Keywords: asylum-seekers;
Western European countries have been at the front line of developing instruments designed to control and restrict flows ever since the 1970s when the problem of unwanted immigration and asylum flows began to emerge. Their policy responses subsequently set a standard or pattern for other, ‘new’ asylum countries or transit countries on Europe’s borders, at the same time influencing towards more restrictive policies in this area. The European Union’s further integration through building the Common European Asylum System (CEAS) influence towards creating common standards on determination and harmonizing the level of human rights among the EU countries. These processes however, on the other side are producing negative impact on the protection regimes in EU, making it more difficult for the forced migrants to reach the “shores” of Europe and benefit from the asylum. The Republic of Macedonia is a candidate country for European Union membership since 2005 and the accession to EU has been defined as one of the highest strategic priorities for the governmenti . The country present the democratic capacities in a light that shows that the State ensures law, procedure, standards and legal understanding through which it will protect those in need and ensures legitimacy in front of the international democratic public, thus following the development and further integration of the European policies through establishing asylum system and policies synchronized with the EU`s ‘acquis’.After the Bosnian crisis and the Kosovo war, Republic of Macedonia faced with significant number of so- called “new asylum seekers”, asylum seekers coming from countries outside the Balkans and Europe. According the UNHCR official statistical data in 2011, 740 asylum applicationsii were submitted in front of the Section for asylum- Ministry of interior. None of these asylum- seekers was granted with convention (refugee) status or complementary protection statusiii . In 2008, the number of asylum applications was 50, following by increases in the numbers in 2009- 90, then 2010 with 180 asylum applications.
More...Keywords: energy-efficiency;
More...This policy brief looks at the National Action Plan for OGP (2012-2014) to analyse the degree to which the commitments for transparency have been implemented and whether the new National Action Plan on OGP 2014-2016 addresses its deficiencies. Since the four pillars of open government – transparency, participation, accountability, and open data –– are interdependent and equivalent in their contribution toward good governance, to clearly define the scope of this policy brief, we will distinguish transparency from the other pillars by defining it as when the “public understands the working of their government” (as defined by Transparency Accountability Initiative). By adapting this definition to the commitments of the action plan, CRPM breaks down the definition in three central elements: * the obligation of public institutions to disclose public information at the request of citizens * the means for citizens to access proactively published information and * the right of citizens to receive information through services as set in the national standards for integrity. The following sections will aim to present a concise situation analysis in the three named aspects of transparency and conclude with a set of recommendations for their improvement. The analysis also uses the results of two public opinion surveys produced by CRPM in the period April 2013- September 2014.
More...KEY POINTS * According to the research being done on the issue of hidden economy, its share in Macedonia, depending on the measurement method used, ranges from 24% to 47% of GDP with a tendency to decrease. * The decreasing, but still large unemployment rate (28.4% as of Q2 2014), as one of the most important factors that give rise to hidden economic activities and practices, indicates a crossover from the informal to the formal sector. * The indicators of non-observed economy (NOE) and observed informal employment by the SSO indicate a tendency of decreasing hidden economy and increasing formalization of labor. * Attracting FDIs through improving the business environment, increasing the capacity of the self-employment program of the Employment Agency, and reforming the inspectorates will remain some of the most crucial factors in encouraging the formalization process of labor and businesses and thus decreasing hidden economic activities.
More...Undeclared work, being one of the main manifestations of hidden economy, becomes the bull’s-eye for many countries focusing on reshaping their social and economic policies in order to tackle this issue, especially since the onset of the economic crisis that hit Europe and the World in 2008. The most recent economic indicators coming from Europe show that this crisis has not concluded and European economies are yet to deal with its mid and long-term consequences. Macedonia and other Western Balkan countries are not exempt from this process, with job creation and policies targeting unemployment (28.2% as of Q2 2014) being a major concern and a focal point of political activity. Low growth prospects in the EU and sluggish economic conditions forecasted in 2014 are also limiting Macedonia’s growth prospects, which at this point are still positive at around 4% GDP growth annually (4.3% as of Q2 2014). In the following period, economic growth will dictate the unemployment rate while regulatory reforms targeted at labor policy, taxation, and inspections will dictate the extent of undeclared economy and, consequently, the risk of poverty and social exclusion that undeclared workers will be subjected to.
More...Keywords: Autocratization; Rationality; Ancient rationalization of autocracy; Elites-based rationale; People-based rationale; Irrational rationality of autocratization; Brzezinskian western industrialized rationale; functional rationality;
The paper discusses the rationality of autocratization of the political regime in a country in political evolution, being referred to some general theoretical concepts but also based in some specific cases. The phenomenon of autocratization is the process of democratic reversal or by other means, the denial of a democratizing regime’s existence, whilst the rationality of the latter as a concept intends to explore the reason upon which this process happens. Given that the rationality of a regime should have a rationale-basis, the paper will build two possible grounds where the motive of a regime existence can be found. Initially the paper will survey the theoretical amount of the literature on autocracy and its purposes; in the meantime it will be referred to the cases of Africa, Russia and Belarus, as a way to give some practical account to the phenomenon being researched. Finally we will be arguing that the rationalization of autocratization in fact is an irrational reality.
