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CSD Policy Brief No. 18: Better Governance for Sustainable Energy Sector of Bulgaria: Diversification and Security

CSD Policy Brief No. 18: Better Governance for Sustainable Energy Sector of Bulgaria: Diversification and Security

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): English

Energy is the lifeblood of any economy: oil, gas and electricity are critical to a functioning and growing nation. For all nations, economic and social well‐being depends on safe, affordable and dependable supplies of energy. It becomes very clear, then, that the question of energy security is not just a question of economic security, but of national security as well. // The Bulgarian energy sector is key for the future development of the country’s economy. For the past decade energy exports and imports formed on average 12% (16% in 2008) and 21% (22% in 2008) of the value of the country’s outgoing and incoming trade flows respectively1. Every fourth public procurement contract is concluded in the energy sector, making it one of the biggest taxpayers’ money spenders in the country. In 2008, in a single year, the Bulgarian government committed to energy projects, requiring budgetary investments equal in value to the whole EU funds support for the country for the current European seven‐year budget period 2007 – 2013.

CSD Policy Brief No. 28: The Hidden Economy in Bulgaria after the Economic Crisis

CSD Policy Brief No. 28: The Hidden Economy in Bulgaria after the Economic Crisis

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): English

Keywords: grey economy;

MAIN POINTS 􀂾 The hidden economy has grown among businesses, but declined among the population. The social cost of the economic crisis is a declining employment among the groups with the lowest qualifications. * There is a rise in cases involving tax evasion, avoidance of customs, fees, and excise duties, as well as VAT fraud. As businesses suffer through the recession, they become more likely to not declare part of their revenue and economic activities. * There is a slight decrease in the incidence of undeclared payments ‐ in 2010, 11.6 % of the population reported having received a remuneration higher than the one stated in the contract with their primary employer. 􀂾 Governmental measures to reduce the hidden economy do not seem to have produced the desired results. 􀂾 The general economic situation and development are more important for the dynamics of the hidden economy than government control measures.

CSD Policy Brief No. 39: The Bulgarian Economy: Competitiveness 2013

CSD Policy Brief No. 39: The Bulgarian Economy: Competitiveness 2013

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): English

MAIN POINTS ››› Bulgaria is ranked at 57th position, 3 places below the position achieved in 2012 and the lowest since its inclusion in the yearbook in 2006. This almost 20 places lower than ist highest achievement in 2009 – 38th place. ››› The country continues to have a fiscally stable, open and export-oriented economy with one of the lowest living and business costs in Europe. ››› Bulgaria continues to suffer from the lack of adequate business culture and institutional framework, while also being plagued by a labor market crisis leading to one of the lowest employment levels Bulgaria has reached in its post-communist history in 2013. ››› The most pressing problem of the Bulgarian economy is surging unemployment, with youth and long-term unemployment being persistently high. ››› The 5 main challenges which Bulgaria faces in improving its competitiveness are: o Modernise public administration to increase evidence-based efficiency and regulatory quality; o Reduce administrative costs and provide EU funded incentives for innovation and entrepreneurship; o Strengthen the judiciary to tackle corruption and reduce business uncertainty; o Reform the governance of the energy sector to preserve cost competitiveness, diversify gas supply, and improve energy efficiency; o Tackle hidden economy and related labour market inefficiencies.

№050: How to Modernise the European Union’s Eastern Neighbourhood Policy in the Age of the Internet: The Case of Ukraine

№050: How to Modernise the European Union’s Eastern Neighbourhood Policy in the Age of the Internet: The Case of Ukraine

Author(s): Igor Lyubashenko / Language(s): English

Keywords: cyberspace; Eastern Partnership; neighbourhood policy; Ukraine; Eastern Europe; Europe; European Neighbourhood And Partnership Instrument (ENPI)); society

The importance of debate about information and communication technology’s social and political impact is growing gradually in the European Union. Recently, the EU has mentioned the approximation of legislation on electronic communications with the EU acquis in the framework of the Eastern Partnership initiative. These steps were taken primarily in the context of efforts to create a system of deep and comprehensive free trade areas within the region. This paper presents a proposal for the enrichment of the European Union’s public diplomacy in the so called Eastern Neighbourhood with new tools provided by the development of modern communications technologies and based on the example of Ukraine. The country’s internet audience is growing rapidly and as such constitutes a perfect starting point for new digitally-augmented public diplomacy in the Eastern Neighbourhood.

