary circumstances comes from the question whether the concept of individual liberty is partly changed due to new security challenges, as well as to which limit that concept can be redefined without infringement of basic principles of modern legal state. By the analysis of the decision of the Constitutional Court, author of the article made attempt to find out the access of the constitutional court and the legislative body in understanding the level of protection of the right to privacy in constitutional system. The paper also covers the issue of access which was taken by the Constitutional Court in the way of argumentation of the decision. Is there a clear and unambiguous legal and logical access of the Constitutional Court in the argumentation of the decision or not?

Contribution of the High Judicial Council to Independence of Judiciary in the Republic of Serbia

Doprinos Visokog saveta sudstva (ne)zavisnosti pravosuđa u Republici Srbiji

Author(s): Đorđe Marković / Language(s): Serbian

Keywords: Public law; constitution; Constitutional Court; judiciary; reform; independence; High Judicial Council; contribution; Republic of Serbia;

An independent judiciary is one of the most important pillars of the constitutional structure in any modern state. To achieve this independence it is crucial to find a suitable mechanism for the appointment of judges in order to reduce the influence of the executive branch of the government to the minimum. Comparative point of view shows that a common and magical solution do not exist. Several models have proved as very good, and one of them leaves the choice of appointment to the particular body or organ sui generis, which has different names in different countries . The Serbian Constitution of 2006 introduced a body called the High Judicial Council, which plays an important role in the selection of judges. Judicial reform has been conducted in Serbia since 2008, during which a number of large omissions have been made. This will have a fatal consequence on the Serbian legal system in the upcoming years, if not decades. In addition to the Ministry of Justice, the key players in this legal confusion are the High Judicial Council and the Constitutional Court. We have tried to draw attention to the most serious mistakes that these two bodies have made in recent years, and to propose some solutions that could contribute to remedy the situation in the Serbian judiciary.

The Relations between the Constitutional Court and the Courts in the Light of the Constitutional Oversight of Judicial Decisions – the Analyzes of Practice of the Constitutional Court of Serbia

Odnos Ustavnog suda i sudova u svetlosti ustavnog nadzora nad sudskim odlukama – analiza prakse Ustavnog suda Srbije

Author(s): Vladan Petrov,Maja Prelić / Language(s): Serbian

Keywords: Constitutional Court; courts; Serbia; constitutional oversight; judicial decisions; violation of human rights; public law;

In this article, the authors are giving the analyzis of selective decisions of the Constitutional Court of Serbia in relation to some dilemmas in the constitutional oversight of judicial decisions. Two aspects of the constitutional oversight of judicial decisions in Serbia are rather controversial. First is the possibility of the Constitutional Court̕ s cassation of judicial decisions which violate human rights. The second is the potential role of the Constitutional Court as a „super revision court“. Those open questions make latent tensions between the Constitutional Court and the High Court of Cassation. The main thesis in the article is that the task of the Constitutional Court and the courts is almost identical. It is a complete and effective protection of human rights. The Constitutional Court is a subsidiary and not a souvereign protector of human rights. According to the authors, the interplay between the Constitutional Court and the courts has to be based on „a demand for complementarity“. Without that „complementarity“ no constitutional revision can prevent the persistante conflict between the Constitutional Court and the courts which endagers the implementation of the rule of law. The recent practice of the Constitutional Court indicates some positive moves towards the establishment of better institutional cooperation and mutual understanding, i. e. the constitutional culture which is less conflictual. However, much remains to be done. That is the common task of the Constitutional Court, the courts and the other institutional factors which are participating in the realization of the rule of law in Serbia.

CONCRETE - Cultural propaganda set no. 203, yr. XIII, Belgrade, Tuesday, January 15, 2019

BETON - Kulturno propagandni komplet br. 203, god. XIII, Beograd, utorak, 15. januar 2019.

Author(s): Vladan Z. Jovanović,Aleksandra Sekulić,Danijel Savović,Miloš Živanović,Vladimir Milojković / Language(s): Serbian

MIXER, Vladan Jovanović: Lomljenje opijumskog kolača; ŠTRAFTA, Aleksandra Sekulić: O porazu, o istini i o borbi; BLOK BR. V, Wostok: Kristijanija, Danijel Savović / Studiostrip: Sivo; VREME SMRTI I RAZONODEMiloš Živanović: Nadgrobna Ana, Vladimir Milojković: Glave, Moje ime je Xu

CONCRETE - Cultural propaganda set no. 112, yr. VI, Belgrade, Tuesday, June 21, 2011

BETON - Kulturno propagandni komplet br. 112, god. VI, Beograd, utorak, 21. jun 2011.