More...Keywords: Centralization of authority; Leadership autonomy; Governing system; EU institutions; Decision-making; Party politics; National institutions;
A critique to the paper of: Tapio Raunio, Why European Integration Increases Leadership Autonomy within Political Parties (Party Politics 2002; Vol. 8, no. 4; pp.405-422) This review article is aimed at criticizing the logic of argumentation brought up by Raunio at the above-shown paper. In general, the idea of finding the logics on which the party elites‟ centralization takes place is more than a general conception, rather than a strictly or narrowly measured one. Therefore we will be criticizing the strict way of considering the phenomenon that Raunio has chosen to follow; instead we argue that the way of explaining the phenomenon in discussion can only be built if choosing a multi-dimensional approach. As a result of our critique we conclude that Raunio‟s argumentation lacks both organizational but also functional understandings, whereas we propose and argue on the methodological approach that should be followed if intending to explain this phenomenon, in addition to the critical explanation upon the theoretical model that Raunio builds.
More...Keywords: Sovereignty; Constrain of sovereignty; Loss of sovereignty; Domestic sovereignty; External sovereignty; Public International Law; Authority; Power; Territory; Sovereign;
This paper follows the need for rethinking the notional context of sovereignty, not only from a modern perspective but also from an inclusive one. Thus the paper is aimed at discussing most of the definitional approaches used to describe the phenomenon of sovereignty, nevertheless contributing to an agreeable critique on most of them. While doing so, the paper per se does not intend to draw the modern concept of sovereignty, thus limiting its contribution on the lines that should be followed in order to reach the latter objective. As a result, the paper surveys some of the political philosophy contributions towards the theme, but it also underpins the political science’s modern involvement into the explanations upon the notion of sovereignty. Following that, the paper shows contributions towards a modern constructed sovereignty concept, where many dimensions of the latter show synchrony between themselves.
More...Keywords: Mobilization of bias; Mobilization of bias exercising; Elitism; Pluralism; Organizational bases as preconditions for the mobilization of bias
The mobilization of bias is considered a contemporary but also important political phenomenon in the democratizing world. This paper intends to find the organizational bases that precondition the mobilization of bias, having understood that the level of democracy inside a political society is the crucial determinant on the latter phenomenon. At the outset, this paper discusses the mobilization of bias phenomenon, by specifically being based in the Bachrach & Baratz scholarship, given the explanation of the tension between pluralism and elitism. Following that, the paper shows some of the instruments the elites use to mobilize the bias. Finally, in its body the paper builds a set of organizational / systemic bases which arguably precondition or give terrain to the mobilization-of-bias practice.
More...Keywords: Legitimacy; Models of legitimacy; Synchrony between forms of legitimacy; Conflict between forms of legitimacy; Optimum balance between models; Internal legitimacy; International legitimacy; Input/Output legitimation
This paper is aimed at explaining the potential prevalence or conflict that might exist between different forms of legitimacy, in addition to a search for a balance or exclusion of a form of legitimacy for the sake of another. Initially the paper will survey and discus the concept of legitimacy, given its philosophical and sociological but also political meaning. Following that, the paper will then set a range of models of legitimacy that the literature proclaims to exist. In addition to that, we will then endeavor to classify the forms of legitimacy into groups. Accordingly, we will then assess whether there is a potential conflict between one form of legitimacy against another, in addition to the potential prevalence of a form of legitimacy towards another. In the end, we will argue that, there are two basic groups of internal legitimating instruments, first, the input-oriented ones and the output oriented ones, in addition to the international legitimacy. Being based in the latter, we will argue that, in order for the democracy to have a dynamic development, there is a need to find compromise in between models of legitimation, therefore we produce a synchronizing logic for the latter. We will then produce our own hypothesis which says that, the balance between models of legitimation is the best possible consensus that might follow a polity and a political system, while the result would be a modern legitimacy.
More...Keywords: EU and Centrasl Asia; former Soviet Union; Black Sea Synergy;
On the 20th of July 2007, the Council of the European Union adopted “The EU and Central Asia: Strategy for a New Partnership”. The Strategy signalled the EU’s ambition to initiate a fundamental shift in its relations with Central Asia through, for the first time, linking general political goals to a concrete working prospectus in the region. The Strategy also formed a key element of the external relations agenda of the German Presidency of the EU in the first half of 2007 and was integral to Berlin’s wider push to upgrade Europe’s engagement with the countries of the former Soviet Union (notably through initiatives to strengthen the European Neighbourhood Policy and the Black Sea Synergy) within the framework of what some observers called a new ‘Ostpolitik’. The Strategy sets itself a high bar for achievement, identifying a broad range of priorities for the future relationship between the EU and the states of region. One year on from the adoption of the Strategy, the EU has made important progress in strengthening political contacts with Central Asia, but the Strategy has yet to deliver on ist promise to foster a broad range of engagements. Moreover, considerable questions remain about the political direction of the EU’s approach to Central Asia and about the methods that have been employed to promote the Strategy. With the war in Georgia in the summer of 2008 promoting a rethink of the Union’s approach to Russia, Ukraine and the South Caucasus, there is also a strong case for revisiting the EU Strategy for Central Asia and to consider ways to make Europe’s contacts more effective with the key countries of the region.