№046: Poland and Brazil: Narrowing the Distance, Exploring Mutual Potential

№046: Poland and Brazil: Narrowing the Distance, Exploring Mutual Potential

Author(s): Kinga Brudzińska,Bartłomiej Znojek / Language(s): English

Keywords: Brazil; Poland; bilateral relations; Central Europe; Eastern Europe; Europe; international cooperation; South America

The next issue of PISM Policy Papers, by Kinga Brudzińska and Bartłomiej Znojek, prepared in cooperation with the Centre for International Relations, School of Social Sciences and History (CPDOC) in Fundação Getúlio Vargas (FGV). With a long tradition of diplomatic relations, Poland and Brazil remain distant partners. A divergence of interests and the lack of traditionally close ties were among the main causes for the relatively low intensity of bilateral cooperation. Brazil’s and Poland’s economic and political transformations, their consequential growing roles in their respective regions and good economic performance of both countries are the basis upon which to build bilateral cooperation. The visit of Polish Minister of Foreign Affairs Radosław Sikorski to Brazil at the end of November 2012 will provide an opportunity to explore the potential for increased cooperation between the two countries.The paper has been prepared in cooperation with the Centre for International Relations, School of Social Sciences and History (CPDOC) in Fundação Getúlio Vargas (FGV).

№010: South Sudan on the Eve of Independence. Assessing the Viability of the World's Newest State

№010: South Sudan on the Eve of Independence. Assessing the Viability of the World's Newest State

Author(s): Berenika Stefańska / Language(s): English

Keywords: South Sudan; Africa; security;statehood

W przededniu ogłoszenia niepodległości przez Republikę Sudanu Południowego (9 lipca) związanemu z tym faktem entuzjazmowi dorównuje jedynie niepokój o to, czy nowe państwo sprosta piętrzącym się przed nim wyzwaniom politycznym, gospodarczym i społecznym oraz w sferze bezpieczeństwa. Niektóre z tych problemów, jak dramatyczna sytuacja humanitarna, braki w rozwoju, dominacja gospodarki surowcowej jako źródła dochodów do budżetu państwa, słabość instytucji centralnych i ich rywalizacja z tradycyjnymi strukturami plemiennymi, a także nierozstrzygnięte spory graniczne z sąsiadami, upodabniają sytuację Sudanu Południowego do wielu innych państw afrykańskich. Kwestią otwartą pozostaje to, jakiej pomocy w pierwszych, trudnych latach niepodległości będzie mogła udzielić Sudanowi Południowemu społeczność międzynarodowa.

Citizens’ Voice in the Albanian Local Elections 2015

Citizens’ Voice in the Albanian Local Elections 2015

Author(s): Sashenka Lleshaj / Language(s): English

Keywords: Local Elections; Administrative Reform; Local Government

Pre-election periods are delicate on the one side and resourceful on the other in terms of the insights that can come out from a snapshot of citizens’ views and perceptions. This survey was conducted in the pre-campaign period in order to avoid the distorted perceptions that can come out as a result of the conflicting waves of information that electoral campaigns reflect on citizens. Nevertheless, this survey still wants to map some important views, perceptions and concerns that citizens expressed in the eve of these local elections 2015.

How to continue with "European diplomacy"?

Jak dál s „evropskou diplomacií“?

Author(s): Vít Střítecký / Language(s): Czech

Keywords: EU foreign policy; Treaty of Lisbon; European diplomacy; Czech Republic; consular policy;

Evropská služba pro vnější činnost (dále Služba) představuje nový institut v zahraniční politice EU, kterou zavádí Lisabonská smlouva a která by mohla svým významem přesáhnout sémantický význam často používaného spojení „evropská diplomacie“. Její budoucí fungování by se mělo stát odpovědí na rostoucí význam EU v mezinárodním měřítku a mělo by nadále zefektivnit ochranu a prosazování zájmů EU a jejích členských zemí. 2. Lisabonská smlouva přikládá existenci Služby značnou důležitost v rámci externích vztahů EU, na druhou stranu však většinu konkrétních opatření ponechává na dalších jednáních členských států a institucí EU. Vytvoření Služby zásadně ovlivní nejen fungování a organizaci vnějších vztahů EU, ale některé aspekty Služby mohou proměnit i charakter národních diplomacií. 3. Česká republika by měla jednáním věnovat zvýšenou pozornost, neboť očekávané efekty zavedení Služby by pro ČR mohly být velmi pozitivní. Z hlediska institucionálního ukotvení by ČR měla podpořit spíše umírněnější řešení nevytvářející novou „instituci“, což by mohlo ulehčit rozhodování o jejím zabezpečení v rámci současného rozpočtového výhledu. ČR by měla usilovat o efektivní přeměnu delegací Komise v unijní zastoupení a podporovat transfer některých funkcí národních ambasád především v oblasti konzulární politiky. ČR by také měla podpořit ponechání již komunitarizovaných oblastí rozšíření, rozvoje či obchodu v gesci Komise. Z pohledu personálního zabezpečení by měla usilovat o rovnoměrné postavení českých diplomatů, které by však nemělo vycházet ze systému kvót.