Author(s): Biljana Andonovska,Jasna Koteska,Rumena Bužarovska ,Vladimir Jankovski,Pandalf Vulkanski,Dimitar Samardžiev,Nikola Madžirov,Igor Isakovski,Lidija Dimkovska / Language(s): Serbian

Keywords: Macedonian literature;

Biljana Andonovska: IntroSKop; NOVA MAKEDONSKA KNJIŽEVNA SCENA; Izbor: Jasna Koteska i Biljana Andonovska; Prevod s makedonskog: Biljana Andonovska; Rumena Bužarovska: Ne plači, tatino; Vladimir Jankovski: Večno sadašnje vreme; Pandalf Vulkanski: Skopske priče iz 2014., Četiri haikua; Dimitar Samardžiev: Emancipaternalizam; Nikola Madžirov: Pre nego što smo se rodili i druge pesme; Marko Petruševski: Bliskosti; Igor Isakovski: Višenamenski nožić; Lidija Dimkovska: Razlika

Documentation of Time 1958/176 – The 1918 November-Revolution in Germany

Dokumentation der Zeit 1958/176 – Die Novemberrevolution 1918 in Deutschland

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): German

41 years ago: The November revolution in Germany in 1918 // The Kiel sailors' uprising - the prelude to the revolution // The revolution spreads across Germany (see map on pages 24/25) // November 9th in Berlin - the climax of the Revolution // SPD leadership concludes counterrevolutionary alliance with the reaction // Revolutionary workers and soldiers demand a council system // Soviet Russia supports the revolutionary proletariat // The counterrevolution is marching - supported by the SPD leadership // The establishment of the Communist Party of Germany // About the character of the November revolution and the lessons learned after 1945 // chronicle of the course // references to the November revolution and the founding of the KPD // picture material: pages 8, 11, 12 and 39 // overview index for the issues 167 to 172 — — — — Vor 41 Jahren: Die Novemberrevolution 1918 in Deutschland // Der Kieler Matrosenaufstand — der Auftakt zur Revolution // Die Revolution breitet sich über ganz Deutschland aus (Karte hierzu s. Seite 24/25) // Der 9. November in Berlin — Höhepunkt der Revolution // SPD-Führung schließt konterrevolutionäres Bündnis mit der Reaktion // Revolutionäre Arbeiter und Soldaten fordern Rätesystem // Sowjetrussland unterstützt das revolutionäre Proletariat // Die Konterrevolution marschiert — unterstützt von der SPD-Führung // Die Gründung der Kommunistischen Partei Deutschlands // Über den Charakter der Novemberrevolution und die Lehren für die Entwicklung nach 1945 // Chronik über den Verlauf // Literaturhinweise zur Novemberrevolution und zur Gründung der KPD // Bildmaterial: Seite 8, 11, 12 und 39 // Übersichtsregister für die Hefte 167 bis 172

EUROMONITOR 04 (2006/10/23)

EUROMONITOR 04 (2006/10/23)

Author(s): Igor Boțan,Iurie Gotișan,Valeriu Prohniţchi,Alex Oprunenco / Language(s): Romanian

Keywords: Democratic institutions; Transnistria conflict; capacity of administration; juridical system; economic reforms; foreign trade; human traffic; migration; border control;

The reports in the "Euromonitor" series aim at independent and objective monitoring of the implementation process of the Republic of Moldova - European Union Action Plan. The actions adopted and implemented by both signatories of the Plan will be monitored quarterly. The action plan is a complex document, structured in 7 chapters, which provides for the implementation of about 300 actions, some defined more or less precisely, others very ambiguous. Unable to monitor such a complex document, the authors of "Euromonitor" focused on priority actions, identified in the Action Plan itself.

