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The Science of History in Bulgaria in the Age of Socialism: the Problematic Mapping of its Institutional Boundaries

The Science of History in Bulgaria in the Age of Socialism: the Problematic Mapping of its Institutional Boundaries

Author(s): Ivan Elenkov / Language(s): English

Before the communist takeover of power on 9 September 1944, scientifi c research and training in history were concentrated in Sofi a University’s degree program in History. Once in power, the Bulgarian communists imposed radical changes in the system and structure of producing knowledge about the past. With increasing student enrollments, especially following the introduction of part-time degree program in 1949, by the late 1940s Sofi a University’s Faculty of History and Philology had become a “hothouse of teacher cadres.”1 In 1951 the degree program in History was separated from the “philologies.” A new Faculty of Philosophy and History – with degree courses in philosophy, history and pedagogy – was established. Following the Soviet attempt to separate scientifi c research from university teaching, the leading role in historical research shifted from Sofi a University to the Bulgarian Academy of Sciences (BAS).2 A new law on the Bulgarian Academy of Sciences, adopted on 11 February 1947, allowed the BAS’s Executive Council to create only a month later an Institute for Bulgarian History at the Academy’s branch for History and Philology.[...]

The Hybridity of Constitutional Courts-Arbiters in the Absence of Rules

The Hybridity of Constitutional Courts-Arbiters in the Absence of Rules

Author(s): Daniel Smilov / Language(s): English

This paper is an attempt to challenge some of the most persistent myths about the link between the institutional role of judges and their political convictions in constitutional adjudication. These myths form together a fable of separation, according to which judicial roles and political convictions should be kept rigorously apart. The ensuing analysis contradicts the fable of separation in important ways. Firstly, it demonstrates that political convictions do play a signifi cant role in adjudication. Secondly, it suggests that diminishing the infl uence of party-related political identities on judicial decision-making does not always have a positive impact on the institutionalization of a judicial body, but rather it may signal its institutional decline. Thirdly, the paper argues that the fable of separation is particularly inapplicable to constitutional courts, since these institutions have hybrid functions: on the one hand, they follow and apply rules (the standard judicial function), while on the other, they sometimes have to decide cases on their merits in the absence of defi native rules (a function of political bodies in constitutional democracy). Finally, the paper argues that the development of judicial policies is an unavoidable element of judicial work and constitutional review: often, the self-declared ambition of judges to refrain from judicial policy making is just a camoufl age for specifi c policies. This should not be read as an accusation of judicial hypocrisy: even bona fi de judges are forced to develop judicial policies, in the elaboration of which their moral and political convictions do play a role.

From National Leaders to Politicians: The Head-of-State Institution in Southeast European Post-Communist Countries (1989-2004)

From National Leaders to Politicians: The Head-of-State Institution in Southeast European Post-Communist Countries (1989-2004)

Author(s): Aleksander Vezenkov / Language(s): English

Any survey on publications in the field of political studies would inevitably show that analysis concentrates rather on leaders, elections and crises than on institutions and inter-institutional relations. This is because institutions are perceived as an already existing framework, as something given. Institutions and relations between them change so rarely and/or so slowly that in many cases these changes could be ignored in a short-term analysis. As it came out from my search for secondary literature especially rare are studies on the head-of-state institution. This article tries to demonstrate that such a study can be a helpful tool for the analysis of the establishment of democratic regimes in former communist countries. It can be revealing in terms of understanding authoritarian, paternalist and populist traditions in post-communist societies and their manifestation on the highest level of the political system in the recent decades. The study focuses on the evolution of the head-of-state institution in the Southeast European post-communist states (Albania, Bulgaria, Romania, the successor states of former Yugoslavia), considering other post-communist countries as controlling cases.

