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Guide Through Information Security in the Republic of Serbia

Guide Through Information Security in the Republic of Serbia

Guide Through Information Security in the Republic of Serbia

Author(s): Irina Rizmal,Vladimir Radunović,Đorđe Krivokapić / Language(s): English

The Center for Euro-Atlantic Studies presents the Guide through information security in the Republic of Serbia, published within the project Serbia moving forward: Mapping the legal and policy cybersecurity framework, supported by the OSCE Mission to Serbia. The aim of the Guide is to indicate the obligations stemming from Serbia's membership and participation in international bodies and organizations, as well as the opportunities this membership provides for policy and capacity development in this field. The Guide covers the current normative framework, strategies, principles and recommendations of actors such as the European Union, NATO, Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe and United Nations.The Guide also provides basic guidelines for further steps in the process of comprehensive regulation of the field of cybersecurity in Serbia, such as developing a Cybersecurity Strategy, as well as pending bylaws regulating the fields covered by the Law in more detail. The Guide is therefore intended for decision-makers, that is, representatives of relevant state institutions, supporting the efforts directed towards regulation of the field of cybersecurity in Serbia, as well as representatives of the private sector, academic community and civil society interested in this topic.

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The necessary return of ideology: Political parties and ideological profile in Albania

The necessary return of ideology: Political parties and ideological profile in Albania

The necessary return of ideology: Political parties and ideological profile in Albania

Author(s): Enfrid Islami / Language(s): English

Keywords: Albanian Political Parties; Albanian Communist Party; The National Front; Elections

The life of political parties in Albania is a relatively short one compared to other countries in the region. The country only recently celebrated its 100th anniversary of independence. In reality, the country has enjoyed democracy and independence for a far shorter amount of time. The declaration of independence in Vlora in 1912 was followed by internal conflict between different regional groups, foreign invasion, and a constant state of turmoil in which political activity was practically impossible. Even before the declaration of independence, the Albanian political class had shown a high level of inefficiency and unwillingness to come together in the common effort to push forward the issues of Albanian national identity and unity. The series of conflicts which followed the declaration of independence in 1912, including two world wars, resulted in a very hostile environment for political life to flourish in Albania. It took a long time for the country to take full control of its territory and national sovereignty, a must for the development of political parties and organizations.The long period of communist rule that followed from the end of the Second World War, established the tradition of a one party system. For almost 50 years, every political activity except for the ruling Communist Party was illegal, and thus the establishment of a proper multiparty system in the country had to be postponed till after 1991. // This paper will introduce the reader with a short background of political parties in Albania, while focusing on the period after 1991, with the emergence of the multiparty system in the country. The paper aims at providing readers with a profile of the political parties in Albania during the 2013 electoral campaign, the hot issues discussed during the campaign, as well as the position of the main parties on each of these issues. This paper also aims at emphasizing the role of ideology in Albanian politics at the moment, as well as analyzes the evolution of ideology into an important mechanism for Albanian political parties during electoral campaigns throughout the years.

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CEPS Activities. Review 2011 – Preview 2012
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CEPS Activities. Review 2011 – Preview 2012

CEPS Activities. Review 2011 – Preview 2012

Author(s): H. Onno Ruding,Karel Lannoo,Daniel Gros,Staffan Jerneck / Language(s): English

Keywords: Financial crisis; Euro crisis; Economic and Monetary Union; fiscal policy; macroeconomic policy; social policy; energy; climate change; environmental policy; economic development;

The prevailing financial or euro crisis is a reflection of inadequate fiscal policies in combination with a lack of competitiveness in several member countries of the eurozone. Whatever its causes, however, it has exposed fundamental weaknesses in the design of EMU as well as insufficient implementation of the rules governing the euro area. After all, EMU stands for Economic and Monetary Union. These deficiencies had been signalled earlier in the 1990s, but they have been ignored since then by many politicians and financial markets as well. At this moment, it is still unclear whether the euro-area members are able and willing to resolve this crisis by taking the necessary and far-reaching decisions towards a much higher degree of integration. Such moves would go beyond a ’fiscal union’ and would necessarily cover essential elements of macroeconomic policies as well.

