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Equal chances for all media in Montenegro? - 2014 Annual report
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Equal chances for all media in Montenegro? - 2014 Annual report

Equal chances for all media in Montenegro? - 2014 Annual report

Author(s): Ana Nenezić,Mira Popović / Language(s): English

Keywords: Montenegro; media; 2014; report; RTCG; public broadcasting services; information access; law;

The project “Equal chances for all media” aims to contribute to the creation of clear oversight mechanisms for the public finances and for the allocation of state aid to the media, as required by the European Union regulations and the international standards and best practices. The more specific objective of this project is to raise the awareness among interested public about responsible management of the public budget, and analyse the relationship between the state institutions and the media in Montenegro as reflected in the financial allocations of public funds to the media in payment for specific services or through other forms of support. The public sector analysed in this study is defined by the Law on the Budget of Montenegro, and encompasses public institutions, municipalities (local self-government units), independent regulatory bodies, agencies and enterprises in which the state or the municipalities hold a controlling stake, the judiciary (courts and the prosecution), and others. The project builds on the previous work of the Centre for Civic Education (CCE) in this field, which produced annual reports for 2011, 2012, and 2013. These studies have raised the visibility of the problem of media financing in the Montenegrin public discourse, and became a reference for important international reports. Our findings highlighted countless shady areas in the public financing of the media in Montenegro, and stressed the need for better regulation in this area. They also highlighted the continuing attempts of the public bodies to exercise influence over media through selective and opaque financing, undermining the market competition, reinforcing unequal opportunities and thereby creating indirect pressure on editorial policies. The lack of transparency in financing as well as the lack of adequate criteria for the allocation of funds, alongside the incomplete legal framework, additionally undermines the already alarming state of the Montenegrin media. Considering that public administration and local self-government bodies spent EUR 2 642 070.83 in 2011 on advertising in a market that is altogether worth EUR 9 - 9.5 million, it is obvious that the state is a major, if not the largest customer for advertising services, capable of significantly influencing the revenues and the financial sustainability of individual media houses. In 2012 public spending on the media services decreased by nearly almost EUR 1 million to EUR 852 059.00 according to the CCE estimates, although this amount excludes the spending by local self-governments. In 2013, public administration and local self-governments bodies together spent EUR 2 196 739.00. This makes it clear that there was no reduction in the amount of public funds spent on advertising and other media services. On the contrary, if we bear in mind that the above amount includes only 67.6% of public sector entities from whom we could gather the data, the real expenditure is likely to be much higher. At the same time, our findings show a continued practice of opaque spending of public funds, without well defined rules and procedures. CCE’s findings drew the attention of the key international organisations. Among other, the European Commission’s 2015 Progress Report on Montenegro expresses: “concerns about transparency and nondiscrimination in state advertising... The precarious economic situation of journalists puts them at risk of editorial interference and possible self-censorship. The fact that many media outlets are not financially sustainable has a negative impact on the quality of reporting and professionalism.” Similar concerns were already expressed in the 2013 Progress Report, which found that “Concerns persist also regarding possible state aid and advertising funding allocated to print media in 2012, which were not in line with public procurement rules and could jeopardise competitiveness on the media market.” The 2015 Resolution on Montenegro of the European Parliament similarly warns that Montenegro should “adopt a clear legislative framework, which will establish rules related to media ownership and financing.” The international non-governmental organisation Reporters without borders ranks Montenegro 114th out of 180 countries on its World Press Freedom Index for 2015, which combines assessment on categories such as violence against media, pluralism, media independence, self-censorship, legislative framework, transparency and infrastructure. The only country in the region that was ranked worse than Montenegro is Macedonia, which came 117th. SEEMO Report on state of media in Montenegro for 2014 cited CCE’s findings, as did the last three reports of the US State Department on the state of human rights in Montenegro. Freedom House’s report “Nations in transit 2015”, lowered Montenegro’s rating on independence of the media from 4.25 to 4.50 on 1-7 scale (where 1 stands for best and 7 for the worst level of independence). Last but not least, CCE’s prior work on this problem led the renowned Paris-based international organisations World Association of Newspapers and News publishers and the Centre for international media assistance to choose CCE as the partner for their first report “Eroding freedoms: media and soft censorship in Montenegro”. In the interest of continuous monitoring of this area, CCE conducted a new study that compiles data for 2014 and provides the updated, comprehensive overview of the allocation of public funds to media in 2014, along with comparison to the previous years. The study is accompanies by specific recommendations on the ways to secure transparency and determine criteria for the allocation of public funds to the Montenegrin media that would be in line with the acquis communitaire on the freedom of expression and independence of the media, competition, state aid, and public procurement. Without a clear mechanism for the allocation of state aid to the media, these funds have the potential to create severe distortions of the media market, through discrimination and in violation of the EU competitiveness policy. This is all the more troubling when it is being done with public funds. The citizens, as tax payers, have the right to know how their money is spent, and whether the way in which the state allocates the public funds interferes with the impartial reporting of the performance of public institutions, or obstructs the development of media pluralism. This report warns of the existence of a mechanism used to control and exert pressure on the media, and provides recommendations on the ways to end bad practices that deprives Montenegrin citizens of their right to free and independent media and thereby of objective, accurate reporting on the activities of the government, political parties, institutions, as well as other issues of public importance.

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Eroding Freedoms: Media and Soft Censorship in Montenegro
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Eroding Freedoms: Media and Soft Censorship in Montenegro

Eroding Freedoms: Media and Soft Censorship in Montenegro

Author(s): Vladimir Vučković,Ana Vujošević / Language(s): English

Keywords: Montenegro; media; censorship; soft censorship; politics; governance; democratization;

