Između autoritarizma i demokratije : Srbija, Crna Gora, Hrvatska Knj. 1, Institucionalni okvir
Between Authoritarianism and Democracy : Serbia, Montenegro, Croatia Vol. 1, Institutional Framework
Contributor(s): Dragica Vujadinović (Editor), Lino Veljak (Editor), Vladimir Goati (Editor), Veselin Pavićević (Editor)
Subject(s): Politics, History, Civil Society, Governance, Political history, Government/Political systems, Electoral systems, Transformation Period (1990 - 2010), Post-Communist Transformation
Published by: CEDET Centar za demokratsku tranziciju
Keywords: Yugoslavia; Political system; Transition; Authoritarianism; Democracy; Post-Yugoslav Transition; Civil Society; Political Culture
Summary/Abstract: A group of theorists from Serbia, Montenegro and Croatia - under the auspices of three non-governmental organizations: the Center for Democratic Transition (Belgrade), the Center for Democracy and Human Rights (Podgorica) and the Center for Research on Transition and Civil Society (Zagreb) - decided approximately three years ago to start working together on a comparative analysis of political, socio-economic and cultural development in the countries that emerged after the collapse of the former Yugoslavia. In terms of academic goals, value orientations, and to a significant extent also in terms of participants, this project builds on the activities of the Research Network 10 plus group, which was led by Professor Milan Podunavac during the last decade. The 10plus research network brought together prominent theoreticians from the former Yugoslavia, committed to liberal-democratic values and ready to fight against the then prevailing logic and practice of chauvinism, hatred and war.
- Print-ISBN-10: 86-903739-0-X
- Page Count: 386
- Publication Year: 2002
- Language: Bosnian, Croatian, Serbian
USTAVNA DEMOKRATIJA ZA JUGOSLAVIJU: IZMEĐU REFORME I REVOLUCIJE
USTAVNA DEMOKRATIJA ZA JUGOSLAVIJU: IZMEĐU REFORME I REVOLUCIJE
(CONSTITUTIONAL DEMOCRACY FOR YUGOSLAVIA: BETWEEN REFORM AND REVOLUTION)
- Author(s):Nenad Dimitrijević
- Language:Serbian
- Subject(s):Politics / Political Sciences, Politics, Law, Constitution, Jurisprudence, Constitutional Law, Government/Political systems, Electoral systems, Politics and society
- Page Range:19-47
- No. of Pages:29
- Keywords:constitutionalism; theory of circumstances; rule by law; privatized state; constitutional continuity; the procedure of adoption of the constitution; constitutional content
- Summary/Abstract:This paper analyzes the possibilities for the establishment of constitutional democracy in Serbia and Yugoslavia. The starting point of consideration is today's contextual specifics of Serbia and Yugoslavia (legacy of socialism and nationalism, contested statehood). The general argument is that these contextual specificities should be understood not only as the most serious obstacles to constitutionalism, but also as the most important reasons for its affirmation. After considering the 'constitutional question' in socialism and in the Milosevic regime, the current constitutional and political situation is analyzed, with the main attention being devoted to the problem of statehood and the aporias of the strategy of constitutional continuity. In the final sections of the work, a set of recommendations is offered on the ways of establishing democratic constitutionalism: special attention is paid to the issues of the procedure of adopting the constitution and the constitutional content.