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№08 Kosovo 2020: A Complex Agenda for the New Government
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№08 Kosovo 2020: A Complex Agenda for the New Government

№08 Kosovo 2020: A Complex Agenda for the New Government

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): English

Keywords: Kosovo election 2019; Albin Kurti; Vetëvendosje; Kosovo economy; Kosovo education system; Kosovo healthcare system;

The new government that takes office, whatever its colour will inherit a long list of issues from its predecessor. Dysfunctional healthcare and education systems, an untaxed shadow economy, a slow and often ineffective judiciary, weak public administration all require major interventions. The failure of public services is graphically illustrated with the high number of patients being treated abroad and the regular enrolment of politicians’ children in private and international schools.17 To further complicate the matter, despite the generally cordial campaign that preceded the elections, relations between key political actors remain tense; leaders do not trust each other and basic norms of cooperation between actors are still missing. That is especially true for the case of Albin Kurti, the leader of Vetëvendosje, who has spent much of his time in opposition (and before that, as an activist) attacking other parties, including his current potential partner LDK. If Kurti aims to secure the premiership and stay in power he will have to build some relations with both his coalition partner and the opposition, with whom he never tried to reconcile. Any new government will have to create a favourable climate to enact the promised reforms. In the case of Kurti, especially, that would entail making a U-turn and engaging with the opposition from day one. These priorities for the new government listed in this report do not intend to be comprehensive, but to present an outline of the more pressing issues the government will need to work on to ensure progress is made. The composition of the government, domestic politics and international developments can also influence how a priority is defined. Yet, these issues require careful attention and will not disappear from the public agenda in the short term.

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№09 Assembly of Kosovo: Increasing Efficiency by Improving the Rules of Procedure
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№09 Assembly of Kosovo: Increasing Efficiency by Improving the Rules of Procedure

№09 Assembly of Kosovo: Increasing Efficiency by Improving the Rules of Procedure

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): English

Keywords: Kosovo parliament; constitutional reform; procedures of Lawmaking; draft-laws; presidency of parliament;

In an attempt to critically examine the path dependent trajectory of Kosovo’s non-reformed RoP, this study moves through various parts. Firstly, it gives an insight into Kosovo parliamentary life and analyses the political reasons behind the delay of the draft RoP. Secondly, it draws out important gaps in the existing RoP vis-a-vis their status in the 2018 draft, as well as evaluates the remaining limitations in the 2018 draft through a synopsis of best-practices from the respective equivalent in Germany, Slovenia and Albania. // The report indistinctively uses parliamentary terms specific to the Kosovar system (President of the Assembly, deputy) and terms with origin in the British parliamentary system, often used in social sciences (House Speaker, Member of Parliament). Generally British terms are employed in a comparative context, when analysing the systems and rules of other countries. In any case, if the term employed is specific of the national context and does not match that employed in the British parliamentary system, its correspondence will be provided to ease understanding. // The study focuses its first and much of the second part on a case analysis of domestic issues. It also features a comparative examination of three case studies. In order to gain a better understanding of best-practices and offer a more nuanced discussion of principles (outside of the working group and the committee), the study compares the RoPs of the German Bundestag, the National Assembly of Slovenia and the Parliament of Albania with the current RoP of the Assembly and the proposed draft.

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Migration to the EU. A Review of Narratives and Approaches
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Migration to the EU. A Review of Narratives and Approaches

Migration to the EU. A Review of Narratives and Approaches

Author(s): Petra Saskia Bayerl,Karen Latricia Hough,David Pannocchia,Miriana Ilcheva,Dimitar Markov,Madalina Rogoz,Nesrine Ben Brahim,Rut Bermejo,Isabel Bazaga,Manuel Tamayo,Theoni Spathi,Giorgos Kampas,Dimitra Papadaki,Katerina Georgakopoulou,Lore Van Praag,Rut Van Caudenberg / Language(s): English

Keywords: migration narratives; European Union; migration

The aim of this brochure is to present current knowledge on migration narratives about the European Union (EU) and current approaches to migration since 2015 across the 15 countries in which PERCEPTIONS research is conducted. It maps the landscape of narratives on migration and Europe as a basis to understand migration flows and decisions as well as migration-related policies, perceived threats, and best practices to address migration challenges on local, national and international levels.