EUROMONITOR 09 (2008/01/21)

EUROMONITOR 09 (2008/01/21)

Author(s): Igor Boțan,Sergiu Bușcăneanu,Valeriu Prohniţchi,Alex Oprunenco,Ana Popa / Language(s): Romanian

Keywords: Democratic institutions; Transnistria conflict; capacity of administration; juridical system; economic reforms; foreign trade; social development; human traffic; migration; border control;

The reports in the "Euromonitor" series aim at independent and objective monitoring of the implementation process of the Republic of Moldova - European Union Action Plan. The actions adopted and implemented by both signatories of the Plan will be monitored quarterly. The action plan is a complex document, structured in 7 chapters, which provides for the implementation of about 300 actions, some defined more or less precisely, others very ambiguous. Unable to monitor such a complex document, the authors of "Euromonitor" focused on priority actions, identified in the Action Plan itself.

Beliefs, health and politics during the COVID-19 pandemic, April 11-15, 2020

Credință, sănătate și politică în vremea pandemiei de COVID-19: 11-15 aprilie 2020

Author(s): Bruno Stefan / Language(s): Romanian

Keywords: beliefs;health;trust in political leaders;voting intentions;

The survey was conducted between April 11-15, 2020 on a sample of 1008 people selected from 116 urban and rural localities in all counties of Romania. He measured people’s religious beliefs (in God, Hell, the Last Judgment, icons, reincarnation), self-perception (lucky, happy, hardworking, patriotic), self-assessment of the health of certain organs or problems (heart, brain, bones, teeth, infections), the perception of the involvement of the authorities in the management of the COVID crisis, the trust in the political leaders, the voting intentions.

Increasing the competitiveness of enterprises on both banks of the Dniester

Creşterea Competitivităţii întreprinderilor de pe ambele maluri ale Nistrului

Author(s): Viorel Chiviriga / Language(s): Romanian

Keywords: economy od Moldova; economy of Transnistria;

Factors at the country level that have repercussions on the competitiveness of the national economy are those that have an impact on the overall cost structure and productivity of the entire economy. These include both the business environment and macroeconomic factors: inflation and the exchange rate. Regarding the factors at the country level, the focus of several policy documents and the Roadmap for improving the competitiveness of the Republic of Moldova are focused on creating a favorable business environment, which includes the following elements: international trade and customs administration; fiscal and administrative policy; the competitive framework; business regulation environment; access to financial resources; infrastructure and logistics; the contract, the implementation of property rights and the quality of the judicial system; environmental protection and sustainable use of natural resources; investor protection; labor market regulation.

Potential of Mediation in cases of Discrimination in Bosnia and Herzegovina

Potencijal medijacije u slučajevima diskriminacije u Bosni i Hercegovini

Author(s): Kosana Beker / Language(s): Bosnian

Keywords: discrimination; mediation; conflict;

Mediation is a structured procedure, regardless of the name of the procedure, by which two or more parties to a dispute seek to reach an agreement on their own, on a voluntary basis, on resolving the dispute with the help of a mediator. The mediation procedure can be initiated by the parties themselves, it can be proposed or ordered by a court or it can be prescribed by law. Having in mind this definition, it can be concluded that mediation has long been represented as a way of resolving conflicts around the world, because even without special regulations there was no obstacle for one person (mediator) to help other persons in dispute to, peacefully and without engagement of the state apparatus, resolve its dispute in a mutually satisfactory manner. Unlike court proceedings in which one always wins and one always loses, in the mediation procedure both parties will be satisfied with the way the dispute between them is resolved, that is, both parties will win the dispute, because they will have the opportunity to influence the procedure and to reach an agreement that will be acceptable to both parties.

The Voice of the Minorities. 1935-10+11

Glasul Minorităţilor. La Voix des Minorités. Die Stimme der Minderheiten. 1935-10+11

Author(s): Elemér Jakabffy,Dániel Anton,George Hugh Nicholas Seton-Watson / Language(s): Romanian,French,German

Keywords: Ethnic minorities in CEE;

please find in the » Introduction.pdf « a complete Table of Content for all annual issues of 1935

Newsletter - 07/2021

Newsletter - 07/2021

Author(s): Adis Maksić,Slavo Kukić,Denis Romac,Senada Šelo Šabić,Andrej Nikolaidis / Language(s): Bosnian,Croatian

Keywords: America; politics; BIH; europeanization; NATO; election law; Montenegro; society;

1. Uvodnik - Povratak Amerike. 2. Preuzima li Washington ponovo dirigentsku palicu u europeizaciji BiH? 3. Konsenzus je ključan za NATO put BiH. 4. Hitnost za usvajanje izmjena Izbornog zakona. Zašto? 5. Crnogorsko društvo vri.