USTAVNO UREĐENJE U REPUBLICI HRVATSKOJ (1990-2002)
USTAVNO UREĐENJE U REPUBLICI HRVATSKOJ (1990-2002)
(CONSTITUTIONAL ARRANGEMENT IN THE REPUBLIC OF CROATIA (1990-2002))
- Author(s):Arsen Bačić
- Language:Croatian
- Subject(s):Politics, Law, Constitution, Jurisprudence, Constitutional Law, Governance, Government/Political systems, Electoral systems
- Page Range:49-66
- No. of Pages:18
- Keywords:constitution; semi-presidential system; Republic of Croatia; constitutionalism
- Summary/Abstract:The state legal emancipation and independence of Croatia de facto took place within the framework of extraordinary and wartime conditions (1990-1995). In such an atmosphere of socio-political development of the Republic of Croatia after the first multi-party democratic elections, evident political (un)opportunities forced the Croatian constitution-making body to constitutionalize the type of central authority in the form of a constitutionally superior head of state with the 1990 Constitution. The Croatian public was convinced that only under the semi-presidential system of government - all existing and possible latent differences and conflicts could be kept under control; only with such a command could the direction of defense and full affirmation of the independent state and its transition be maintained. In the paper, the author highlights the essential elements of the constitutional and legal structure of the Republic of Croatia in the period from 1990 to 2000, when democratic elections created the possibility of changing the semi-presidential system, with an indication of constitutional and legal changes in 2000-2001, which in the future could have an effect on the realization of a more desirable and harmonious type of parliamentarism.
SRBIJA I CRNA GORA - OD FEDERACIJE DO KONFEDERACIJE
SRBIJA I CRNA GORA - OD FEDERACIJE DO KONFEDERACIJE
(SERBIA AND MONTENEGRO - FROM FEDERATION TO CONFEDERATION)
- Author(s):Slobodan Vučetić
- Language:Serbian
- Subject(s):Politics, Constitutional Law, Governance, Government/Political systems, Electoral systems
- Page Range:67-80
- No. of Pages:14
- Keywords:Federation; confederation; union of states; referendum; legality; legitimacy; Agreement on Principles; Constitutional Charter
- Summary/Abstract:SR Yugoslavia, like the previous two, was created in dramatic international and internal political and wartime circumstances. They are the reason that the Constitution of the new Yugoslavia (which consists of Serbia and Montenegro) was not adopted in a democratically legitimate and legal procedure. Its ten-year century (1992-2002) was marked by rigorous international economic and political sanctions and war events on the territory of the former SFRY. At the same time, in the FRY, primarily in Serbia, an authoritarian, neo-communist system of government was established, which was embodied by Slobodan Milošević, the president of Serbia (since 1997 - the president of the FRY). The constitutional order of Serbia has not been harmonized with the Constitution of the FRY for all time, so the FRY was created and functioned as a political and legal provisional. The functioning of the government, primarily in Serbia, was characterized by disrespect for the constitution and laws, gross violations of civil liberties and rights, degradation of basic constitutional institutions, dominance of the party and executive power, and the establishment of informal centers of political and economic power outside the institutions specified by the Constitution. The political and constitutional crisis of the FRY was greatly accelerated by the sharp conflict (since 1997) between the Belgrade center of power, which was controlled by S. Milošević, and the Montenegrin authorities headed by M. Đukanović, which began reforms of the economic and legal system of Montenegro in accordance with EU standards. Various attempts by Milošević's government to "discipline" the Montenegrin government (economic sanctions, media war, etc.) ended with the government in Montenegro gradually taking over the economic and other functions of the federation (except for the army). The Montenegrin government offered a constitutional platform (1999), which would lead to the establishment of a "weak" federation, a de facto confederation of Serbia and Montenegro, which was ignored in Belgrade. Even after the 2000 federal elections, which were boycotted by the authorities in Montenegro, the crisis of the federal state continued. This led to the political mediation of the EU, the aim of which was to define the relations between Serbia and Montenegro on a new basis. That process resulted in the adoption of the Belgrade Agreement (March 14, 2002) on the future relations between Serbia and Montenegro within their state union. That Agreement actually verifies the found, existing situation and projects the future state union as a specific confederation, a kind of real union, with minimal common functions and organs that would function on the principle of consensus. The perspective of the future state union will depend significantly on the quality and speed of reforms in Serbia and Montenegro in accordance with the legal and economic standards of the European Union.