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HOW TO GET RESULTS IN PUBLIC POLICIES? Monitoring & Evaluation with the Evidence Supplied by the Civil Society
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HOW TO GET RESULTS IN PUBLIC POLICIES? Monitoring & Evaluation with the Evidence Supplied by the Civil Society

HOW TO GET RESULTS IN PUBLIC POLICIES? Monitoring & Evaluation with the Evidence Supplied by the Civil Society

Author(s): Sena Marić,Jelena Žarković Rakić,Ana Aleksić Mirić / Language(s): English

Keywords: monitoring politics; political decision-making; civil socity;

The aim of this study is to promote a discussion on possible models of institutionalising policy monitoring and evaluation (M&E) in Serbia, as well as on the means available to include civil society organizations (CSOs). In the context of democratic consolidation and economic transition in Serbia, mechanisms and practices of holding policy makers accountable are gradually being established. Moreover, monitoring the implementation of reforms and evaluating their effects are particularly important in the accession negotiations with the European Union (EU), since the effective and sustainable implementation of the acquis will essentially determine the very dynamics of the negotiations, and eventually Serbia’s membership in the EU. However, in Serbia there are no sufficiently developed structures and procedures that would allow a permanent monitoring of results. Additionally, there are no well-established modes of cooperation between the governmental and non-government sector in that regard, while examples of good practices remain rudimentary.

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Creating a Barrier-Free Environment and Social Inclusion: a World Experience for Ukraine
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Creating a Barrier-Free Environment and Social Inclusion: a World Experience for Ukraine

Створення безбар’єрного середовища та соціальна інклюзія: світовий досвід для України

Author(s): S. O. Zubchenko,Yu. B. Kaplan,Yulia Tyshchenko / Language(s): Ukrainian

Keywords: social inclusion; barrier-free access;

Current national practices on barrier-free and social inclusion in some foreign countries are discussed. A brief description of the relevant program documents is given, their general methodology, interrelation with European and international acts are outlined. An overview of some measures in the areas of social, economic, civic, physical and digital accessibility, as well as universal infrastructure design, which can be tested in Ukraine.

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EAP Think Bridge - № 2019-11 - "ZE" Time in Ukraine
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EAP Think Bridge - № 2019-11 - "ZE" Time in Ukraine

EAP Think Bridge - № 2019-11 - "ZE" Time in Ukraine

Author(s): Richard Giragosian,Sevinç Aliyeva,Lasha Tughushi,Natalia Sterkul,Sergiy Gerasymchuk,Maksym Koriavets,Yuri Tsarik / Language(s): English

Keywords: Vladimir Zelensky elected president; Saakashvili; Vladimir Putin; Moldova Stalemate;

The stunning victory of comedian Vladimir Zelensky at the presidential elections in Ukraine demonstrated a keen request for leaders from outside the old system. Without actually seeing any program of the candidate, or any names on the team, 74% of Ukrainians still voted for him, showing that they are ready to support anyone, as long as it’s a new person. This yet again made the neighbors worry: can such a public request be exported? In his very first winning speech, Zelensky addressed the post-Soviet republics, where leaders in power have not changed for decades: “Look, it is possible!” Whether the new president will live up to high expectations and receive the majority seats in parliament, Sergey Gerasimchuk analyzed. The permanent president of Belarus does not seem to be losing ground. He is fully preparing for the elections scheduled for next year, flirts with the pro-Russian electorate yet again and talks about changes to the constitution. However, the results of the Ukrainian vote have already forced the Belarusians to worry over economic reasons. The echoes of the Ukrainian elections reached Georgia, causing verbal altercations of ex-President Saakashvili with Russian President Putin. In Moldova, new leaders don’t seem to gain power so far as dividing portfolios and establishing the majority in the newly elected parliament is not yet possible. So the country risks getting stuck in an ever-deepening crisis. But in Armenia, the same anti-establishment new leader has been in power for almost a year now - continuing to fight corruption, acing clashes with former companions, and showing his temper, perhaps, for the first time. Over the past year and a half, the Eastern Partnership and partner states have made significant progress in harmonizing digital markets with the EU. What has already been done and what new prospects in this area open up after several important events for the region, Maksym Koryavets studies. These and other important news of April in the Eastern Partnership analyzed in our monthly reviews of domestic and foreign policy, as well as the economies of the countries of the region. //// CONTENT: Armenia: Confrontation in parliament over the challenges of business & politics // Azerbaijan: Domestic calm, international activity // Belarus: The path of mobilization // Georgia: 55 injured in clashes against hydroelectric power plant // Moldova: Stalemate — looking for the way out // Ukraine: The election is over, the economic and hybrid war with Russia is not