A US Senate Supreme Statement Warrant to President's Permit to launch a Nuclear Assault

Varovné slyšení senátního výboru USA k prezidentově oprávnění zahájit jaderný útok

Author(s): Miroslav Tůma / Language(s): Czech

Keywords: Donald Trump; Nuclear strike;

Context Analysis of the Security Sector Reform in Macedonia 1991 – 2008

Context Analysis of the Security Sector Reform in Macedonia 1991 – 2008

Author(s): Cvete Koneska,Biljana Kotevska / Language(s): English

Keywords: North Macedonia; security sector reform; state independence; post-communist transition; institutional changes; ethnic conflict; democracy; EU integration; NATO integration; army; military policy; Intelligence Agency;

This paper looks at the general political and security sector context in the last two decades since Macedonian independence, and traces the major trends and events that shaped the political developments and progress with security sector reforms in post-communist Macedonia. For the purpose of this paper, the analysis of the post-communist transition period is divided in three parts, corresponding to the three periods on which we divided the context since 1991, for the sake of greater clarity and analytical coherence. For each of these three periods, we conducted an analysis of major political developments as well as institutional change. Based on this analysis, each period is qualified as characterised by a specific nature, whether post-authoritarian, conflict, postconflict, or integrationist. In the Annex attached to this paper, a short overview of the key political actors and their role in the security sector reforms and the political transition in Macedonia is offered. The first period analyzed is the period from the declaration of independence from Yugoslavia, in 1991 until the ethnic conflict in 2001. These years mark the first decade of independent statehood and democratic politics in Macedonia. The second period stretches from the ethnic conflict in 2001 until the NATO Summit in Bucharest in early 2008. The 2001 conflict had a profound impact on the political and security context in Macedonia. It produced inter-ethnic violence and culminated in a far-reaching reform of the constitutional and institutional set-up of Macedonian democracy.

№60: Remote and Autonomous: From Drones to “Killer Robots”

№60: Remote and Autonomous: From Drones to “Killer Robots”

Author(s): Maria Radziejowska / Language(s): English

Keywords: Remote and autonomous machines; drones; killer robots; autonomous weapons systems; human supervision over autonomous systems; legal framework;

While Poland is only sketching out its national UAV programme, the international community has already embarked on discussions about the legality of autonomous weapons systems. The case against “killer robots” has been brought into the Convention on Certain Conventional Weapons forum. Transparent and common standards for the legal review of such weapons could balance the risks associated with their future illegal use. Before deciding whether to ban autonomous weapons systems and their development, there is a need to reach greater clarity on the understanding of autonomy and the level of human supervision over these systems in light of the existing legal framework. Autonomous robotic systems will continue to be developed for a variety of purposes.

№48: Governance in Norway and Poland: Can Unequal Partners Learn Anything from Each Other?

№48: Governance in Norway and Poland: Can Unequal Partners Learn Anything from Each Other?

Author(s): Ole Jacob Sending / Language(s): English

Keywords: Norway; Poland; governance; security; energy; migration; GoodGov Project; experience in governance;

Poland and Norway are unequal partners when it comes to governance and the management of issues such as security, migration and energy. One still ranks relatively low according to good governance indicators, having had to reinvent its whole system of government following the fall of communism; the other ranks high. One has spent two decades adapting to the EU’s rules; the other remains outside that framework but decided to sign an agreement on the European Economic Area that has made it a quasi-member without direct access to decision-making bodies. At the same time, the hierarchy—an element of inequality—hinders the learning process between the countries. Can Poland and Norway learn anything from each other? This paper, which sets out some of the thinking underpinning the GoodGov project, provides some answers. Following a brief review of the literature on policy learning, it identifies “experimentalist governance” as the model best suited to the two countries, before closing with some practical remarks about how such a model might look.