Debt Conversion Program: Guidlines for Bulgaria, Final Study, June 1995

Debt Conversion Program: Guidlines for Bulgaria, Final Study, June 1995

Author(s): Mariana Todorova,Author Not Specified / Language(s): English

The economic changes of the past years in Eastern Europe and particularly in Bulgaria have created a new environment for the international business. Despite the serious economic, financial and structural challenges, Bulgaria's potential for privatization, industrial modernization and rapid economic growth are unprecedented.

№05 “Are we there yet?” International impatience vs. a long-term strategy for a viable Bosnia.

№05 “Are we there yet?” International impatience vs. a long-term strategy for a viable Bosnia.

Author(s): Kurt Bassuener,Bodo Weber / Language(s): English

Keywords: BiH; long-term strategy; international activity; Butmir; visa liberalization; international relations; EU; US; OHR; secession; third entity; election; stabilization;

The international community’s collective approach toward Bosnia and Herzegovina has failed to gain any traction, as it remains based on false assumptions. The governments comprising the Peace Implementation Council’s Steering Board (PIC) have not been able to summon the will to confront the actual challenges Bosnia poses, preferring to operate from the off-the-shelf EU integration playbook. As a result, 2009 saw a further deterioration in the overall political situation. American political credibility in Bosnia was dented by the failed “Butmir process” last October, during and after which the US ceded direction of its policy to the EU. The Obama administration is struggling to devote sufficient attention to Bosnia’s worsening situation and continues to eschew the most plausible tool to deal with a fragmented EU – a presidential special envoy. The collective international posture lurches between frenetic diplomatic activity in search of a short-term deliverable and passivity. This modus operandi has allowed Bosnian political actors with unfulfilled agendas, most prominently Republika Srpska Premier Milorad Dodik, to operate without constraint, even calling the survival of the stateinto question. Policies among PIC members differ, but most are in a passive role, absent any clear leadership. Russia has acted as an enabler for Dodik. Germany has twin pillars of its current Bosnia policy: reducing the international commitment in Bosnia, and fixation on policy coordination with Russia. Turkey, meanwhile, has ramped up its diplomatic engagement since Butmir, with an emphasis on the relationships between Bosnia, Serbia, and Croatia. It is the only member of the PIC that has engaged consistently, and can point to some results. Meanwhile, the Dayton Agreement’s enforcement instruments, the Office of the High Representative and EUFOR, have been allowed to wither due to lack of political will to employ them. The current policy therefore contains a contradiction: the Dayton Annex 4 Constitution is expected to remain for the foreseeable future, but its enforcement mechanisms might disappear in less than a year.As the October general elections approach, the spectrum of possibilities, from improvement to furtherworsening of the situation, is wider than at any point since Dayton was signed. While Dodik seeks to portray himself as electorally invincible, there is evidence to suggest that he has peaked and could face a voter backlash. The Croat political spectrum is divided, while the current rules-free atmosphere has allowed flirtation with the RS to support a “third entity”. The Bosniak political spectrum is more fragmented than ever, with the emergence of new populist political party led by media tycoon Fahrudin Radončić. One of the two tools of choice for Bosnian politicians, patronage, may be constrained by the economic crisis. But the other, fear, is more salient than ever, as the absence of a long-term international strategy has allowed uncertainty about the future to take hold. Recent incidents in Široki Brijeg, Sarajevo, and Tuzla all point to the potential for both planned and spontaneous outbursts of violence. The international default setting remains to talk down any such possibility. Bosnia is suffering a deterrence failure. Little forward movement on the 5+2 objectives and criteria or on constitutional reform is likely between now and the formation of a new government after the elections. However, in the coming months, Western governments can help create the conditions for progress in 2011 and beyond. This will require some policy reversals on both sides of the Atlantic. But these would create a context in which the difficult and broad societal compromises necessary to achieve a self-sustaining democratic Bosnia can be forged.

House of Cards: the EU’s “reinforced presence” in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Proposal for a new policy approach.

House of Cards: the EU’s “reinforced presence” in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Proposal for a new policy approach.