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Bibliography with studies and representations on Roma in Romania - focusing on 1990-2007
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Bibliography with studies and representations on Roma in Romania - focusing on 1990-2007

Bibliografie cu studiile şi reprezentările despre romii din România – cu accentul pe perioada 1990–2007

Author(s): László Fosztó / Language(s): Romanian

Keywords: Bibliography; Studies of Roma communities; Inter-ethnic relations; East-Europe; Ethnic minorities studies;

The bibliography is the first product of a documentary research in the field of studies of Roma communities, being a collection of data on documents and analyzes on public, social, educational policies, etc. from the European space, with a strong focus on Central and Eastern Europe, South-East Europe. The research aims at producing an annotated bibliography and as complete as possible in the field. The collection of bibliographic data is addressed to researchers in social sciences interested in Roma issues and interethnic relations, but it can also serve as a tool for orientation of persons and institutions active in community development or those engaged in improving the situation of Roma in Romania and the East-Europe. The bibliography is the first product of a documentary research in the field of studies of Roma communities, being a collection of data on documents and analyzes on public, social, educational policies, etc. from the European space, with a strong focus on Central and Eastern Europe, South-East Europe. The research aims at producing an annotated bibliography and as complete as possible in the field. The collection of bibliographic data is addressed to researchers in social sciences interested in Roma issues and interethnic relations, but it can also serve as a tool for orientation of persons and institutions active in community development or those engaged in improving the situation of Roma in Romania and the East- Europe.

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Proposals for Ukraine: 2010 – time for reformside Ukraine
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Proposals for Ukraine: 2010 – time for reformside Ukraine

Proposals for Ukraine: 2010 – time for reformside Ukraine

Author(s): Not Specified Author / Language(s): English

Ukraine has gone through a rollercoaster in the last decade. Eight years of an average economic growth of 7.5 percent from 2000 until 2007 has been followed by severe economic crisis, with gross domestic product (GDP) anticipated to slump by 14 percent in 2009. Ukraine’s presidential elections offer a grea topportunity to launch a major revitalization of the country. Ukraine is not performing up to its potential. In 2009, the International Monetary Fund (IMF) assessed that its GDP per capita will be as little as $2,540 in current US dollars, placing it 110th in the world. The situation looks only marginally better when GDP is expressed in purchasing power parities, which reflects the actual living standard: $6,460 per capita, at 99th place in the world. In purchasing power parities, Ukraine’s GDP amounted to 22 percent of the European Union (EU) level and 40 percent of the Russian level in 2009.

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National Security & Defence, № 015 (2001 - 03)
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National Security & Defence, № 015 (2001 - 03)

National Security & Defence, № 015 (2001 - 03)

Author(s): Liudmyla Volynets,Anatoliy Chuprykov,Halyna Pyliahina,Kateryna Shchiotkina,Oleksandr Serhienko,Volodymyr Vaskovskyi / Language(s): English