№32: The Unexploited Potential of Poland’s Cooperation with Taiwan

№32: The Unexploited Potential of Poland’s Cooperation with Taiwan

Author(s): Justyna Szczudlik-Tatar / Language(s): English

Keywords: Poland; Taiwan; high technology; information and communication technologies; electronic manufacturing; bilateral cooperation;

Taiwan, with its economy based on high technology and innovation and home to global IT companies which are among the world’s largest electronics manufacturers, should be an attractive economic partner for Poland. But the distance, limited channels of communication, lack of knowledge of each other, differences in economic development, and market access barriers in Taiwan make bilateral cooperation occasional and not intensive. A recent improvement in cooperation as a result of Taiwan’s decision to open its market to Polish pork and prospects for signing an avoidance-of-double-taxation agreement should be used as a good basis for deepening bilateral cooperation. What is more, better Cross-Strait relations create a chance for Poland to improve its economic presence in mainland China through closer cooperation with Taiwanese companies.

№16: Reductions of Tactical Nuclear Weapons in Europe: Unbinding the Gordian Knot

№16: Reductions of Tactical Nuclear Weapons in Europe: Unbinding the Gordian Knot

Author(s): Jacek Durkalec / Language(s): English

Keywords: nuclear disarmament and arms control; nuclear weapons; nuclear policy; NATO; military policy; security and defence;

With new momentum for nuclear disarmament and arms control following U.S. President Barack Obama’s 2009 Prague speech, questions about NATO’s nuclear policy and posture escaped from an “underground storage site” and regained a prominent place in the debate within NATO. The discussions, which accompanied works on NATO’s Strategic Concept, focused to a large extent on the future deployment in Europe of U.S. tactical (non-strategic) nuclear weapons. Currently, about 180 U.S. B-61 nuclear gravity bombs, deliverable by specifically adapted aircraft (Dual Capable Aircraft, DCA), are stored in six bases in five European countries (Germany, Belgium, the Netherlands, Italy and Turkey). On the one hand, reductions and the ultimate withdrawal of these weapons have been perceived as a solution to the question of how NATO can reduce further the role of nuclear weapons and move closer to the objective of a world free of nuclear weapons. On the other hand, consideration about how and under what circumstances those tactical weapons could be reduced in a way that does not weaken the credibility of NATO’s deterrence and the transatlantic link remain of crucial importance.

Inside Ukraine, № 2015 - 51

Inside Ukraine, № 2015 - 51

Author(s): Vira Nanivska,Iaroslav Kovalchuk,Vasyl Povoroznyk,Anatoliy Oktysiuk / Language(s): English

The Government Policy // The threats of Morel’s plan // Economic situation // The NBU softens FX restrictions // Gas reserves: different views on the same problem // Political competition // Transformation of «Opposition bloc» // Features of the campaign for local elecions

The Future of Public Service Broadcasting in Kosovo: Will a Hybrid Model of Funding Change RTK’s Status Quo?

The Future of Public Service Broadcasting in Kosovo: Will a Hybrid Model of Funding Change RTK’s Status Quo?

Author(s): Naser Miftari / Language(s): English

Keywords: Kosovo; media; public service broadcasting; future; hybrid model; RTK; finances;

Radio Television of Kosovo was established in 1999 through a comprehensive international assistance program. In the years following the handover from international management to local ownership its financial situation became increasingly vulnerable. In 2009, ten years after it went on air, the license fee, which was paid by all households in Kosovo and was the main source of funding for RTK, was suspended, and RTK turned to being fully dependent on state funding in subsequent years. The growing dependence on the state budget has also eroded its editorial independence and credibility. This policy brief analyses the proposed amendments to the existing RTK Law (2012) regarding the re-introduction of the license fee, the selection and term limits of the RTK Board and management appointments, as well as proposed methods to ensure that RTK has greater accountability. It explores the suitability of these proposals and their implications in regard to the prospects and future functioning of Kosovo’s public broadcaster.