In Montenegro, soft censorship is exercised primarily through politicised, discretionary and non-transparent distribution of public money and subsidies to media. Lack of transparency and standard and equitable procedures in allocation of public funding seriously distorts the media market, improving business prospects of some outlets and endangering the existence of others. This is directly related to how favourably or critically media outlets report on governmental activities. The media landscape in Montenegro is deeply and widely politicised. A sharp division between “supporters” and “critics” of state policies has grown more vivid in recent years. There are on-going attempts to diminish the influence of some media outlets on the Montenegrin public. “Hard censorship” has included violence against journalists—the murder of the editor-in-chief of daily Dan, Dusko Jovanovic, on 27 May 2004, remains unresolved, as do most attacks on journalists and on media property, which doubtless evokes self-censorship among media practitioners concerned with self-preservation.2 Much more common in recent years is soft censorship: indirect, often financial pressures, intended to weaken the capacities and even threaten the viability of targeted media outlets that criticize the government. “Soft censorship” is defined as an attempt by government to influence media reporting through various forms of pressures, without recourse to legal bans, open censorship of news content or direct physical attacks against media infrastructure or journalists. The notion of “soft censorship” as a form of official pressure on media is detailed in a 2005 paper by the Open Society Justice Initiative. It describes three principal forms of soft censorship: abuse of public funds and monopolies, abuse of regulatory and inspection authorities, and paralegal pressures.3 All these exist in Montenegro today. Additional reports by WAN-IFRA and the Center for International Media Assistance have raised awareness of this escalating problem.4 This paper catalogues the forms and maps the extent of soft censorship by Montenegro’s state and public institutions against media outlets and media practitioners. This is done primarily through the lens of finances, which is the dominant means of soft censorship in the country. Included is an overview of instruments that facilitate or limit official financial support: allocation of advertising services by public institutions to favoured media; selective distribution of subsidies and other state aid; paid content; and other forms of administrative and technical assistance or obstruction. The study covers public institutions relevant to media and soft censorship across the three branches of government, as well as other sociopolitical actors significant to understanding this problem in the Montenegrin context. The research team faced several challenges; no such research has been conducted before, and information from public sources was in many cases limited or released only very slowly. Moreover, the topic is taboo to many journalists who fear criticizing media owners or the government, and who sometimes have scant awareness of the mechanisms and impact of soft censorship. The lack of transparent and consistent procedures for distribution of public funds to media has substantial influence on media freedoms in Montenegro. This report presents evidence that public institutions have sought to manipulate media outlets and influence their editorial policies by selective and non-transparent financing. This also seriously undermines competition and inhibits development of a sustainable media market. Opacity in state media funding is aggravated by an inadequate implementation of the legal framework for media support, further opening opportunities for official actors to exploit media for partisan purposes. This report describes various means for distributing public funding to media through which political actors exercise control or pressure on media content and viability. It analyses mechanisms of potential influence of public institutions on media editorial policies, and gives examples of abuse of public funds to manipulate media reporting to pursue partisan political goals. This report’s key findings summarize challenges concerning soft censorship in Montenegro. Its recommendations urge actions that would reverse the erosion of media freedom in Montenegro—and improve prospects for development of free independent and pluralistic media that could provide the accurate, impartial reporting on activities of the government, political parties and other institutions required to promote democratisation of Montenegrin society and governance.

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Equal chances for all media in Montenegro - 2015 Annual report
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Equal chances for all media in Montenegro - 2015 Annual report

Equal chances for all media in Montenegro - 2015 Annual report

Author(s): Ana Nenezić / Language(s): English

Keywords: Montenegro; media; public service broadcasting; politics; public finances; policy; 2015; report;

The project “Equal chances for all media” aims to contribute to the creation of clear oversight mechanisms for the public finances and for the allocation of state aid to the media, as required by the European Union regulations and the international standards and best practice. The general objective of project is to raise awareness among the interested public about responsible management of the public budget, and analyse the relationship between the state institutions and the media in Montenegro as reflected in the financial allocations of public funds to the media on various grounds. The study focuses on the public sector as defined by the Law on the Budget of Montenegro, which encompasses public institutions, municipalities (local self-government units), independent regulatory bodies, agencies and enterprises in which the state or the municipalities hold a controlling stake, the judiciary (courts and the prosecution), Ombudsman, and others. Centre for Civic Education (CCE) first flagged this issue five years ago, and has been monitoring it ever since. The result of our efforts so far have been four national and one international report, which serve as the go-to reference on media financing in the country for various international actors. For the purpose of continuous monitoring of this problematic area, this year we again conducted another comprehensive study to collect information on the size and distribution of financial resources allocated by public sector bodies to the media in 2015 on grounds on service provision contracts, specialised services or other. The recipients included the media, PR agencies, production houses and public opinion polls. The analysis provides up-to-date and comprehensive review of the allocation of public funds to the media in 2015, at the national as well as the local level. We also compiled an illustrative overview of three-year trends in the allocation of public money for the financing of media in Montenegro.

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Europeanization of election manifestos in Montenegro - To which extent political parties acknowledge European policies?
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Europeanization of election manifestos in Montenegro - To which extent political parties acknowledge European policies?

Europeanization of election manifestos in Montenegro - To which extent political parties acknowledge European policies?

Author(s): Vladimir Vučković / Language(s): English

Keywords: Montenegro; political parties; EU; Europeanization; European policies;

This study aims to assess the so far track record concerning Europeanization of political parties in Montenegro, aspiring state to European Union (EU) full membership. More precisely, Montenegro is a candidate for membership into EU, and by opening the 24 negotiating chapters, out of which two were temporarily closed, Montenegro positioned itself as leading amongst Western Balkan states in the European integration process. As in the majority of European states, political parties in Montenegro play crucial role in internal political processes, thus affecting the subsequent political shaping of the society. Hence, the focus of this research lies on the reach and outcome of EU’s influence with regards to political parties in Montenegro by observing the “top – down” approach of European integration process to actors of representative democracy, as generators of extensive internal changes, but also by noting the changes between relevant parties, and their acting in terms of the EU’s influence on domestic political agents. Therefore, subject of research focuses on providing the replay to question: whether the interest for the concept of Europeanization increased or decreased amongst Montenegrin political parties during the Parliamentary elections 2016, especially taking into account the progress Montenegro made in the European integration process. Based on the defined methodological framework, study tends to answer to a research inquiry: whether European policies come to fore within the election manifestos of political parties in Montenegro, during the Parliamentary elections 2016? As a result, the contribution of this research will be reflected in the identification of current level of Europeanization of political parties in Montenegro based on the analyses of election manifestos in context of European integration. Furthermore, objective of this research is to encourage the development of academic literature on the Europeanization of candidate states for the membership in EU, and in specific through case study of Montenegro and dynamics of Europeanization of political parties in Montenegro. Parties are crucial and imminent factors of political sphere in every country, including Montenegro, where the creation of state and individual public policy is practically impossible without their full participation. By laying out party’s views, believes and opinions concerning the issue of EU membership, parties in Montenegro affect the opinions of citizens to the great extent. Likewise, they pose one of the important channels of informing the public on the current EU policies and values, and the advantages and deficiencies transposed by the accession process. Henceforth, it is important to determine the level of transformative power of EU within domestic political parties, given that in the upcoming period they will influence the pace and quality of Montenegrin accession negotiations, as well as the rise or decrease of citizens’ support for that process.