Political criteria in the process of stabilization and association of Montenegro to European Union

Politički kriterijumi u procesu stabilizacije i pridruživanja Crne Gore Evropskoj uniji

Author(s): Aleksandar Saša Zeković / Language(s): Montenegrine

Keywords: EU principles; Political criteria for joining; Human rights; Functional democracy and institutions; Western Balkans; Montenegro;

Predmet istraživanja ovog rada jesu preduslovi koje zainteresovane zemlje moraju zadovoljiti kako bi pristupile Evropskoj uniji (EU) odnosno politička dimenzija kriterijuma pristupanja, kao i izazova sa kojim se Crna Gora suočava ili se može suočiti u procesu stabilizacije i pridruživanja. EU je utemeljena na principima slobode, demokratije, vladavini prava, poštovanju ljudskih prava i osnovnih sloboda. Od pada Berlinskog zida politikom Evropske unije (EU) dominira ideja o daljem proširenju. Prema osnivačkim dokumentima EU može pristupiti svaka zainteresovana evropska država koja poštuje postavljene temeljne principe. Države koje joj žele pristupiti prije svega su obavezane principima i načelima na kojima počiva sama Unija. Preduslov evropskih integracija je funkcionalno prihvatanje demokratije i ostvarenje njene pune djelotvornosti, što znači da su integracije direktno zavisne od procesa reformi i demokratske stabilnosti društva koje se želi pridružiti EU. Cilj ovog rada je da kroz istorijsku retrospektivu evropskih integracija, predstavljanje ciljeva, politika i institucija EU, iskustava drugih zemalja i analizom dosadašnjih aktivnosti i napora Evropske komisije i Vlade Crne Gore predstavi važnost političkih krtiterijuma u pristupanju EU. Pod političkim uslovima članstva podrazumijeva se istinska i funkcionalna stabilnost institucija koje garantuju demokratiju, vladavinu prava, ljudska prava i poštovanje i zaštitu prava manjina. Proces evropskih integracija pred svakom zemljom postavlja cilj koji traži snažnu odgovornost – održati i ojačati Uniju kao prostor slobode, bezbijednosti i pravde. Prije svega treba zadovoljiti političke uslove i pretpostavke, zato jer je politički i bezbjednosni okvir prostor unutar kojeg funkcioniše ekonomija, pravna i socijalna infrastruktura. Crna Gora dužna je da zadovolji politiku uslovljavanja, odnosno da prihvati temeljne principe na kojima počiva sama EU. Neispunjavanje tih uslova podrazumijeva da EU može pristupiti ograničavanju ili obustavljanju saradnje, odnosno suspenziji ili raskidanju ugovornog odnosa. Zadovoljenje političkih kriterijuma prilika je za istinsko prihvatanje zajedničkih evropskih vrijednosti i prevazilaženje nasljeđa prošlosti, što je za Crnu Goru u pogledu sveobuhvatnih reformi, izgradnje države, društvenog i ekonomskog progresa od ključnog značaja. Kako je Crna Gora u procesu evropskih integracija, intencija ovog rada je da afirmiše važnost i značaj političkih kriterijuma, pa je zato i data opširna analiza značaja političkih kriterijuma u procesu stabilizacije i pridruživanja Crne Gore Evropskoj uniji. Aktuelnost evropskih integracija, nedavna proširenja EU, formirana iskustva i intenzitet procesa stabilizacije i pridruživanja Crne Gore i sama ova publikacija omogućavaju i doprinose formiranju široke i sadržajne dokumentacione osnove za dalja istraživanja i edukaciju.

Perceptions about taxation in Romania

Percepții despre fiscalitatea din România

Author(s): Bruno Stefan / Language(s): Romany

Keywords: Taxes and fees; fiscal controls; fiscal facilities; single VAT rate; public administration.

The paper presents the results of a sociological research carried out in Romania on a national sample of 1,104 subjects. The data was collected between 9-14 June 2022, and the research was funded by the Tax Pact. The paper presents data on Romanians' preferences for a stable tax code, for merging some taxes and simplifying tax legislation, for certain legislative measures and proposals for the economic recovery of the country, about the progressive tax and about the perception of fiscal administrations.