Mistaken Logic in Proving of Anti-Discrimination Proceedings: The Case of the Supreme Court of FBiH

Pogrešna logika dokazivanja u antidiskriminacionim predmetima: Slučaj Vrhovnog suda Federacije BiH

Author(s): Aleksandra Ivanković-Tamamović / Language(s): Bosnian

Keywords: BiH; discrimination; court; anti-discrimination proceedings; Supreme Court of BiH; mistaken logic;

Ljudi se ne rađaju da bi diskriminisali ili bili diskriminisani. Diskriminacija u suštini predstavlja stečenu sklonost za stavljanjem nekoga u nepovoljan položaj usljed predrasuda koje smo razvili na osnovu njihovih ličnih karakteristika: boje kože, nacionalne ili etničke pripadnosti, vjeroispovijesti, seksualne orijentacije, rodnog identiteta ili bilo koje druge karakteristike koja može presudno uticati na to kako ćemo nekoga tretirati. Budući da je diskriminacija u pravilu pitanje percepcije, osoba ove karakteristike može realno da posjeduje ili joj mogu biti pripisane od strane trećih lica. Naravno, nije svako različito ponašanje diskriminacija. U svakodnevnim odnosima neophodno je da se drugačije ponašamo prema osobama u različitim situacijama, u zavisnosti od mnogih okolnosti. Diskriminacija je, naime, samo ono ponašanje koje je nedozvoljeno. To što ćemo nekoga na ulici pozdraviti s ‘dobar dan’ imajući u vidu činjenicu da li ga poznajemo ili ne vjerovatno je primjer dozvoljenog različitog ponašanja. Ipak, to što susjeda muslimana nećemo pozdraviti s ‘dobar dan’ može da bude društveno neprihvatljivo, pa čak i diskriminatorno, ali dok god naše uskraćivanje tog pozdrava susjedu ne predstavlja ugrožavanje njegovih zajamčenih prava, to i dalje neće predstavljati utuživu kategoriju. Mnoga takva prava su zajamčena Ustavom Bosne i Hercegovine, pa tako i pravo na zapošljavanje ili unapređenje bez diskriminacije. U takvom ustavnom poretku koji zabranjuje diskriminaciju, u avgustu 2008. godine, Opština Glamoč je raspisala konkurs za izbor direktora dječijeg obdaništa “Leptirić”. Jedini kandidat na konkursu je bila Janja Martina Katović, profesorka predškolskog vaspitanja i dugogodišnja radnica u obdaništu, kojoj je upravo istekao mandat direktora iste ustanove. Međutim, Janja Martina Katović nije postavljena za direktora u drugom mandatu zato što je – časna sestra. Uložena je tužba Općinskom sudu u Livnu, koji je diskriminaciju prepoznao i naložio da se potvrdi njeno imenovanje za direktoricu obdaništa. Kantonalni sud u Livnu je prvostepenu presudu potvrdio. Međutim, u julu 2014. godine, po reviziji tužene Opštine Glamoč, Vrhovni sud Federacije Bosne i Hercegovine je donio prilično zbunjujuću presudu, još jednu u nizu u antidiskriminacionim predmetima u Bosni i Hercegovini. Naime, po mišljenju Vrhovnog suda u predmetu Janje Martine Katović protiv Opštine Glamoč, ukoliko se samo jedno lice prijavi na konkurs za radno mjesto, i ako to lice, bez obzira na kvalifikacije i njihovu superiornost, ne bude zaposleno zbog svoje vjerske pripadnosti, takvo lice, ipak, ne može biti diskriminisano. Isti zaključak se, slijedom iste logike, može izvesti čak i kada potencijalni poslodavac, inače organ lokalne samouprave, javno izjavi da jedini kandidat, bez obzira na kompetencije, nije zaposlen isključivo usljed lične karakteristike – vjeroispovijesti. Ova presuda uspostavlja opasan presedan, koji otvara prostor poslodavcima da otvoreno diskriminišu ukoliko pred sobom imaju samo jednog kandidata ili čak nekoliko kandidata koji imaju zajedničku ključnu karakteristiku, na osnovu koje se diskriminiše. Tako poslodavci mogu da otvoreno kažu da neće zapošljavati redovnice, Rome ili žene, ukoliko su se samo takvi kandidati prijavili, jer ih sud neće imati s čim uporediti!?

How to Encourage the Development of Renewable Energy in the Republic of Moldova?

How to Encourage the Development of Renewable Energy in the Republic of Moldova?