THE CHURCH AND SOCIETY: CO-OPERATION IN THE NAME OF HUMAN LIFE // 1. OBSERVANCE OF THE HUMAN RIGHT TO DECENT LIFE // 2. HUMANITARIAN ASPECTS OF THE QUALITY OF HUMAN LIFE // 3. CONCLUSIONS AND PROPOSALS // THE SOCIAL PROBLEMS OF CHILDHOOD IN PRESENT-DAY UKRAINE // SUICIDE EPIDEMIC IN UKRAINE CONTINUES // SAVE OUR SOULS // THE DESCRIPTION OF "TERRA U" // THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE CONFESSIONAL NETWORK IN UKRAINE: YEAR 2000

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UNDP - HUMAN DEVELOPMENT REPORT 2010 – ALBANIA. Capacity Development and Integration with the European Union
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UNDP - HUMAN DEVELOPMENT REPORT 2010 – ALBANIA. Capacity Development and Integration with the European Union

UNDP - HUMAN DEVELOPMENT REPORT 2010 – ALBANIA. Capacity Development and Integration with the European Union

Author(s): Richard Flaman,Remzi Lani,Paul Stubbs,Mansour Farsad / Language(s): English

Keywords: Albanian political development; Albanian social development;

The report takes a comprehensive look at the country’s capacity developmentprocesses, at the set of successful policy choices and specific capacityinvestments, with a focus on the role of investments in knowledge, humanresource development, public governance and public accountability for thecountry to be better prepared to face the increasing challenges of EU accession.NHDR Albania 2010 provides also an updated map of human development inthe country. The report makes use of data from Living Standards MeasurementSurvey 2008 to calculate the new human development indicators—HumanDevelopment Index (HDI), Human Poverty Index (HPI), Gender-relatedDevelopment Index (GDI) and Gender Empowerment Measure (GEM).

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Promising Early Years: The Transformative Role of the Constitutional Court of Kosovo
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Promising Early Years: The Transformative Role of the Constitutional Court of Kosovo

Promising Early Years: The Transformative Role of the Constitutional Court of Kosovo

Author(s): Albana Rexha,Fisnik Korenica,Dren Doli / Language(s): English

Keywords: Kosovo; Constitutional Court; politics; transformative role; jurisdiction;

In constitutional democracies, constitutional courts are established in order to support the establishment and maintenance of democratic regimes, being devised as a last resort mechanism to protect both human rights and the integrity of constitutions. The leitmotiv behind the establishment of the constitutional courts in Austria and what was then known as Czechoslovakia, in the period between the World Wars, has traditionally been explained in this manner. According to Tushnet, many countries have established ‘[…] specialized constitutional courts on the German model, rejecting the older U.S. system of having the nation’s highest court for ordinary law also serve as the highest court for constitutional law’. Tushent argues that until the late twentieth century there were two ideas about the means of policy control that are arguably inconsistent with the constitution’s limits. The first ‘…was parliamentary supremacy which allowed for democratic self-governance surrounded by some institutional constraints on power-holders and many more normative ones. The second was judicial review, that is, the creation of a separate institution, removed from the direct influence of politics and staffed by independent judges charged with the job of ensuring that the legislature remained within constitutional bounds’. Constitutional courts, through the jurisdiction entrusted to them, have had direct impact upon the consolidation of newly-established democracies around the world. Vanberg notes that the constitutional review has become an inherent part of the constitutional democracies in many western states. While operating at the heart of politics, constitutional courts continuously face challenges that directly impact their work, including their independence. Boulanger, for example, argues that ‘…judges have to consider the political effects of their actions, they have to strategically choose opponents and allies, and this will in turn have an influence on their decisions. Starting from a rational choice approach, we can predict that no court will decide cases with complete disregard for daily politics.’ In that context, it could be reckoned that the final outcomes may be determined by both ideological and political motives. In light of this, Waluchow did not reject the possibility that the judicial review sporadically assists in confirming political decisions ‘…by judges pursuing, consciously or not, their preferred political agendas’. In this paper, however, we analyse whether and, if yes, how, the Constitutional Court of Kosovo has influenced and guarded the essentials of the nascent democracy. While we strive to assess the Constitutional Court’s role in the democratic transition of Kosovo, various external factors, such as political influence and the legitimacy of the Court, will necessarily be part of the equation. The first section of this paper briefly reviews the role of constitutional courts in transitional democracies, and identifies the common denominators which explain their endeavours to influence democratic developments. The second section focuses on the jurisdiction, functioning and organisation of the Court, and its relationship with public opinion. The third section analyses internationalised constitutionalism and its impact on the legitimacy and integrity of the Court in Kosovo. The fourth and fifth sections assess specific indicators, including the perceived level of confidence in the Court by political actors and the public at large, the role of international actors, and the perceived outside pressure on judges, doing so through analyses of the most notable cases and their impact upon societal and political life in the country. The final section provides a brief conclusion.