Author(s): Kurt Bassuener,Bodo Weber / Language(s): English

Keywords: BiH; EU; presence; new policy; proposal; international policy; international community; January initiative; Western Balkans;

For seven years running, international actors have obsessed over their posture, structure and responsibility in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH). The assumption that led to the shift to an “ownership” approach – that BiH would propel itself into the Euro-Atlantic mainstream – has long since foundered on the shoals of BiH’s systemic realities. Deep divisions opened within the Peace Implementation Council Steering Board (PIC SB) and among EU members as the hopelessness of the current approach became increasingly evident. No systematic analysis was conducted on why the EU’s inducement of potential membership failed to deliver traction, as it had elsewhere. Paralysis set in. The arrival of a “reinforced EU presence” under the unified leadership of EU Special Representative Peter Sørensen in September 2011 gave the EU the undisputed lead international role in BiH. London and Washington de-emphasized their misgivings with the EU approach in the hope of a fresh start. Yet the political situation has reached an all-time low. BiH currently seems ungovernable – and the international community seems at a complete loss as to what to do about it, other than call upon Bosnian politicians to behave and for citizens to hold them to account. The international community’s primary problem in BiH is not one of conflicting philosophies, but rather of a lack of political will to deal with reality. Unwillingness of bureaucrats to tell their political masters the truth – that their chosen policy has failed and cannot succeed – is to blame. As a result, bureaucratic instrumentalism and finger-pointing predominate. Political resistance to the “European path” on the ground has been met with lowered benchmarks or their abandonment altogether. This policy leaves domestic political elites with the strong impression that far from entailing adoption of non-negotiable standards, EU integration is an à la carte process in which the EU itself is often the supplicant – an open invitation to undermine existing rules and regulations, rather than work on adopting new ones. The EU is and will remain an actor stuck in the morass of BiH politics. Yet it refuses to even recognize itself as a political actor, unable to admit the limitations of its approach in BiH. The EU eschews applying the potential leverage in its existing “toolbox” to drive democratization and reform. Until this potential is developed and employed, the “reinforced” EUSR/Head of Delegation will be as unsuccessful as his last three double-hatted predecessors. Now is the time to develop a real, integrated strategy toward making BiH a self-sustaining state.

AI-DPC BiH SECURITY ANALYSIS POLICY NOTE 04: The Armed Forces of Bosnia and Herzegovina: Unfulfilled Promise

AI-DPC BiH SECURITY ANALYSIS POLICY NOTE 04: The Armed Forces of Bosnia and Herzegovina: Unfulfilled Promise

Author(s): Kurt Bassuener / Language(s): English

Keywords: BiH; armed forces; AFBIH; RS; Mladen Ivanić; government; NATO; political enviroment; regimental system; military capability; 2014; defense property;