POLITIČKI SUSTAV HRVATSKE (1990-2000) I MOGUĆE RAZVOJNE PERSPEKTIVE
POLITIČKI SUSTAV HRVATSKE (1990-2000) I MOGUĆE RAZVOJNE PERSPEKTIVE
(POLITICAL SYSTEM OF CROATIA (1990-2000) AND POSSIBLE DEVELOPMENT PERSPECTIVES)
- Author(s):Smiljana Leinert Novosel
- Language:Croatian
- Subject(s):Politics / Political Sciences, Politics, Constitutional Law, Governance, Government/Political systems, Electoral systems
- Page Range:81-93
- No. of Pages:13
- Keywords:Parliamentarism; transition; democratization; political system; parties; voter base
- Summary/Abstract:The introduction of parliamentarism in the early 1990s in Croatia only created the conditions for the beginning of democratic transformation, and only in 2000 were conditions created for the true democratization of the country. It is a very difficult task. The political system maintains the semblance of democratic decision-making, which is less conditioned by systemic reasons and more by the people who function in that system. If we want the development of democracy, it is necessary to change the character of politics on three levels: at the level of the relationship between politicians and voters, at the level of changing relations between parties, and at the level of parliament, which must replace its decorative role with interactivity. Increased responsibility of politicians and parties can be a contribution to establishing a true connection between the voter base and those who decide on its behalf.
NASTAJANJE POLITIČKE ELITE U HRVATSKOJ (Komparacija političara s direktorima i ostalom populacijom)
NASTAJANJE POLITIČKE ELITE U HRVATSKOJ (Komparacija političara s direktorima i ostalom populacijom)
(THE EMERGENCE OF THE POLITICAL ELITE IN CROATIA (Comparison of politicians with directors and the rest of the population))
- Author(s):Alija Hodžić
- Language:Croatian
- Subject(s):Politics / Political Sciences, Constitutional Law, Civil Society, Governance, Government/Political systems, Electoral systems
- Page Range:95-118
- No. of Pages:24
- Keywords:transformation strategies; useful resources; social distance; value orientations
- Summary/Abstract:The collapse of socialism opened up various possibilities for the development of post-socialist societies. The strategies offered (by political elites) and then chosen for the transformation of society valorize its resources and determine the way of its integration into global processes. The analysis carried out shows that a systemic contradiction (called liberal nationalism) is embedded in the strategy of transformation of Croatian society, which necessarily appears as an obstacle in the construction of liberal-democratic institutions, and which then, individually, hinders the productive use of available resources and successful integration into the ruling world processes. In that strategy, the attitude towards the Other is called selectively oriented ethnocentrism.
POLITIČKI SISTEM I ELITE U SRBIJI PRE I POSLE 5. OKTOBRA
POLITIČKI SISTEM I ELITE U SRBIJI PRE I POSLE 5. OKTOBRA
(POLITICAL SYSTEM AND ELITES IN SERBIA BEFORE AND AFTER OCTOBER 5)
- Author(s):Slobodan Č. Antonić
- Language:Serbian
- Subject(s):Politics / Political Sciences, Politics, Governance, Sociology, Government/Political systems, Electoral systems, Political behavior, Politics and society, Sociology of Politics
- Page Range:119-135
- No. of Pages:17
- Keywords:Politički poredak; političke elite; izvršna vlast; zakonodavna vlast; sudska vlast; klijentelizam
- Summary/Abstract:The article analyzes the political order and structure of the ruling elites in Serbia. The author singles out four main weaknesses of today's political order in Serbia. The first weakness is the divided elite. In Serbia, there are still strong anti-reform and even undemocratic political elites, which are primarily found in the parties of the old regime: SPS, SRS and SSJ. In addition, there is a deep division within the democratic and reformist political elite. On one side, the political elite is gathered around Koštunica and the DSS, and on the other, the political elite is concentrated around Đinđić and the DS. Their relationship is not only adversarial, but in their confrontation they are too often ready to break basic democratic rules. Hence, the political system in Serbia must be assessed as a system of undetermined democracy. Another weakness is the pronounced dominance of the executive branch at the expense of the other two branches of government. Through various measures, during 2001 and 2002, the rather harsh rule of the executive over the legislature and the judiciary was restored. The third weakness is the insufficiently independent public, i.e. dependence of the media elite on the political one. Due to the weak opposition and the "dirty political game" of the two main factions of DOS, the existence of an independent and critical public is extremely important. Such a public in Serbia, however, is too weak today. And the fourth weakness is the regeneration of client structures. The patrimonial networks remained, only that a personnel change was made in their key political segments. This is particularly visible in the sphere of government-sponsored crime. The author's conclusion is that the system did not fundamentally change after the fall of the Milosevic regime. Therefore, it is necessary to increase the pressure of the liberal public on the political elite in order to approach the faster democratization of the order.