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Transparency of Public Procurement in Bosnia and Herzegovina - Between Theory and Practice
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Transparency of Public Procurement in Bosnia and Herzegovina - Between Theory and Practice

Transparency of Public Procurement in Bosnia and Herzegovina - Between Theory and Practice

Author(s): Nermina Voloder / Language(s): English

Keywords: BiH; public procurement; transparency; theory; practice;

Transparency is often singled out as one of the key indicators of a just and functional public procurement system, and it refers to the availability of all relevant information that enables stakeholders to become familiar with the rules and procedures applied in the public procurement process. If a public authority fails to ensure a sufficient level of transparency, it is impossible to ascertain whether the public procurement procedure was conducted impartially and in line with the rules. In that context, transparency in the implementation of public procurement contributes to increasing the accountability of public authorities and more efficient control of public spending. Contracting authorities in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) are under the obligation to transparently conduct public procurement procedures and ensure fair and equal treatment of all tenderers in order to achieve the best value for public money. These principles are stipulated in the Law on Public Procurement in Bosnia and Herzegovina (hereinafter: LPPBiH) adopted in April 2014 as part of the public procurement system reforms and harmonisation of domestic legislation with European Union acquis. The new, modernised legal framework was established in BiH ten years after the adoption of the first Law on Public Procurement in 2004, which had shown numerous shortcomings in practice, including some to do with transparency. Although the new law introduced better norms for the aspect of transparency in public procurement, shortcomings that may have significant implications in practice are still evident. One of the aims of this analysis is to assess the extent to which the legal framework ensures an adequate level of transparency in public procurement in BiH, and how transparency could be improved. The analysis offers insight into the main obstacles to transparency in public procurement, especially in light of international standards and comparative practices, focusing primarily on existing legal and institutional solutions in this domain. It should be noted that the new Law on Public Procurement of BiH has been in force only since November 2014, and that certain bylaws relevant to transparency have not yet been adopted. That is why at this stage of research, insight into the practice of public procurement is still limited. This report focuses on the obligations of public institutions stipulated under the Law on Public Procurement of BiH to independently publish key information on public procurement that will enable the public procurement procedure and provide public insight into the process for awarding contracts. Access to all public information in the possession of any institution in BiH, including specific information on public procurement, may also be requested in line with the laws on free access to information adopted at the state and entity level, but this aspect of transparency is not the subject of the present analysis. This report takes into account the main conceptual discussions of transparency in public procurement processes. It then gives an overview of international standards in this area, focusing on European Directives for conducting public procurement procedures, and on decisions of the European Court of Justice. It also presents comparative practices in transparent public procurement in European Union countries with innovative approaches to improving the public procurement system, such as Slovakia and Portugal. The legal frameworks and practices of Western Balkan countries that have in the past few years made innovations to their legal and institutional frameworks for public procurement as part of the European Union approximation process are subject to a separate analysis. This primarily pertains to the experiences of Croatia, Serbia and Slovenia. Past reports on these issues, as well as the old and new legislative and institutional framework are also analysed. Finally, interviews were conducted with representatives of key institutions, including the Public Procurement Agency (hereinafter: PPA) and the Procurement Review Body (hereinafter: PRB), as well as with representatives of the business community in BiH.