The Armed Forces of Bosnia and Herzegovina (AFBiH or “the force”) will mark its tenth anniversary in 2016 and stands as a useful reminder of the considerable progress achieved in the first decade following the 1995 Dayton Peace Accords. However, the force was assembled just when all other state-building consolidation and reforms began to stop, stall or reverse.. The AFBiH is not immune to the effects of the polarized political environment and its attendant afflictions – patronage and clientelism, short-termism, and a lack of accountability. Furthermore, the Republika Srpska (RS) Government has perennially targeted the AFBiH’s budget for cuts as part of its policy to demilitarize BiH, and thereby further weaken the state. In addition, in much the same way that Dayton included compromises which have been proven to obstruct the creation of a functional and accountable governance system for BiH, the tradeoffs required to create the AFBiH impedes its integration. In particular, the maintenance of ethnic majority infantry battalions poses a risk in the event of the emergence of further interethnic polarization, as does the (ceremonial) regimental system – originally intended as a containment mechanism for Armija BiH, Vojske RS, and HVO traditions for veterans of these forces, but now being perpetuated by the encouragement of new recruits to join them. Full integration of the force down to the operational level remains unrealized. Furthermore, sources indicate that currying favor with political and religious authorities in pursuit of advancement has become ever more visible in the ranks. Progress toward the goal of NATO membership, questioned by both the RS Government and more recently by Serb member of the BiH Presidency Mladen Ivanić, has been hobbled by the fact that the ownership of defense property remains in dispute. Resolution of this issue, which would free troops from defending these sites for other duties, is an explicit requirement for the NATO Membership Action Plan (MAP) to be activated. Registration of this property, ruled State property by the BiH Constitutional Court and more recently the Court of BiH, was part of the coalition agreement for the BiH Government, but remains vehemently opposed by the RS. Despite these considerable impediments, the AFBiH has performed admirably, both abroad in peace support operations (with regular contingents supporting ISAF in Afghanistan) and at home. In the latter case, during and following the May 2014 flood emergency, the AFBiH saved lives and property of BiH citizens throughout the flood affected areas. This boosted morale considerably and connected the force to the citizenry as never before. The AFBiH was the only state, entity, or cantonal official body to emerge with its reputation enhanced through its flood response; all others performed miserably. This disaster response experience also identified deficiencies in equipment, training and preparation which can be remediated to ensure better performance in the future. Finally, the AFBiH is inducting “new blood” into the officer corps through a British-sponsored program to recruit university graduates. The effort was universally lauded in the author’s interviews as an avenue to further professionalize the force. In short, the problems identified with the AFBiH are essentially the same as they were four years ago, when the first edition of the DPC/Atlantic Initiative (AI) Security Risk Analysis was published. There is no expectation that the AFBiH will generate destabilization or initiate inter-ethnic violence. But there is almost universal belief that in the event of such violence, it would collapse along its ethnic fault lines. The AFBiH cannot but reflect the politically-driven polarization which dominates the political arena in BiH.

Security Vetting in Serbia

Security Vetting in Serbia

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): English

Accordingly, a project of the Center for Euro-Atlantic Studies from Belgrade (CEAS) entitled Adoption of Law on Security Vetting - Towards Greater Consistency with the Constitution, supported by the Organisation for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) Mission to Serbia, aims at opening a wide public debate on security vetting, regulation of this area in other countries, legislative regulation and relevant practice in Serbia, as well as giving specific recommendations for improving the current situation.

WRITTEN COMMENTS BY THE EUROPEAN ROMA RIGHTS CENTRE (For Consideration by the European Commission concering Roma Inclusion in the Western Balkans Progress Reports 2016)

WRITTEN COMMENTS BY THE EUROPEAN ROMA RIGHTS CENTRE (For Consideration by the European Commission concering Roma Inclusion in the Western Balkans Progress Reports 2016)

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): English

Keywords: Western Balkans; Albania; BiH; Kosovo; Serbia; Montenegro; Macedonia; Roma; inclusion; human rights; racial profiling; violence; legal status; education; housing; evaluation;

The European Roma Rights Centre (ERRC) is a Roma-led international public interest law organisation working to combat anti-Romani racism and human rights abuse of Roma through strategic litigation, research and policy development, advocacy and human rights education. In May 2016, the ERRC responded to the European Commission’s request for input regarding the forthcoming annual Progress Reports for the current candidate countries of Albania, the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, Montenegro, Serbia and Turkey. The ERRC comments cover only those areas which have been monitored by the ERRC and its partners. The submission makes no claims to be comprehensive: comments and observations are confined to ERRC’s strategic priorities and reflect the organisation’s activities, advocacy and research in those particular countries over the past year.