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Collapse of freedoms: media and covert censorship in Montenegro
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Collapse of freedoms: media and covert censorship in Montenegro

Urušavanje sloboda: mediji i prikrivena cenzura u Crnoj Gori

Author(s): Vladimir Vučković,Ana Vujošević / Language(s): Montenegrine

Keywords: Montenegro; media; freedoms; politics; policy; financing; public service broadcasting; censorship;

U Crnoj Gori, prikrivena cenzura se primarno vrši kroz političku, diskrecionu i netransparentnu raspodjelu budžetskog novca i državne pomoći medijima. Nedostatak transparentnosti, mjerila i nepristrasnih procedura prilikom opredjeljivanja javnih fondova medijima proizvodi ozbiljne devijacije na medijskom tržištu, čime se poboljšava poslovanje jednih medija a dovodi u pitanje egzistencija drugih. Ovo je direktno povezano i sa tim da li ove medijske kuće prilikom izvještavanja o vladinim aktivnostima imaju podržavajući ili kritički pristup. Medijska scena u Crnoj Gori je duboko i široko ispolitizirana. Oštra podjela na „podržavaoce“ i „kritičare“ državnih politika posebno je postala jaka posljednjih nekoliko godina. Takođe, kontinuirani su pokušaji da se uticaj jednog dijela medija u crnogorskoj javnosti ograniči. „Otvorena cenzura“ je uključivala nasilje nad novinarima – ubistvo glavnog i odgovornog urednika dnevnika Dan Duška Jovanovića, 27. maja 2004.godine, ostaje nerazjašnjeno, kao i većina napada na novinare i imovinu medija, što nesumnjivo izaziva autocenzuru među medijskim poslenicima koji se trude da opstanu. Posljednjih godina, mnogo češća pojava je prikrivena cenzura: indirektni, česti finansijski pritisci, usmjereni ka slabljenju kapaciteta, pa čak i ugrožavanju održivosti ciljanih medija koji kritikuju vlasti. „Prikrivena cenzura“ se definiše kao pokušaj vlasti da utiču na medijsko izvještavanje kroz različite oblike pritisaka, a bez upotrebe zakonske zabrane, otvorene cenzure sadržaja vijesti ili direktne fizičke represije prema medijima i novinarima. Pojam „prikrivene cenzure“, kao oblik pritiska na medije od strane državnih organa, podrobno je objašnjen u dokumentu Inicijative za pravdu Fondacije za otvoreno društvo iz 2005.godine. U njemu su opisana tri osnovna oblika prikrivene cenzure: zloupotreba javnih fondova i monopola, zloupotreba regulatornih i inspekcijskih ovlašćenja, kao i para-legalni pritisci. Sva tri navedena oblika postoje u Crnoj Gori danas. Dodatni izvještaji WANIFRA i Centra za međunarodnu pomoć medijima su podigli svijest javnosti o ovom rastućem problemu. Ovaj dokument sadrži oblike i mapira obim prikrivene cenzure od strane crnogorskih državnih i javnih institucija u odnosu na medije i medijske poslenike. Ovo je urađeno, uglavnom, kroz prizmu finansija, koje su ujedno i dominantno sredstvo prikrivene cenzure u zemlji. Takođe, uključen je i pregled instrumenata koji olakšavaju ili ograničavaju zvaničnu finansijsku podršku: raspodjela reklamnih servisa favorizovanim medijima od strane organa javnog sektora; selektivna dodjela subvencija i drugih oblika državne pomoći; plaćeni sadržaj; i drugi vidovi administrativne i tehničke pomoći ili opstrukcija. Ova studija uključuje organe javnog sektora relevantne za medije i prikrivenu cenzuru i to iz sve tri grane vlasti, kao i ostale društveno-političke aktere od značaja za razumijevanje ovog problema u crnogorskom kontekstu. Istraživački tim se suočio sa nekoliko izazova: niko ranije nije sprovodio slično istraživanje i informacije iz javnih izvora su u većini slučajeva bile ograničene ili prilično sporo dostupne. Osim toga, ova tema je tabu za većinu novinara koji se plaše kritikovanja vlasnika medija ili vlasti i koji su nerijetko slabo upoznati sa mehanizmima i uticajem prikrivene cenzure. Nepostojanje transparentnih i konzistentnih procedura u raspodjeli javnih fondova za medije bitno utiče na medijske slobode u Crnoj Gori. Ovaj izvještaj predstavlja dokaze o tome da javne institucije pokušavaju da manipulišu medijima i da utiču na njihovu uređivačku politiku putem selektivnog i netransparentnog finansiranja. Ovo, takođe, ozbiljno podriva konkurenciju i koči razvoj održivog tržišta medija. Netransparentnost finansiranja medija od strane organa javnog sektora otežava i neadekvatna primjena pravnog okvira vezanog za podršku medijima, što dalje daje mogućnost zvaničnim akterima da iskoriste medije za partikularne interese. U ovom izvještaju su opisane različite mjere za raspodjelu javnih sredstava medijima putem kojih politički akteri vrše kontrolu ili pritisak nad sadržajem i održivošću medija. Analizirani su i mehanizmi potencijalnog uticaja javnih institucija na uređivačke politike medija i dati primjeri zloupotrebe javnih sredstava radi manipulacije u izvještavanju medija a u cilju ostvarivanja partikularnih političkih interesa. Glavni nalazi ovog izvještaja rezimiraju ključne izazove vezane za prikrivenu cenzuru u Crnoj Gori. Preporuke pozivaju na akcije koje bi zaustavile urušavanje medijskih sloboda u Crnoj Gori i unaprijedile izglede za razvoj slobodnih, nezavisnih i pluralističkih medija koji bi mogli obezbijediti tačno i nepristrasno izvještavanje o aktivnostima vlade, političkih partija i drugih institucija dužnih da promovišu demokratizaciju crnogorskog društva i načina upravljanja.

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Electoral rebus of the 2016 parliamentary elections - A contribution to the development of political memory in Montenegro
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Electoral rebus of the 2016 parliamentary elections - A contribution to the development of political memory in Montenegro

Izborni rebus parlamentarnih izbora 2016. Godine - Prilog razvoju političkog pamćenja u Crnoj Gori

Author(s): Vladimir Vučković / Language(s): Montenegrine

Keywords: Montenegro; 2016; elections; rebus; political parties;

Izbori, izborna kampanja, politički dogovori, postizborne koalicije i konačno – prestrukturiranje vlasti nakon svakog četvorogodišnjeg perioda predstavljaju najdinamičnije periode političkog života svakog društva. Angažujući sve svoje resurse, političke partije i koalicije se takmiče za osvajanje vlasti, odnosno za što veći opseg političkog uticaja. One ulaze u trku sa manje ili više osmišljenim izbornim programima i obećanjima koji im donose određen broj mandata. No, tek djelovanje političke partije ili koalicije nakon izbora i stepen pridržavanja datim obećanjima daje najmjerodavniji odgovor na pitanje da li smo napravili dobru odluku tako što smo dali svoj glas određenoj partiji ili koaliciji.