OSOBENOSTI TRANZICIJE U SRBIJI I CRNOJ GORI
OSOBENOSTI TRANZICIJE U SRBIJI I CRNOJ GORI
(CHARACTERISTICS OF THE TRANSITION IN SERBIA AND MONTENEGRO)
- Author(s):Srđan Darmanović
- Language:Serbian
- Subject(s):Politics / Political Sciences, Politics, Governance, Government/Political systems, Electoral systems, Transformation Period (1990 - 2010), Post-Communist Transformation
- Page Range:137-159
- No. of Pages:23
- Keywords:authoritarian regime; transition; models of transition; transaction; collapse; electoral democracy; Serbia and Montenegro; consolidation
- Summary/Abstract:Serbia and Montenegro are among the most difficult and complicated transition cases in the post-communist world. The reason for this is the particularly pronounced problem of statehood and the crisis of the former SFRY, which resulted in the outbreak of war. The war favored the establishment of a new non-democratic regime upon exiting the communist system. Thus, in Serbia and Montenegro, we can talk about not one but two transitions. The first, negative transition ("non-transition"), which established a non-democratic regime with pronounced characteristics of personal power ("Caesarism", "pseudo-democracy") in Serbia after leaving the communist system, and in Montenegro also a regime of monopoly power, but led by a large authoritarian party that was managed in an oligarchic manner. The negative transition in Serbia was carried out by a kind of reverse transaction model. in countries where the reformists within the ruling party prevailed over the conservatives and began the liberalization of the regime, in Serbia the party stalwarts took the upper hand in the internal party struggle and prevented a positive transition. In Montenegro, the first negative transition began with the collapse of the old party elite, but also not in favor of the party reformists, but in favor of the new populist leadership. The second transition began in Montenegro in 1997 with a split within the ruling party party reformists prevailed and then made an (anti-Milosevic) pact with the opposition. In Serbia, the second transition began with the collapse of the authoritarian regime on October 5, 2000. Both countries have since entered the period of electoral democracy, but with elements of instability that hinder full democratic consolidation.
PARTIJSKI SISTEMI SRBIJE I CRNE GORE
PARTIJSKI SISTEMI SRBIJE I CRNE GORE
(PARTY SYSTEMS OF SERBIA AND MONTENEGRO)
- Author(s):Vladimir Goati
- Language:Serbian
- Subject(s):Politics / Political Sciences, Politics, Governance, Government/Political systems, Electoral systems, Politics and society
- Page Range:161-186
- No. of Pages:26
- Keywords:party system; political distance consensus; polarized pluralism
- Summary/Abstract:The formation of the political parties of Serbia and Montenegro began in 1989, during the period of the "old regime44" and within the SFRY. The electoral systems in the two Yugoslav republics were created after the first pluralist elections in 1990, in which the former ruling parties SPS and SK ČM (which changed its name to DPS in 1991) had the most success in both Serbia and Montenegro. In both republics, the total number of political party members in the entire observed period (1990-2002) 8-9 percent of the population, which is more than in most of the post-communist countries of Southeast Europe. Also, the parties that ruled in the "old regime"44 remained in power longer in Serbia and in Montenegro than in most other post-communist countries. The party systems of the two Yugoslav republics have, in addition to many differences, one important similarity: these systems belong to the type of "polarized pluralism", which suggests that there is no basic consensus between the key political actors in either Serbia or Montenegro.