Political Will: Romania's Path to Ethnic Accomodation

Political Will: Romania's Path to Ethnic Accomodation

Author(s): / Language(s): English

Keywords: Romanians and Hungarians in Romania; Transylvania;

This is a report of a discussion that would have been all but impossible to imagine ten years ago: Romanian and Hungarian political leaders from Romania sitting down to review and analyze their successful cooperation in building that country’s program for ethnic accord—and to consider what must be done to preserve that achievement. When the Project on Ethnic Relations began its work in Romania in 1991, it took almost a year to persuade Romanian officials and leaders of the ethnic Hungarian community just to gather around the same table, so deep was the mistrust. But once they did, it marked the beginning of a lengthy, and continuing, political process that makes Romania a uniquely successful example of what can be accomplished. The path was not, and is not, easy. It involved hard, often bitter, debates between Romanians and Hungarians, intensive political bargaining and tradeoffs, and many setbacks and disappointments. And yet a group of key leaders, although deeply loyal to their own communities, saw that compromises were necessary. They were willing to take political risks to realize their vision of interethnic harmony. Any interethnic accommodation is inherently fragile. It is easily upset by political opportunism, economic difficulties, or outside influences. So Romania’s accomplishments are neither complete nor permanent. The debate over interethnic arrangements will go on indefinitely—as it should in any democracy.

Macedonian Diplomatic Bulletin 2008/15

Macedonian Diplomatic Bulletin 2008/15

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): English

Keywords: North Macedonia; NATO membership; EU membership; Ss. Cyril and Methodius Holiday;

Macedonian Diplomatic Bulletin 2013/73

Macedonian Diplomatic Bulletin 2013/73

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): English

Keywords: North Macedonia; international relations; diplomacy; EU integration; South East European Cooperation Process (SEECP); Chairmanship of the SEECP; accession talks; reforms;

Macedonian Diplomatic Bulletin 2014/81

Macedonian Diplomatic Bulletin 2014/81

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): English

Keywords: North Macedonia; international relations; diplomacy; EU integration; NATO integration;

№235. On the Tasks of the European Stability Mechanism

№235. On the Tasks of the European Stability Mechanism

Author(s): Fabrizia Peirce,Jacopo Carmassi,Stefano Micossi / Language(s): English

Keywords: European Stability Mechanism; Financial markets; Union financial assistance to member states; EU economic governance;

In recent weeks pressures on the euro and eurozone sovereign debtors have subsided. Buoyant growth in the global economy, increasingly benefiting also the European economy, has of course played an important role in calming financial markets. But even more important has been the perception that France and Germany are again working constructively for a strong economic Europe. More broadly, the acute turbulence in financial markets since the spring of 2010 may have finally convinced our political leaders, notably including the German political establishment, that the benefits of a stable currency far outweigh the costs that may have to be borne to make it work properly.

CEPS. Annual Report 2017-18

CEPS. Annual Report 2017-18

Author(s): Joaquín Almunia,Karel Lannoo / Language(s): English

Keywords: European Union; populism; fake news; political manipulations; economic policy; jobs; human resources; energy; climate changes; governance; economic development; policy making; security;

Populists usually don’t have much use for complexity. They prefer to build their proposals on the basis of simplistic ideas about the pluralism of our societies and the definition of their electoral platforms. Moreover, we are in the midst of a period when “fake news” competes with reality in an attempt to attract the support of citizens or to manipulate their understanding of what is actually going on. Nowadays, the role of think-tanks is more important than ever before in exposing and countering these trends and providing authoritative analysis to policy-makers and other stakeholders. Based on rigorous analysis of the relevant literature, facts and data, think tanks make an essential contribution to the decision-making process by increasing the awareness of the new challenges and providing educated insights. Their findings and recommendations are instrumental in the design of effective policies, capable of achieving viable outcomes.

ESCAPING THE FIRST CIRCLE OF HELL or The secret behind Bosnian reforms

ESCAPING THE FIRST CIRCLE OF HELL or The secret behind Bosnian reforms

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): English

Keywords: Bosnian EU-accession;

One popular idea about Bosnia and Herzegovina among European observers is that Newton’s first law of motion applies to its politics: this law says that an object at rest will stay at rest unless acted upon by an outside force. For Bosnian politics, that outside force has to be the international community. One debate in EU capitals today is whether Bosnia is “ready for the next step.” Now that Bosnians have applied for accession, the EU has an obvious way to find out: to give Bosnia a questionnaire, the first step towards preparing an opinion, without delay. The conventional wisdom that Bosnians cannot coordinate when it comes to EU matters is wrong. The history of relations between Bosnia and the EU since 2000 shows that whenever Bosnian institutions were seriously challenged by the EU to co-ordinate, they were able to do so – to the surprise of their European counterparts, who sometimes acted as though Bosnia was expected to fail. This report explores this history and sets the record straight.