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Equal chances for all media in Montenegro - Annual report for 2016
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Equal chances for all media in Montenegro - Annual report for 2016

Equal chances for all media in Montenegro - Annual report for 2016

Author(s): Ana Nenezić,Dragoljub Duško Vuković / Language(s): English

Keywords: Media; Montenegro; 2016; public service broadcasting; finances; policy; report;

Project “Equal chances for all media” aims to contribute to promotion of media freedom and media pluralism in Montenegro, in accordance with regulations of European Union and best international practices and standards. More precisely, the project aims to mitigate the process of creation of clear mechanisms for allocation and control over financing of media from public funds and allocation of state aid to media in Montenegro, in order to harmonise this system with international standards and best practices which encourage development of media freedoms. Project is also focused on improvement of awareness of interested public in regards to responsible money expenditure from the Budget of Montenegro, indicating on relation of public sector in Montenegro toward media, through financial allocations on various grounds. Public sector, as subject of research, according to Law on Budget of Montenegro, includes state organs, municipalities (local self-government units), independent regulatory organs, public institutions and companies wherein state or municipalities have majority ownership share, judiciary (courts and prosecutions), Protector of Human Rights and Freedoms and others. Centre for Civic Education (CCE) first introduced this issue in Montenegro, and has been monitoring it closely for five years now. In this regard, CCE has produced five national and one international report that are relevant sources for numerous domestic and international addresses, though they still remain insufficiently used by Montenegrin institutions. Research for 2016 was conducted in this framework, within which there was information collected on media, informative agencies, public relations agencies, production houses, and etc. that were allocated financial resources from public sector organs on the basis of agreements on provision of services, specialised services, or other grounds. Analysis was produced that provides an updated and comprehensive overview of allocation of public funds on national and local level during 2016 to abovementioned subjects. Considering that certain trends are already being identified, cross section of total allocations for 2013 – 2016 is also provided. In addition, this publication contains review on media normative and institutional framework, as well as analysis of efficiency of implementation of Law on Free Access to Information and Law on Public Procurement (in the part of obligation of public sector organs to publish all tender documentation timely on the portal of public procurement of Public Procurement Administration of Montenegro). Finally, in relation to underlying themes, publication offers conclusions and recommendations for improving existing state, including proposals for amendments of appropriate legislative framework, which CCE has been advocating for quite some time now, so that this area would be harmonised with international standards in the area of freedom of expression and media independence, competition, state aid allocation and public procurement. Findings from previous five national reports and an international one have indicated existence of numerous irregularities and understatements when it comes to financing of media and related subjects from the Budget of Montenegro, as well as the need to regulate this area adequately. As it was observed, public sector organs have a tendency to maintain their influence through selective and non-transparent financing, thereby directly violating market conditions and competition, and exerting indirect pressure on editorial policy. Insufficient transparency of this process and the (non)existence of precise and binding criteria for allocation of funds, along with underived legal framework, additionally affects the ever-deteriorating state in Montenegrin media. Considering that the estimated advertising market in Montenegro amounts to EUR 9.5 – 10 million on annual level, amounts that are being allocated from public funds to media and related subjects lead to conclusion that state remains individually one of the key factors able to shape this market to detriment, or for the benefit of certain media, thereby their sustainability. According to available data of CCE, mostly relating to information that have been acquired from 66% or 67% of public sector organs, around 2.5 million Euros are being invested in media and related subjects from public funds on annual level, not including the additional 30% of organs that refuse to submit their information. This means that this is a realistic minimum figure, reasonably assumed to be significantly, if not twice, higher. In addition, this does not include allocations for public broadcaster RTCG, nor for local public broadcasters, with the addition of which a sum of at least 17 million Euros per year would be reached. Continued insistence on unclear mechanisms for allocation of budget funds to media will lead to further deviations on media market and it will jeopardise the functioning of some, or improve the operation of other media on discriminatory basis and contrary to competition policy of EU. Citizens, as tax payers, have the right to be informed on manner and criteria of spending of public funds, as well as whether the manner of allocation of those funds affects impartial reporting of media on state organs and decision-makers, i.e. to which extent that allocation (does not) support the pluralism of media and whether it helps or hinders development of timely, objective and impartial reporting. An important consequence of disorganisation in this area is the ever-present soft censorship, which accelerates the erosion of media independence in Montenegro. Furthermore, self-censorship is being strengthened as well as the already conspicuous polarisation of media, but also a poor quality of journalism which – as such – cannot adequately contribute to public debate when it comes to important matters of democratisation and Europeanisation of Montenegrin society, since it often neglects the code of journalists and professional standards. Causes should be sought in the fact that media were, and still remain, critical actors of clarification of numerous misuses by the government. There is not small number of cases in Montenegro when media, via investigative journalism, launched issues from various spheres, on which the public otherwise would not be informed. Those cases are drawing large attention of not just domestic, but of international public as well, thereby demonstrating the importance of media in the fight against corruption, abuse of political power, as well as against all forms of violation of human rights. However, in order for media to execute their monitoring role, they must be politically and financially independent in their work, operate under precisely regulated legal norms and free of inappropriate external political influences. Without clear mechanism and criteria of allocation of tax payers’ money, a dangerous space for interventions of government on media market is being opened. This report indicates paths which can be used to exert control and pressure on media and provides recommendations that would put an end to such poor practice, which deprives the citizens of Montenegro of their right to free and independent media, which accurately and impartially report on activities of government, political parties and other institutions, as well as on other subjects of public interest.

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I have the right to know! - Report on transparency of local selfgovernments on example of capital city Podgorica, Kotor and Pljevlja
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I have the right to know! - Report on transparency of local selfgovernments on example of capital city Podgorica, Kotor and Pljevlja

I have the right to know! - Report on transparency of local selfgovernments on example of capital city Podgorica, Kotor and Pljevlja

Author(s): Mira Popović / Language(s): English

Keywords: Montenegro; governance; local self-government; Kotor; Podgorica; Pljevlja; transparency;

The right of citizens of Montenegro to information of public importance is guaranteed by legal framework. However, in practice, local self-governments still do not show sufficient level of responsibility and transparency in work. This results in often unnecessary complication of citizens’ lives during their efforts to solve numerous current and existential issues, but also hinders overall reform processes and calls into question their legitimacy. Local self-governments still have numerous deficiencies in the part of access to information of importance for citizens, which brings them into a bureaucratized labyrinth, that takes away important time and other resources from parties and bodies of public administration. Considering benefit and awareness of citizens, both those who were or will be parties in proceedings before bodies of state administration or local self-government, it is necessary that work of local self-governments is rendered more transparent which includes also far faster and better availability of data and documents prescribed by laws on municipalities’ webpages. Reform processes in Montenegro, unfortunately, do not progress in a desired pace, hence, even in this area, we identify numerous deficiencies in fulfilment of obligations of local self-governments, especially in the part of transparency of work that is at the same time also one of efficient manners of prevention but also fight of corruption. Numerous reports of international actors and civic sector in Montenegro indicate that even the system established by the Law on Free Access to Information is insufficiently defined in part of monitoring and enacting supervision over respect of the same, and passivity of local self-governments to implement this Law, especially to proactively post information on their work on official Internet pages is also aggravating. Report on transparency of local self-governments, with the focus on municipalities of Kotor, Pljevlja and Podgorica, was created within the framework of project ‘I have the right to know – responsible municipalities in the service of citizens’ that is financed from funds of the European Union and Kingdom of Netherlands through regional project WeBER.