Author(s): Alexandru Fală / Language(s): English

Keywords: renewable energy in Moidova;

The Law on Promoting the Use of Energy from Renewable Sources, which transposes Directive 2009/28/EC of the European Parliament and of the Council of 23 April 2009 on the promotion of the use of energy from renewable sources, will enter into force at the end of March 2017. The effective application of the respective law is crucial for the Republic of Moldova, considering the limited conventional energy sources, as well as confined energy independence. Thus, Moldova greatly depends on energy import, which over the past years has become uncertain due to tense relations with the Russian Federation and armed conflict in Ukraine. Therefore, the development of renewable energy sources will allow to balance the payments and to strengthen (at least, to a certain extent) the country’s energy security. // The purpose of this document is to scan the renewable energy sector and policies in this field, and to come up with recommendations for effective application of the Law on Promoting the Use of Energy from Renewable Sources.

WINGS OF CHANGE: ТHE COMING DRONE PROLIFERATION IN THE WESTERN BALKANS

WINGS OF CHANGE: ТHE COMING DRONE PROLIFERATION IN THE WESTERN BALKANS

Author(s): Vuk Vuksanović,Filip Ejdus / Language(s): English

In May 2023, Turkey delivered to Kosovo five Bayraktar TB2 attack drones to be used by its Kosovo Security Forces (KSF). The transaction was done seven months after the signing of the contract, and as Kosovo was close to hosting a large US-led military exercise, Defender Europe 23.1 This transaction might signify things to come, that is, the proliferation of armed drones in the Western Balkans. The reasons for this potential proliferation of armed drones are multiple. First, they include that drones are becoming an unavoidable hallmark of the global security landscape, used by superpowers like the US and in various regional conflicts worldwide. Second, the fact that Serbia is ahead of its neighbours in the number of drones it operates creates an impulse with its neighbours to match that capability. Third, the extant regional arms control regime in the Western Balkans has loop holes related to the more modern weapons systems like drones. Fourth, the acquisition of weapon systems like drones is a powerful political instrument for local nations to increase their regional and international bargaining power, as well as for the powers supplying them to boost their influence in the Balkans. Finally, investing in armed forces, including acquiring modern systems like drones, is a powerful method of domestic political promotion for the local elites. This combination of factors makes regional drone proliferation in the Western Balkans highly probable.

A FORGOTTEN FRIENDSHIP: SERBO-UKRAINIAN RELATIONS AND PRO-RUSSIAN NARRATIVES

A FORGOTTEN FRIENDSHIP: SERBO-UKRAINIAN RELATIONS AND PRO-RUSSIAN NARRATIVES

Author(s): Kateryna Shymkevych / Language(s): English

The bilateral relations between Serbia and Ukraine were established in April 1994 and were developing over a long period of time, covering the fields of trade, economy, investments, finance, cultural, humanitarian and scientific and technical cooperation. However, the relations between the two countries got significantly complicated with the beginning of the Russian aggression on Ukraine in 2014. As a long-standing partner of the Russian Federation, Serbia condemned the annexation of Crimea and supported Ukraine’s territorial integrity. However, Belgrade refused to call the Russian aggression a war. Since 2014 to date, the main designations in the Serbian media landscape have been “conflict” and “crisis”. In 2022, a new term appeared -“special military operation”. When regards the war information, Serbian media often transmit pro-Russian narratives, thus disseminating disinformation about the war that Russia has been waging against Ukraine, even despite the fact that Ukraine has not recognised the independence of Kosovo, and, unlike the Russian Federation, does not have a representative office in Kosovo. The relations between Kyiv and Belgrade got complicated due to the participation of Serbian volunteers on the side of Lugansk People’s Republic and Donetsk People’s Republic separatists, as well as part of the “Wagner” PMC. Instead of condemning the aggression of the Russian Federation against Ukraine, the Serbian society and leadership have taken a neutral position, which brought about problems in the relations with Ukraine. At the same time, Kyiv has a clear and balanced position vis-à-vis Kosovo and Serbia’s territorial integrity. It is important to mention that the Russian propaganda has a strong bearing on the Serbo-Ukrainian relations. In the past ten years, the Kremlin has been spreading lies about the Euromaidan, Revolution of Dignity, Crimea’s occupation, Ukraine’s internal problems, the war, etc. It is only within the last year that the Serbian information space has seen articles attempting to deconstruct the Russian lies about Ukraine, Crimea, linguistic issues, history. Unfortunately, the majority attitude of the Serbian society towards the Russian-Ukrainian war has not changed, so the support to Vladimir Putin and Russia remains rather strong.