Inclusivity Handbook

Inclusivity Handbook

Author(s): Miriana Ilcheva,Alejandro Álvarez Ramírez,Solo Bunmi Emmanuel,Kaloyan Kirilov / Language(s): English

The MIICT Inclusivity Handbook tackles issues related to the incorporation and utilization of Information and Communication Technologies (ICTs) within the context of public services, for the purpose of ensuring comprehensive inclusion of all individuals, irrespective of their personal characteristics and backgrounds. To this end, the report examines the fundamental notions of еquality and аntidiscrimination, emphasizing their utmost importance as catalysts for inclusion within public services and the indispensable roles they play in eradicating discrimination, marginalization and ostracization of individuals who want to avail themselves of such services but encounter various setbacks, ensuring they can access and navigate through them comfortably and with ease. In order to obtain an expansive understanding of the subject of inclusion, the report looks into the fields of gender equality, inclusion of migrants and refugees, inclusion of persons with disabilities and special needs, inclusion and e-governance, and inclusion and data protection. It identifies the main issues of ensuring inclusion within public services and it also elaborates on the various methods of guaranteeing such inclusion, accentuating on the multiple benefits ICTs have in this regard due to their widespread reach, as well as the versatility, simplicity and interactivity they provide. Incorporated into the report are examples of best practices on a global level, as well as checklists that summarise the main recommendations that authorities and private actors need to implement within their national frameworks in order to ensure the overall inclusion and equal participation of minorities, marginalized and disadvantaged people in the domain of public services.

goEast - 04th Festival of Central and Eastern European Film

goEast - 04. Festival des mittel- und osteuropäischen Films

Author(s): Hans-Joachim Schlegel / Language(s): English,German

Keywords: festival;catalogue;film;

WHAT ABOUT THE WOMEN? Understanding and Addressing the Problem of ISIS Female Recruitment in the Western Balkans

WHAT ABOUT THE WOMEN? Understanding and Addressing the Problem of ISIS Female Recruitment in the Western Balkans

Author(s): Eric Mietz / Language(s): English

Keywords: Islamic State; female migration from Western Balkans;

This policy paper aims to bring attention to an oft-neglected security problem in the Western Balkans: women being recruited by—and migrating to—the Islamic State. In many ways, female recruits, both from the Western Balkans and other regions, are attracted to the Islamic State for the exact same reasons as men, yet the roles of women in the Islamic State and the messaging the group uses to lure women to migrate to Syria and Iraq are sufficiently different to warrant a gender-based perspective in countering violent extremism (CVE) policymaking. The Islamic State and ways to defeat it dominate current media headlines and policy discussions, but as propaganda continues to attract women, strategies to topple the Islamic State will require equal attention to both male and female recruits in order to be successful. The first part of the paper looks at the numbers of women leaving from the Western Balkans to Islamic State-held territory, the profiles of women who migrate, and the roles they take on in the Islamic State. To explain why women are influenced to migrate, the second part examines the “push” and “pull” factors of Islamic State recruitment. The last part focuses on the efforts of Western Balkans governments to criminalize participation in or support of the Islamic State and the disadvantages of relying solely on this policy.

PAPER FAIRY TALES VS STEEL BROTHERHOOD: MEDIA PORTRAYALS OF SERBIA’S ALLIANCES IN THE AGE OF PANDEMIC

PAPER FAIRY TALES VS STEEL BROTHERHOOD: MEDIA PORTRAYALS OF SERBIA’S ALLIANCES IN THE AGE OF PANDEMIC

Author(s): Luka Šterić,Maja Bjeloš / Language(s): English