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Work of prosecutions and courts in fight against corruption at the local level - Analyses
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Work of prosecutions and courts in fight against corruption at the local level - Analyses

Work of prosecutions and courts in fight against corruption at the local level - Analyses

Author(s): Bojan Božović / Language(s): English

Keywords: Montenegro; judiciary; courts; prosecution; corruption; criminal law;

Corruption is a social problem which has existed since ancient times and which is devouring the society from inside at various levels. It is a problem that exists in all modern societies. The perception of citizens, both laic and professional public, is that corruption in Montenegrin society exists at a worrying level, which has spread to the extent that it creates negative matrixes of relations in everyday life. The consequences of this are felt both through moral aspects in the form of ‘distorted consciousness and system of values’, as well as through legal, economic and other parameters. Although corruption exists in society from ancient times, all societies in a principle are always negating the existence of corruption and corruptive practise in general. Especially their holders of public functions and official ‘statistics’. Un-readiness of authorised institutions to deal with problem is certainly one of the most important ailments. Fight against corruption is possible exclusively at all levels. However, for this purpose it is necessary to set also an adequate legal basis in terms of adoption of quality legal acts but also through acceptance of relevant international-law sources. When it comes to Montenegro, this matter is stipulated via certain international sources but also via positive-law regulations (laws)

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Montenegro - Between reform leader and reform simulacrum
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Montenegro - Between reform leader and reform simulacrum

Crna Gora - između lidera i simulatora reformi

Author(s): Not Specified Author / Language(s): Montenegrine

Keywords: Montenegro; politics; governance; reforms; EU; judiciary; corruption; media freedom; NGO;

Šest godina nakon otvaranja pregovora o pristupanju, Crna Gora je i dalje primjer zarobljene države. Kao što godinama i decenijama iscrpljuje demokratsku javnost, tako Vlada Crne Gore strategiju iscrpljivanja majstorski primjenjuje na proces evropskih integracija, pri tom zloupotrebljavajući potrebu Evropske unije za novim integracijskim optimizmom.

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How much are Montenegrin local self-governments (non)transparent? - Analysis of transparency of the work of 23 local self-governments in Montenegro
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How much are Montenegrin local self-governments (non)transparent? - Analysis of transparency of the work of 23 local self-governments in Montenegro

How much are Montenegrin local self-governments (non)transparent? - Analysis of transparency of the work of 23 local self-governments in Montenegro

Author(s): Mira Popović / Language(s): English

Keywords: Montenegro; governance; transparency; local self-governance;

The public administration system in Montenegro is undergoing reform interventions for decades with the aim of harmonizing with the best European standards and practices, which should, among other things, make public administration more accessible to citizens. An important parameter of improving public administration work is transparency, which is also the focus of this research. In assessing the level of transparency of local self-governments, two cross section points were chosen. The first is a crosscheck of manner of local self-governments’ resolving issues and their one-year performance in resolving requests for free access to information, with proceedings upon complaints that have arisen as a result of initiated and cases which have been resolved unfavourably for the party, including those relating to the administration silence, therefore, in accordance with the Law on Free Access to Information these data were requested from all local self-governments. The second cross-cutting point is an assessment to which extent the 23 local self-government’ websites in Montenegro contain information that must be accessible to citizens under the provisions of Article 12 of the Law on Free Access to Information. Transparency of work of local self-governments in Montenegro chronically represents one of the weaker points of the system. There is a high degree of tolerance to non-compliance with the provisions of the Law on Free Access to Information by authorised bodies, there are also numerous different interpretations of the same provisions of this Law by the officials who deal with the requests, and inadequate staff solutions are notable with the ever-increasing administration silence. All this causes a large number of complaints filed to the Agency for Personal Data Protection and Free Access to Information, which itself as well, due to a lack of staff, has the problem of resolving cases within a reasonable time. The latest amendments to the Law on Free Access to Information that have further restricted access to information and closed the system by giving discretionary right to managers of bodies to mark documents as business or tax secret without providing a deadline stating the reasons for restricting access to information, are consequently cumulatively strengthening a rather low degree of transparency of work of local self-governments. The Strategy of Public Administration Reform in Montenegro 2016-2020 recognizes a reduced level of transparency in processes such as conducting public procurement, budgeting and recruiting new staff. The same problems are also pointed out by the European Commission’s Report on Montenegro for 2018 and the Report on Implementation of Action Plan for implementation of Chapter 2 for period January-June 20183. Thus, the key planned activities are aimed at improving transparency in the planning process, the adoption of acts and their implementation with the respect of the principle of participation and establishment of a transparent public procurement procedure in accordance with the Law on Public Procurement. The SIGMA Monitoring Report on Montenegro also warns about the problem of nonavailability of data on employees and their earnings, which is part of a proactive publication of data. This paper provides a cross section of the observed parameters along with basic guidelines as to how to overcome some of the identified problems related to (non) transparency of local self-governments. The first part deals with the manner of resolving of local self-governments’ bodies and overview of the data obtained as per requests for free access to information sent to local self-governments, after which availability of data on websites of municipalities was processed in detail in comparison with the application of Article 12 of the Law on Free Access to Information. From this, conclusions and key recommendations for improvement of the existing system were made.

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With legal support for better realization of the rights of children and young people with developmental disabilities
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With legal support for better realization of the rights of children and young people with developmental disabilities

Uz pravnu podršku do kvalitetnijeg ostvarenja prava djece i mladih sa smetnjama u razvoju

Author(s): Milisav Korać,Slobodan Vuković,Mirela Korać / Language(s): Montenegrine

Keywords: Montenegro; legislation; law; social protection; children; healthcare; education; developmental disabilities;