More...Keywords: de-centralization;constitutional amendment;Serbian Constitution;
A public debate on constitutional revision begun even before Serbia’s new 2006 Constitution was declared. Dissatisfied with the constitutional frame for Vojvodina’s autonomy, the province’s autonomists mostly insisted on the issue. At the Third Vojvodina Convention last December they once again emphasized the need for constitutional amendment. Some speakers at the convention even said that autonomy was no longer a frame that could satisfy citizens of Vojvodina. Inability of the ruling coalition to reach a consensus on the draft Vojvodina statute just fueled their frustrations. In addition, the problems hampering parliamentary and governmental proceedings, and the imperative need to buffer political and economic effects of the global crisis brought constitutional amendment to the fore.
More...Keywords: drug addicts in Serbia;Branislav Peranovic;Nemanja Radisavljevic;
Only two weeks after the Vreme weekly carried the story about brutal “treatment” of drug addicts in the Spiritual Rehabilitation Center Crna Reka Serbia’s public seems to have cleanly forgotten the case. State institutions promptly reacted at shocking scenes of abuse against beneficiaries of the Center broadcast or carried by all the media. Ombudsman Sasa Jankovic filed criminal charges against nine persons for quackery and serious injuries, the Ministry of Healthcare dispatched an inspection to the Center, the Municipal Prosecutor of Tutin initiated investigation against the Center’s manager, Archpriest Branislav Peranovic and his deputy, deacon Nemanja Radisavljevic suspected of brutality and violence, whereas the police begun large scale investigation.
More...Keywords: Vuk Jeremic;Foreign Policy of Serbia;
The domain of foreign policy best reflects the absence of a strategic concept for the country’s development – characteristic of Serbia’s “inner dynamic” ever since the assassination of Premier Zoran Djindjic. Such “concept free” foreign policy is notably evident in the past three years of Foreign Minister Vuk Jeremic’s international and diplomatic activism. Though formally a cadre of the Democratic Party – verbally persisting on Serbia’s “European course” (which secured it victory in presidential and parliamentary elections in 2008) – Jeremic has been wasting his indisputably enormous energy on one cause only: on hindering international recognition of Kosovo’s independence.
More...Keywords: Vojvodina; Serbian decentralization;
When will Vojvodina’s draft statute find its way to republican MPs? The answer to the question spoke of various deadlines – firstly it was March, then May and now the summer extraordinary session of the Parliament1 and even early autumn 2009.2 Asked about it, Bojan Pajtic, president of the provincial government, said lately, “I wouldn’t prognosticate since we have finished our job. The responsibility for it is now on republican institutions.”
More...Keywords: impact of economic crisis on Serbia;
In a way, the global economic crisis sobered up the entire world – and Serbia to some extent. First of all, it laid bare the country’s dramatic economic situation. Serbia is still wasting its modest transitional potential on the delusion that its aspirations towards Bosnia-Herzegovina are viable. Against the backdrop of global turmoil and reshuffle Serbia can count on the support from EU and US only -- and the more so since it has established strong economic ties with the former. Besides, EU channels Serbia towards reforms meant to strengthen its economy in the long run and turn it competitive at the world market. The ruling coalition realized all this at long last – in those circumstances it has been leaning towards EU though faced with strong obstruction from the conservative bloc.
More...Keywords: transitional justice;Srebrenica;
This year the world marked the anniversary of the Srebrenica genocide with more consideration than before. This only logically follows the messages sent to the region, and particularly to Serbia over past months. US Ambassador to Bosnia-Herzegovina Charles English said, “The world failed to act, failed to protect the innocent of Srebrenica…The massacre was a stain on our collective consciousness.” Having hesitated for 20 years the EU – and US in the first place – finally realized that there could be not stability in the Balkans without a stable Bosnia-Herzegovina. In a few months only, the new US administration’s engagement in the Balkans produced visible results – and they are mostly visible in the new dynamics in Bosnia-Herzegovina.
More...Keywords: Serbia and NATO; Serbia between East and West;
Notwithstanding the persistent anti- NATO propaganda Serbia’s membership of NATO has become the most important geostrategic agenda that is being daily discussed notably by the so-called expert circles. Several crucial domestic and international factors have contributed to such intensified discussion. At home, the global economic and financial crisis pressurizes the incumbent government to rationally decide the country’s geostrategic orientation. Such rational decision would simultaneously open Serbia the avenues of EU assistance in overcoming economic and social problems.
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