HRVATSKI STRANAČKI SUSTAV 1989-2002.
HRVATSKI STRANAČKI SUSTAV 1989-2002.
(CROATIAN PARTY SYSTEM 1989-2002.)
- Author(s):Goran Čular
- Language:Croatian
- Subject(s):Politics / Political Sciences, Politics, Governance, Government/Political systems, Electoral systems, Political behavior, Politics and society
- Page Range:187-210
- No. of Pages:24
- Keywords:party system; political parties; Croatia; elections; party competition; clefts; development
- Summary/Abstract:The author follows the development of the party system in Croatia from its inception until 2000 through several stages of development: a) the formative stage, in which all later relevant political parties emerge; b) the stabilization phase, during which the parties achieve relatively stable inter-party relations; and c) the confrontation phase, during which there is a manifest conflict between the regime and the opposition. During the entire period, the Croatian party system developed as a type of predominant party system, with the HDZ as the dominant party, which determined the overall dynamics of the party system in the observed period. The existing relations are not only an expression of the current political circumstances, but of the strengthening and matching effects of two historical splits: the territorial-cultural split and the ideological-cultural split. The parliamentary elections of 2000 did not only lead to a nominal change of government, but also to a significant restructuring of the party system, a completely different way of functioning of the government and the abandonment of the type of predominant system. This fact opens the problems of searching for a new party balance, further institutionalization of individual parties and the opening of new dimensions of party competition. Depending on the answers to these questions, it will be known whether moderate or polarized pluralism is developing in Croatia.
IZBORNI SISTEM CRNE GORE
IZBORNI SISTEM CRNE GORE
(ELECTORAL SYSTEM OF MONTENEGRO)
- Author(s):Veselin Pavićević
- Language:Serbian
- Subject(s):Politics / Political Sciences, Politics, Government/Political systems, Electoral systems
- Page Range:211-228
- No. of Pages:18
- Keywords:proportional method; election census; categorical voting; affirmative action; electoral district geometry; mandate price
- Summary/Abstract:In the time when "history rushes" (Dahrendorf), in Montenegro, ups and downs in the maturing of the democratic being of its people alternate permanently, while hope and fear for its future political and state-building destiny constantly alternate. Relations between sharply opposed political groups within this process will be determined by the capacity and strength of institutions to produce and reproduce democratic social relations. Only well-ordered, democratic institutions succeed in suppressing the authoritarian and dysfunctional character of the order, which is characterized by traditional and charismatic power, that is, by a subservient mentality. This is all the more so, bearing in mind the fact that support for proclaimed democratic principles and principles in Montenegro is based on a short-term and incomplete insight into experiences of that kind; as well as that the new, democratic regime has little history and no reservoir of legitimacy (Mishler & Rose) created by the inertia of long-term familiarity and acceptance. In addition, the new regime does not even have a sufficient measure of "negative tolerance" as a consequence of the public rejection of the old, totalitarian regime. If it is true that in the process of building their culture "all nations follow the same historical scheme44" (Duverger), then it is certain that a democratic electoral system and elections will be built in Montenegro as stable institutions. In this regard, the already acquired experience is encouraging that without broad support and acceptance of the basic solutions in the electoral legislation, which at the same time rely on the democratic standards established in the Copenhagen document of the OSCE from 1990, they cannot be organized and implemented elections for representative power.
IZBORI U HRVATSKOJ DEVEDESETIH: SIMPTOMATIČAN SLUČAJ ILI ANOMALIJA?
IZBORI U HRVATSKOJ DEVEDESETIH: SIMPTOMATIČAN SLUČAJ ILI ANOMALIJA?
(ELECTIONS IN CROATIA IN THE 1990s: A SYMPTOMATIC CASE OR AN ANOMALY?)