Ova publikacija sadrži odredbe iz zakonskih i podzakonskih propisa Crne Gore u oblasti socijalne, dječije, zdravstvene i vaspitno-obrazovne zaštite a koje su, po ocjeni Savez udruženja roditelja djece i omladine sa teškoćama u razvoju „Naša inicijativa“ Podgorica, od značaja za djecu i mlade sa smetnjama u razvoju i njihove roditelje. Publikacija je nastala u okviru projekta Savez udruženja roditelja djece i omladine sa teškoćama u razvoju „Naša inicijativa“ Podgorica „Uz pravnu podršku do kvalitetnijeg ostvarenja prava djece i mladih sa smetnjama u razvoju“ koji je realizovan od 1.08.2014. do 30.12.2014. godine, uz finansijsku podršku Delegacije EU, posredstvom Centra za gradjansko obrazovanje (CGO) iz Podgorice i Građanskih inicijativa(Gi) iz Beograda. Glavni cilj projekta bio je unapređenje sveukupnog položaja djece i mladih sa teškoćama u razvoju u Crnoj Gori. Konkrentije, projekat je bio usmjeren na jačanje kapaciteta 10 nevladinih udruženja roditelja djece sa teškoćama u razvoju u promociji i ostvarivanju prava pomenute populacije. Ciljne grupe su bile porodice djece sa smetnjama u razvoju, centri za socijalni rad, područne jedinice Fonda zdravstva Crne Gore, predstavnici lokalnih uprava i sredstava informisanja a krajnji korisnici djeca i mladi sa smetnjama u razvoju. U okviru ovog projekta, Savez udruženja roditelja djece i omladine sa teškoćama u razvoju „Naša inicijativa“ Podgorica je održao 15 radionica u deset gradova u Crnoj Gori: Plav, Andrijevica, Rožaje, Berane, Mojkovac, Kolašin, Danilovgrad, Tivat, Budva i Ulcinj. Na radionicama su predavači ukazivali na prava i postupak ostvarivanja prava djece i mladih sa smetnjama u razvoju i njihovih roditelja a koja su bliže opisana u tekstovima koji su predmet publikacije.

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Support - the right of every child and the obligation of every parent - study
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Support - the right of every child and the obligation of every parent - study

Izdržavanje - pravo svakog djeteta i obaveza svakog roditelja - studija

Author(s): Jovana Hajduković,Tijana Saveljić / Language(s): Montenegrine

Keywords: The child's right to support; Proceedings for support; Execution of court decisions; Criminal offense of failure to provide support; Social protection;

Ova studija je nastala u okviru projekta “Alimentacija - pravo svakog djeteta i obaveza svakog roditelja”. Nosilac projekta je Sigurna ženska kuća, a saradnici su Centar za ženska prava i SOS telefon za žene i djecu žrtve nasilja Nikšić. Projekat je finansiran od strane EU posredstvom Centra za građansko obrazovanje (CGO) i Građanskih inicijativa (GI). Studija se sastoji iz šest dijelova, uključujući zaključke i preporuke. U prvom dijelu je dat pravni okvir, u drugom uporedna analiza zakonodavstva, dok je u trećem prikazana analiza stanja u praksi o pojavi nedavanja izdržavanja. Nadalje, četvrti dio studije sadrži analizu parničnih, izvršnih i krivičnih postupaka pred Osnovnim sudom u Podgorici, te odluka donesenih u toku 2013. godine. Primijenjena je “desk” metoda koja podrazumijva prikupljanje podataka iz postojećih resursa, te rezimiranje i sintezu takvih podataka kako bi se stekao detaljniji uvid u problematiku i dobili objektivni nalazi. Nadalje, radi sveobuhvatnijih saznanja korišćena je i metoda studije slučaja, pa je u ovom istraživanju prikazana studija slučaja klijentkinje Sigurne ženske kuće, koja se, nakon izlaska iz višegodišnje nasilne veze, susrela sa problemom neplaćanja izdržavanja za maloljetnu djecu. U dijelu koji se tiče ostvarivanja prava na zakonsko izdržavanje pred Osnovnim sudom u Podgorici korišćena je statistička metoda. Svrha realizacije ovog istraživanje je da se stekne bolje, potpunije i opsežnije saznanje o problemima i poteškoćama sa kojima se susreću zakonski/e zastupnici/e djece u toku ostvarivanja prava na izdržavanje. Takođe, rezultati ove studije će predstavljati osnove za pokretanje inicijative za izmjene i dopune zakona i policy rješenja kojima bi se u krajnjem omogućila efikasna i efektivna naplata obaveznog zakonskog izdržavanja. Cilj nam je da rasvijetlimo problem, ukažemo na moguća rješenja, te pokušamo da utičemo na usvajanje konkretnih mjera kako bi u konačnom riješili ili makar umanjili problem nedavanja zakonskog izdržavanja.

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With education against discrimination - guidance on working to prevent and overcome discrimination for professionals working in the field of education and training
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With education against discrimination - guidance on working to prevent and overcome discrimination for professionals working in the field of education and training

Me arsim kundër diskriminimit - udhëzues mbi punën për parandalimin dhe tejkalimin e diskriminimit për profesionistët që punojnë në fushën e arsimit dhe edukimit

Author(s): Petar Đukanović,Tamara Milaš / Language(s): Albanian

Keywords: education; training; discrimination; prevention; overcoming; guide for professionals;

Udhëzuesi mbi punën për parandalimin dhe tejkalimin e diskriminimit për profesionistët të cilët punojnë në fushën e arsimit dhe edukimit u krijua në kuadër të projektit 360° Rrethi i plotë për të drejtat e njeriut!, të cilin me përkrahje të Bashkimit Evropian e realizon Qendra për Arsimim Qytetarë (QAQ) në partnerit me OJQ Kompania Alternative Teatrale (ATAK) nga Podgorica, Shtëpinë e të Drejtave të Njeriut nga Zagrebi dhe Festivalin Ndërkombëtarë të Filmit Dokumentar (BELDOC) nga Beogradi, e në bashkëpunim me Ministrinë e Arsimit dhe institucionin e Mbrojtësit të të Drejtave dhe Lirive të Njeriut të Malit të Zi. Një nga objektivat specifike të projektit është promovimi i konceptit të arsimit pa diskriminim në sistemin formal arsimor – edukues dhe zhvillimi i kulturës antidiskriminuese dhe të drejtave të njeriut ndër të rinjtë. Prandaj ky udhëzues është i dedikuar për profesionistët të cilët punojnë me të rinjtë në arsim (arsimtarët, shërbimet profesionale, drejtuesit e shkollave, këshillat e prindërve, trupat profesionale dhe aktivët) me qëllim që tu ndihmohet në njohjen, parandalimin dhe procedimin e rasteve të diskriminimit, shkeljeve të tjera të të drejtave të njeriut dhe dhunës brenda institucioneve shkollore dhe në institucionet jashtë sistemit arsimor. Në udhëzues janë shpjeguar hollësisht nocionet e diskriminimit dhe të manifestimeve të ndryshme të tij, rolet dhe përgjegjësitë e pjesëmarrësve të procesit edukues – arsimor, ndërsa është dhënë edhe pasqyrimi i kornizës legjislative dhe institucionale e cila i mbron qytetarët nga diskriminimi dhe shkelja e të drejtave të njeriut, së bashku me procedurën e procedimit të rasteve, si dhe pasqyrimi i dokumenteve dhe standardeve më të rëndësishme ndërkombëtare në këtë fushë. Objektivi përfundimtar i udhëzuesit është që si mjet ndihmës në punë me të rinjtë, madje edhe në arsim, të kontribuojë në zhvillimin, nxitjen dhe kultivimin e kulturës antidiskriminuese përmes arsimit.