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Looking for Shortcuts? Assistance to - and Development of - Public Service Broadcasting in Bosnia-Herzegovina, Serbia, Kosovo, Macedonia, and Albania
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Looking for Shortcuts? Assistance to - and Development of - Public Service Broadcasting in Bosnia-Herzegovina, Serbia, Kosovo, Macedonia, and Albania

Looking for Shortcuts? Assistance to - and Development of - Public Service Broadcasting in Bosnia-Herzegovina, Serbia, Kosovo, Macedonia, and Albania

Author(s): Mark Thompson / Language(s): English

Keywords: BiH; Serbia; Kosovo; Macedonia; Albania; media; public service broadcasting; assitance; development;

If we were asked to invent a form of media assistance which combined the maximum number of challenges, it would be hard to imagine anything more formidable than the task of establishing public service broadcasters in transitional (newly democratic) states. When those states are recovering from profound trauma or systemic breakdown, the odds against success become even greater. And when the trauma involved interethnic bloodletting on a vast scale, in which neighbouring countries were complicit, and which was ended only by external intervention by yet other countries, the chances of decisive success become incalculably small. Let me list some challenges – with no certainty that the list is complete. A public service broadcaster (PSB) produces, commissions, and disseminates a range of contents to a universal (non-niche) audience. It has to be enabled and supported by an appropriate legal and regulatory framework, one which entrusts it with a public service mission, establishes suitable mechanisms for funding and accountability while protecting it from interference by parliament and government. It needs to provide a range of programs that “inform, educate and entertain” (the famous mantra) all sectors of the population, aiming for excellence in all strands, skilful enough to blend more rarefied output with populist material, juggling the schedule to reach large audiences with high-quality news and information. It needs to be funded by a mechanism that engages the public (such as the licence fee), on a generous scale and with a stability that allows it to fulfil its mission and to invest for the future. It needs to be technically well-equipped and resourced. If it cannot deliver excellent programmes to the entire population through broadcasting and online, the public is unlikely to wish to sustain it. From all this, it follows that the providers of such assistance need to be prepared to engage on many fronts – journalistic, technical, institution-building, political – and to spend lavishly, with no expectation of rapid results. They need to have the stamina for a lengthy – perhaps endless – political and diplomatic struggle with local elites who will be reluctant to support a project that threatens to take away an important lever of influence; and with a media industry that is likely to resist this non-commercial intruder. They will need to be ready to persuade media professionals and the wider public why they should support a kind of media output which may be unknown in their own language. They will need to invest in institution-building and professionalization: training journalists, editors and managers to fulfil their distinctive mandates in a PSB. They need to provide technical assistance at a high level for producing and disseminating content on several platforms. The prospect of a strong institution devoted to public service provision in the media provokes more or less acute anxiety and resistance among the political class. The preparation and adoption of a suitable legal and regulatory framework – one that provides political and public accountability on one hand, and denies the scope for political manipulation on the other – calls for appropriate international expertise, sensitively offered, and also for dialogue with law-makers, media professionals, and civil society groups. Finally, the suppliers of such assistance must be prepared for a long and patient (but also vigilant) engagement which may fail even after the actual steps have been taken. For laws can be enacted and not implemented. Journalists can be trained only to find they are unable or disinclined to exercise their new skills in the given conditions. Outlets can be brought into existence but then fail to find a loyal audience. Codes of ethics and self-regulatory mechanisms can be introduced and fail to make an impact on actual practice. This having been said, it is obvious why the endeavour to establish PSBs in Bosnia and Herzegovina, Serbia, Kosovo, Macedonia, and Albania faced immense difficulties. The country studies in this project, “Development of Functional Media Institutions in Western Balkans – A Comparative Study”, confirm this in useful ways. They also deepen our understanding of the ways in which assistance to PSBs links with assistance to other sectors of the media.