- Author(s):Srđan Vrcan
- Language:Croatian
- Subject(s):Politics, Political history, Government/Political systems
- Page Range:229-246
- No. of Pages:18
- Keywords:Elections; manipulation; elective engineering; ethnocentrism; authoritarianism
- Summary/Abstract:Elections in Croatia in the 1990s were marked by constant changes in electoral legislation and procedure. The electoral engineering of the then ruling HDZ party headed by President Tuđman was highly competent and very effective, and its innovation cannot be compared with engineering in any other so-called transition country with the exception of Russia. This engineering was manifested in changes to the electoral law, bodies for the implementation and supervision of elections, the electoral threshold (prohibitory clauses), electoral geography, electoral arithmetic, the right of national minorities to representation, and in the introduction of confirmation of the election of prefects by the President of the Republic. All these changes were consciously biased in favor of the HDZ and its political strategy based on ethnocentric authoritarianism. The elections can be assessed as free, but not as fair and honorable, which is also contributed to by the prominent role of violence in the elections.
IZBORNI SISTEM SRBIJE
IZBORNI SISTEM SRBIJE
(ELECTORAL SYSTEM OF SERBIA)
- Author(s):Vladimir Goati
- Language:Serbian
- Subject(s):Politics, Constitutional Law, Governance, Government/Political systems, Electoral systems
- Page Range:247-265
- No. of Pages:19
- Keywords:constituency; election threshold; election manipulations; proportional system; majority system
- Summary/Abstract:In the first pluralist elections in Serbia in 1990, a majority system was applied in two rounds, which provided a huge "artificial majority44 to the relatively strongest ruling party (SPS), at the expense of smaller parties. In all the following elections held four times in Serbia (1992, 1993, 1997, 2000), a proportional electoral formula was used, which ensured a greater match between the electoral and parliamentary political strength. Although, the party therefore, in all republican elections after 1990, the proportional electoral system was used, there was a frequent change in the number of constituencies, which significantly affected the election results. In addition, the electoral results of the December 2000 elections were strongly influenced by the electoral manipulations by which the ruling SPS "improved44 its electoral results. There were no such manipulations in the December 2000 elections, because in October of the same year there was a major political upheaval in which SPS lost decisive influence on the state apparatus and on the election administration. The mentioned elections were organized, however, according to the election law that was adopted in haste (October 9, 2000) and which has many weaknesses. That is why the adoption of the new electoral law is one of the most important tasks of the new democratic government in Serbia.
REFORMA PRAVOSUĐA U SRJ
REFORMA PRAVOSUĐA U SRJ
(JUDICIAL REFORM IN FRY)
- Author(s):Radmila Vasić
- Language:Serbian
- Subject(s):Politics / Political Sciences, Politics, Law, Constitution, Jurisprudence, Constitutional Law, Governance
- Page Range:267-288
- No. of Pages:22
- Keywords:constitutional democracy; judicial reform; separation of powers; independence and impartiality of the judiciary; protection of freedoms and rights; institutional guarantees
- Summary/Abstract:The character of the order of the Yugoslav federation, which is colloquially referred to as the Milošević regime, is characterized by flagrant incorrectness of legal acts, including the highest ones - the constitution and laws, both in a formal and material sense. The practice of its application by politicized and instructed bodies and individuals to defend the regime and their own privileged position, rather than constitutionality and legality, contributed to the deepening of the legal crisis. In this dangerous game of destroying the very foundations of law, the judicial authorities were not left out either, whose standardized role would have to be the defense of individual and collective rights against the arbitrariness of those in power. The legal awareness of citizens, formed in this context, is characterized by a great ignorance of the associated legal possibilities and powers and an even greater distrust in the systemic institutions competent to take care of the protection of rights. With the beginning of the democratic transformation of society, the newly established authorities were faced with a difficult and serious choice and explanation of the strategy and pace of reforms. Among the priority reform goals was the improvement of the judiciary, and the first measure in this sense was the adoption of decent laws on the judiciary. The new judicial legislation in both republics is aimed primarily at a consistent conceptualization of the system of separation of powers, in which courts and judges are provided with reliable guarantees of independent decision-making, and citizens are given the prospect of exercising their right to a natural and impartial judge. In this reform effort, the norms that regulate the selection, promotion and dismissal of judges (and court presidents) seem to be the most important, in which procedure bodies predominantly composed of judges, i.e. representatives of the profession, play a key role, which should ensure that the status of judges is decided by professional criteria, and not by the favor of the ruling elite operationalized by a system of unworthy bartering of goods and services. Under a certain assumption of imminent constitutional changes in the new community of Serbia and Montenegro and its members, the initial steps in the area of reforming the judiciary should be followed by the improvement of the overall material position of courts and judges, the professional development of employees in the judiciary, especially with regard to the standards of European law, as well as raising the level of legal awareness of citizens and building the self-esteem of the holders of this function of state power, on which the undisputed civilizational status of the inviolability of basic freedoms and rights mainly depends.