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For school without discrimination! - Guidelines for work in preventing and overcoming discrimination for young people and students
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For school without discrimination! - Guidelines for work in preventing and overcoming discrimination for young people and students

Për shkollë pa diskriminim! - Udhezues për punë në parandalimin dhe tejkalimin e diskriminimit për të rinjtë dhe nxënësit

Author(s): Petar Đukanović,Vasko Raičević / Language(s): Albanian

Keywords: education; training; discrimination; human rights; prevention; overcoming; guide for professionals;

Udhezuesi për punë në parandalimin dhe tejkalimin e diskriminimit për të rinjët dhe nxënësit “Për shkollë pa diskriminim!” u krijua në kuadër të projektit 360° Rrethi i plotë për të drejtat e njeriut, të cilin me përkrajen e Bashkimit Evropian e realizon Qendra për Edukim Qytetarë (QEQ), në partneritet me OJQ-në Kompanija Alternative Teatrale (ATAK) nga Podgorica, Shtëpinë për të Drejtat e Njeriut nga Zagrebi dhe Festivalin Ndërkombëtar të filmave dokumentar (BELDOCS) nga Beogradi, e në bashkëpunim me Ministrinë e Arsimit dhe Institucionin Mbrojtësin e të Drejtave të Njeriut dhe Lirive Mali i Zi. Një nga qellimet specifike të projektit është promovimi i konceptit të arsimit pa diskriminim në sistemin formal edukativo-arsimor dhe zhvillimin e antidiskriminimit dhe kulturës të drejtave të njeriut ndërmjet të rinjëve. Për këtë, ky udhezues u dedikohet të rinjëve dhe nxënsave që t‘ju ndihmojë në njohjen, parandalimin dhe procesimin e rastëve të diskriminimit, shkeljeve të tjera të drejtave të njeriut, dhunës mbrenda institucioneve arsimore dhe para institucionëve jashtë sistemit arsimorë. Në udhezues janë të sqaruara hollësisht konceptet e diskrimininit dhe manifestimet e ndryshme të tij, rolet dhe pergjegjësitë e pjesmarrësve në procesin edukativo-arsimor, dhe është dhënë një pasqyrë e shkurtër e kuadrit institucional i cili mbron nga diskriminimi dhe shkelja e të drejtave të njeriut, me pershkrimin e procedures të përpunimit të rastëve mbrenda dhe jashtë sistemit shkollorë. Qellimi përfundimtarë i udhezuesit “Për shkollë pa diskriminim!” është që si mjet ndihmës t’ju ofrojë të rinjëve përkrahje që të marrin pjesë në mënyrë aktive në mbrojtjen e të drejtave të veta, parandalimin e diskriminimit dhe shkeljen e të drejtave të tjerve, si dhe në avokimin dhe promovimin e kultures së drejtave të njeriut në mjedisin shkollorë dhe lokal.

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Montenegro – persons missing within armed conflict during the 1990s - A review of the situation and recommendations for improving the results of the search for the missing and the position of their families
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Montenegro – persons missing within armed conflict during the 1990s - A review of the situation and recommendations for improving the results of the search for the missing and the position of their families

Montenegro – persons missing within armed conflict during the 1990s - A review of the situation and recommendations for improving the results of the search for the missing and the position of their families

Author(s): Tamara Milaš,Miloš Vukanović,Vasilije Radulović,Petar Đukanović / Language(s): English

Keywords: Montenegro; Yugoslavia; 90s; war; missing persons; search results; improvement;

The wars of the 1990s in the former Yugoslavia have had severe and longterm consequences, which Montenegro too still faces today and only to a limited degree. Also, almost all states of the former Yugoslavia face the challenge of addressing systemic violations of human rights, which is reflected in the process of building functional democratic institutions that should establish a responsible attitude towards the recent violent past. Such a relationship is inconceivable without establishing the truth about the fate of persons who are still listed as missing due to the armed conflicts of the 1990s. The states of the region continue to owe the families of 9,969 missing persons a full and impartial investigation into the circumstances under which their loved ones were killed or went missing, and they fail to carry out responsible sentences in accordance with the gravity of the crime committed. In Montenegro, the legislative framework does not recognize the families of persons considered missing as civilian victims of war, whereas the system of reparations is flawed and discriminatory. Given the recorded activities of Montenegro in the armed conflicts during the 1990s, as well as the court-established facts indicating the role of Montenegrin citizens in these events, a proactive approach by Montenegrin institutions is crucial in determining the fate of missing persons. Victims’ communities have high expectations from these institutions, which is proportional to the participation of the armed forces under the direct or indirect control of the state of Montenegro in the waged wars. Unfortunately, the disproportionate commitment of Montenegrin decision-makers and institutions to this issue remains. The process of searching for the missing is difficult and conditioned by the political situation in the countries of the region. Although the need to find out the truth about the fate of persons who disappeared during the armed conflicts is expressed, above all, among their family members, and sporadically appears on the agenda of meetings of statesmen in the region, in practice, there are obstacles to the search for missing persons. These obstacles range from the inadequate capacities of state bodies involved in the search for missing persons, through insufficient financial resources, to a lack of political will to substantially improve regional cooperation, which also includes the determination to make the search for missing persons more efficient. In general, there is not enough information on this issue in Montenegro, and it is also marginalized in public discourse. Therefore, this publication, as an alternative report, offers an overview of international standards and national legislation, reviewing the results and challenges of the search for missing persons during the armed conflicts in the former Yugoslavia in the 1990s, but also proposes recommendations for improving efficiency in this area.