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Moldovan dairy: the difficult way towards the EU market
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Moldovan dairy: the difficult way towards the EU market

Moldovan dairy: the difficult way towards the EU market

Author(s): Valeriu Prohniţchi / Language(s): English

Keywords: dairy industry in Moldova;

As part of the EU-Republic of Moldova Association Agreement, the Republic of Moldova committed to approximate its sanitary and phytosanitary and animal welfare law to that of the European Union. However, approximating the EU legislation is not going to be an easy process. The Decision no.1/2016 of the EU-Moldova Sanitary and Phytosanitary Sub-Committee modifying Annex XXIV-B to the Association Agreement [2016/1074] adopts the full list of the EU legislation to be approximated by the Republic of Moldova and can be regarded as official Moldova SPS Strategy. The SPS Strategy refers to around 240 directives and regulations including general aspects, veterinary legislation, placing on the market of food, feed and animal by-products, food safety rules, specific rules for feed, phytosanitary legislation, genetically modified organisms and veterinary medical products. Deadlines for approximation cover the time period 2016-2020. It should be mentioned that around 10 pieces of EU legislation are directly relevant for the Moldovan dairy sector, which is the subject of this paper. Unfortunately, we do not have any evidence on the effective degree of approximation of the pieces of legislation due to be approximated in the period 2016-mid 2017.

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Media in Montenegro - Between the stranglehold of power and the struggle for the profession
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Media in Montenegro - Between the stranglehold of power and the struggle for the profession

Media in Montenegro - Between the stranglehold of power and the struggle for the profession

Author(s): Duško Vuković,Daliborka Uljarević / Language(s): English

Keywords: Montenegro; media; RTCG; regulation; governance; policy; public broadcasting service;

The most important factors at the root of the long-lasting and serious problems in Montenegrin media are the persistent attempts of the authorities to put media under their control. Overall, we can observe serious problems arising out of all three forms of censorship - hard, soft and self-censorship, compounded by deficiencies in the existing framework and practice of self-regulation and public regulation, and by political ‘subjugation’ of public broadcaster RTCG.

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Parliamentary elections in Montenegro - 2020 Election programmes of parties and coalitions
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Parliamentary elections in Montenegro - 2020 Election programmes of parties and coalitions

Parliamentary elections in Montenegro - 2020 Election programmes of parties and coalitions

Author(s): Miloš Vukanović / Language(s): English

Keywords: Montenegro; media; politics; regulation; public broadcasting service; RTCG; political parties;

The most important factors at the root of the long-lasting and serious problems in Montenegrin media are the persistent attempts of the authorities to put media under their control. Overall, we can observe serious problems arising out of all three forms of censorship - hard, soft and self-censorship, compounded by deficiencies in the existing framework and practice of self-regulation and public regulation, and by political ‘subjugation’ of public broadcaster RTCG.

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"Ubrzaj'18" - human rights film festival
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"Ubrzaj'18" - human rights film festival

Ubrzaj’18 - festival filma o ljudskim pravima

Author(s): Not Specified Author / Language(s): Montenegrine

Keywords: Montenegro; film festival; human rights; 2018;

The talk of human rights, whether in politics, science, or arts, sometimes comes across as a moving tale that the humankind tells while tucking itself to sleep, murmuring it almost by hearth, terrifying and inspiring itself in turns by the wickedness of monsters and the revolts of the brave. Lulling itself, every time, by the certainty of the happy end and the inevitability of progress. And yet if we had learned anything on our laborious trudge towards full awareness of the inalienability of human dignity, it is that there is nothing certain or inevitable about this path, and that falling behind is much easier than forging ahead. Have we watched carefully enough, do we remember enough of those times when we traded the humanity of others for own comfort, when we surrendered the victims instead of sheltering them, when we choose not to see the camps and not to remember places of suffering? How did we understand humanity then? Who counted as human and who did not? And what were we playing at, refusing responsibility? We would like to have left far behind and long ago the obstinate ghosts of fascism, slavery, poverty, exploitation, disease, and war. Maybe would could have done so, but we did not. They are our present too, and our reality. This is what the films of the ninth selection of the FAST FORWARD 2018 Human Rights Film Festival are telling us, each in its own way. These films are not afraid: with courage and imagination they cut to the quick of social injustices, mock the powerful and dream aloud. Films that fight and in which people fight. Is it enough to just watch and remember? Of course not, but this minimal entreaty already lifts the thin alibi of ignorance and represents, perhaps, the first step towards accountability.

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