REFORMA PRAVOSUĐA I NJENA OGRANIČENJA
REFORMA PRAVOSUĐA I NJENA OGRANIČENJA
(JUDICIARY REFORM AND ITS LIMITATIONS)
- Author(s):Alan Uzelac
- Language:Serbian
- Subject(s):Politics / Political Sciences, Politics, Law, Constitution, Jurisprudence, Governance
- Page Range:289-313
- No. of Pages:25
- Keywords:judicial reform; judicial administration and self-government; judicial efficiency; independence of the judiciary
- Summary/Abstract:At the end of 2000, constitutional changes and amendments to the Law on Courts and the Law on the State Judicial Council changed a number of provisions of the so-called organizational judicial law in the Republic of Croatia. Along with a clearer demarcation between the functions of judicial self-governance and judicial administration, as well as the bodies within the courts that exercise this function, the method of electing court presidents has also been changed. It was precisely in this aspect that the new system was subject to criticism, especially from circles affected by the reform. The paper presents the basic determinants of the reform that was necessary in the current judicial crisis, but warns that the unpreparedness for radical changes mixed with systemic difficulties related to any judicial reform leads to poor prospects for the quick success of reform efforts.
TERITORIJALNA ORGANIZACIJA I REGIONALIZAM Hrvatski slučaj
TERITORIJALNA ORGANIZACIJA I REGIONALIZAM Hrvatski slučaj
(TERRITORIAL ORGANIZATION AND REGIONALISM Croatian case)
- Author(s):Lino Veljak
- Language:Croatian
- Subject(s):Politics, Governance, Government/Political systems, Electoral systems
- Page Range:315-330
- No. of Pages:16
- Keywords:regionalism; centralism; local self-government; administration; democratic control; euroregions
- Summary/Abstract:In the paper, the author provides a historical overview of the genesis of the regional division of the Republic of Croatia, as well as a description of the development of territorial organization and local self-government. Special attention was paid to the development of territorial self-government after 1990. In that period, the antithesis of the centralist-statist and regionalist approach to the problem of territorial organization of the country, with a completely marginal federalist option, is noticeable. The author points out the differences between Croatian regions dominated by the regionalist option (Istria, Međimurje) and areas with a majority Serbian population. After presenting the constitutional and legal regulations of the territorial administration and local self-government, we move on to a critical consideration of the alternative regionalism - centralism. The issue of regionalization must be viewed as part of the antithesis of centralization and decentralization, and this is rooted in the answer to the question of whether state administration should be deconcentrated and to what extent it should be treated as a direct transmission of power. The author advocates for finding the optimal balance between local, regional, national and supranational instances of democratic decision-making and management of general and common affairs (which must also be subject to democratic control). In doing so, it is necessary to take into account the functional and cultural dimension of the problem, as well as the perspective of establishing cross-border Euroregions.