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Transitional justice through the eyes of citizens of Montenegro
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Transitional justice through the eyes of citizens of Montenegro

Transitional justice through the eyes of citizens of Montenegro

Author(s): Miloš Vukanović / Language(s): English

Keywords: Montenegro; politics; government system; transition; justice;

A public opinion poll on the knowledge and attitudes of Montenegrin citizens about war crimes and transitional justice was conducted in order to obtain annual cross-sectional data. The data were compared, in the part of the same questions, with last year’s similar survey conducted by the Centre for Civic Education (CCE). Additionally, for the first time, questions were introduced that shed light on the perceptions of citizens about the attitude of the judiciary and certain state institutions towards war crimes. Such regular monitoring of the public’s knowledge and attitudes also provides useful insight into the effects of the work of various social actors in the process of dealing with the past. Also, in this manner, an empirical base is obtained concerning key issues that marked the political and social life in the past year, concerning this process, and the impact it had on society. For example, the issue of attitudes towards the genocide in Srebrenica marked the second quarter of the political life in Montenegro in 2021 and led to the first dismissal of a minister in the new Montenegrin Government, which was formed in December 2020. However, it is only this research that indicated that the dominant majority of Montenegrin citizens state that they know what happened in Srebrenica in 1995 (86%), than that twothirds of them define it as genocide, while the rest believe that it is a great war crime, but not genocide, or that there was a war in which people were killed on all sides. It is also interesting that with the controversial position of the former Minister of Justice, Human and Minority Rights, Vladimir Leposavić, that he is “ready to admit that the crime of genocide was committed in Srebrenica once it is unequivocally established “, more than half of the citizens did not agree, which could have been instructive for political decision-makers as well. However, on the other hand, the research indicated the overall complexity of Montenegrin society. Hence, the opposition parties, which initiated the impeachment of this minister due to his position on Srebrenica, are not significantly recognized by the citizens as political entities that advocate transitional justice. That points that their inadequate relation towards the issues of facing with past from the period when they had power has not been forgotten. The research is part of the “Dealing with the Past for the Future” project, which the Centre for Civic Education (CCE) is implementing with financial support from the U.S. Government, through the State Department’s Bureau of International Narcotics and Law Enforcement Affairs (INL).

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"Ubrzaj'18" - human rights film festival
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"Ubrzaj'18" - human rights film festival

Ubrzaj’18 - festival filma o ljudskim pravima

Author(s): Not Specified Author / Language(s): Montenegrine

Keywords: Montenegro; film festival; human rights; 2018;

The talk of human rights, whether in politics, science, or arts, sometimes comes across as a moving tale that the humankind tells while tucking itself to sleep, murmuring it almost by hearth, terrifying and inspiring itself in turns by the wickedness of monsters and the revolts of the brave. Lulling itself, every time, by the certainty of the happy end and the inevitability of progress. And yet if we had learned anything on our laborious trudge towards full awareness of the inalienability of human dignity, it is that there is nothing certain or inevitable about this path, and that falling behind is much easier than forging ahead. Have we watched carefully enough, do we remember enough of those times when we traded the humanity of others for own comfort, when we surrendered the victims instead of sheltering them, when we choose not to see the camps and not to remember places of suffering? How did we understand humanity then? Who counted as human and who did not? And what were we playing at, refusing responsibility? We would like to have left far behind and long ago the obstinate ghosts of fascism, slavery, poverty, exploitation, disease, and war. Maybe would could have done so, but we did not. They are our present too, and our reality. This is what the films of the ninth selection of the FAST FORWARD 2018 Human Rights Film Festival are telling us, each in its own way. These films are not afraid: with courage and imagination they cut to the quick of social injustices, mock the powerful and dream aloud. Films that fight and in which people fight. Is it enough to just watch and remember? Of course not, but this minimal entreaty already lifts the thin alibi of ignorance and represents, perhaps, the first step towards accountability.

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Education against discrimination - Guidebook for work on prevention and overcoming of discrimination for professionals working in the area of education and upbringing
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Education against discrimination - Guidebook for work on prevention and overcoming of discrimination for professionals working in the area of education and upbringing

Education against discrimination - Guidebook for work on prevention and overcoming of discrimination for professionals working in the area of education and upbringing

Author(s): Petar Đukanović,Tamara Milaš / Language(s): English

Keywords: education; discrimination; human rights; prevention; overcoming; guidebook for professional;

Guidebook for work on prevention and overcoming of discrimination for professionals working in the area of education and upbringing was created within the project 360° Full Circle for Human Rights!, which with the support of the European Union is implemented by the Centre for Civic Education (CCE) in partnership with NGO Alternative Theatre Company (ATAK) from Podgorica, Human Rights House from Zagreb and International Documentary Film Festival (BELDOCS) from Belgrade, in cooperation with Ministry of Education and Institution of Protector of Human Rights and Freedoms from Montenegro. One of the specific objectives of the project is promotion of concept of education without discrimination in formal educational-upbringing system and development of anti-discrimination and the culture of human rights amongst the youth. Thus, this guidebook is intended for professionals working with youth in education (teachers, professional services, heads of schools, councils of parents, expert bodies and actives) with an aim to aid them in recognizing, prevention and processing of discrimination cases, other violations of human rights and violence within schooling institutions and before institutions outside of educational system. The guidebook contains terms of discrimination and its various manifestations clarified in detail, the role and responsibility of participants of upbringing-educational process, and the overview of legislative and institutional framework is also given which protects citizens from discrimination and violation of human rights, with the procedure of processing the cases, as well as the overview of the most important international documents and standards in this area. The ultimate goal of the guidebook is to, as an auxiliary mean in the work with youth, even in teaching, contribute to development, encourage and nurture antidiscrimination culture via education.

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Antifascism in Montenegro - between political trend and educational policy
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Antifascism in Montenegro - between political trend and educational policy

Antifascism in Montenegro - between political trend and educational policy

Author(s): Miloš Vukanović,Igor Radulović,Tamara Milaš / Language(s): English

Keywords: fascism; antifascism; education; schools; 20th century; history;

Fascism is an evil with many faces. Its manifestation forms can be recognized even in societies of developed democracy, and in societies that have emerged or are emerging from the authoritarian and totalitarian forms of the rule, Fascism still has many manifestations. The actuality of the fight against Fascism coincides with the effects of the global economic crisis, which is just one of the favourable ambient for Fascism ‘to get a chance’. Digestible and shallow in its expression, Fascism relatively easily mobilizes social dissatisfaction by offering simple, malefic solutions. Fascism must be studied in a continuity, because from its appearance until today, Fascism survives by adapting its evil to the base passions of society. Therefore, it must be taught in schools, with an approach that will contribute to understanding the depth of this pestilence. Fascism is not only a great evil past, Fascism is a smouldering and constant danger. Also, attention should be paid to those who make a fetish from the anti-fascist struggle. Instead of affirmation of the civic concept of society and anti-fascist values, political demagogy is thus being introduced. And demagogy is also the fuel of Fascism. This warns how much this leviathan is a tough opponent, this rider of evil precisely through the demographic matrix presents itself as a knight of salvation. Fascism has countless roles that it can play in a society of non-resistance to economic crises, national-chauvinist tendencies, and bad public policies. In order to strengthen the society and make it more resistant to the evil of Fascism, it is necessary to work on building the capacities of a civil and democratic society through the affirmation of the principles of coexistence, tolerance, social responsibility and solidarity. The best and most noble method of strengthening society on a sound basis is the clear concept of antifascist education and the creation of opportunities for the citizen to become stronger and more resilient to fascist tendencies and demagogic campaigns. Education through learning the facts, tolerance and critical thinking with the encouragement of dialogue – is the concept that must find a place in our schools.

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