VOJVODINA KAO STECIŠTE REGIONALNIH TENDENCIJA
VOJVODINA KAO STECIŠTE REGIONALNIH TENDENCIJA
(VOJVODINA AS A MEETING POINT OF REGIONAL TENDENCIES)
- Author(s):Alpar Lošonc
- Language:Serbian
- Subject(s):Politics / Political Sciences, Politics, Law, Constitution, Jurisprudence
- Page Range:331-349
- No. of Pages:19
- Keywords:Collective identity; regionalism; multiculturalism; regional planning and management; deconcentration of power
- Summary/Abstract:The question arises of legitimizing the collective identity of Vojvodina as a representative of regionalism in Serbia. After analyzing the various possibilities for legitimizing the collective identity of Vojvodina, the importance of multicultural relations for Vojvodina is emphasized. We considered that cultural patterns are the basis for the regional identity of Vojvodina on a new basis. Only the synthesis between regional capacities and multicultural engagement can ensure the regional identity of Vojvodina based on unforced consensus. Elements of the understanding of Vojvodina as a Euroregion that develops cooperation with other regions and border regions in neighboring countries are added to that basic attitude. The regionalism of Vojvodina should be treated as part of the modern trends of regional planning and management. Finally, the legal constellation of Vojvodina is considered in the light of the Constitution of Serbia and the situation after the Omnibus Law. The conclusion is that the legal frameworks correspond to the model of deconcentration of power, which significantly lags behind real possibilities.
PAKT STABILNOSTI ZA JUGOISTOČNU EVROPU - OČEKIVANJA I REZULTATI
PAKT STABILNOSTI ZA JUGOISTOČNU EVROPU - OČEKIVANJA I REZULTATI
(STABILITY PACT FOR SOUTHEAST EUROPE - EXPECTATIONS AND RESULTS)
- Author(s):Nebojša Vučinić
- Language:Serbian
- Subject(s):Politics / Political Sciences, Politics, Governance, Security and defense, EU-Approach / EU-Accession / EU-Development, Geopolitics
- Page Range:351-377
- No. of Pages:27
- Keywords:stabilization; pacification; integration; democratization; human and minority rights; rule of law; market economy; cooperation; good neighborly relations
- Summary/Abstract:The Stability Pact for Southeast Europe is a specific, non-institutional political mechanism established with the aim of long-term stabilization, pacification, democratization and integration of this area into the European Union. The doubly negative transition of this region after the collapse of socialism, embodied in the bloody disintegration of the SFRY and the escalation of extreme national-chauvinism, caused special attention from the EU and the USA towards individual countries and the region as a whole. This is especially because the political processes and tendencies in this part of Europe have called into question international peace and security, the rule of law and human rights, and those fundamental civilizational achievements and principles on which the Euro-Atlantic integration and security processes rest after the Second World War. Through a flexible institutional-organizational structure and significant financial assistance from the EU, the USA and the most important international financial institutions, in an undefined but relatively short period of time, appropriate institutional-structural, political, legal, economic and cultural prerequisites should be created for the inclusion of the countries of this region in the processes of Euro-Atlantic integration. In this context, the center of activity is focused on various projects and initiatives in the field of affirming human and minority rights, democracy and the rule of law, building a market economy, freedom of entrepreneurship and trade, as well as internal and external security of individual countries and regions as a whole. In this sense, special attention is devoted to suppressing organized crime and improving cooperation between the countries of the region and their police and judicial authorities. The basic guiding idea of the Stability Pact - an analogy with the experience of reconstruction and integration of Western Europe after the Second World War - is absolutely acceptable and justified, but this does not mean a mechanical comparison and translation of Western European experiences to the conditions and circumstances of Southeastern Europe, which are significantly different from those in Western Europe at the end of the forties. Although it was conceived very ambitiously, the whole process is unfortunately still characterized by the lack of a strategically designed and integrated approach, which results in the so-called short-lived actions, that is, the lack of positive structural and institutional changes within the countries of the region, which are a prerequisite for stabilization and integration. This applies to all the main spheres of activity of the Stability Pact, namely democracy, human and minority rights, market economy, internal stability, suppression of corruption and organized crime.
