ZAGADNIENIE RÓL MIĘDZYNARODOWYCH PAŃSTW W INTERNACJOLOGII

Author(s): PIOTR BARTOSIEWICZ / Language(s): Polish Issue: 04/2007

The theory of international roles is not very popular in International Relations. At the same time it offers a range of methodological options which might increase explanatory, descriptive and even predictive potential of the discipline. Within AngloSaxon political sciences, Holsti, Walker and the Hermanns contributed the most to the development of this theory. In Poland, Z.J. Pietraś was one of its promulgators. Even though it may be very useful while explaining foreign policy of particular states, it should be noted that this theory does not belong to the mainstream of International Relations. In this paper main issues concerning the idea, classification and factors conditioning international roles played by the states are presented. The paper should be treated only as an attempt to introduce the problem or provoke a scientific discussion related to the merits of the theory in International Relations.

Chorwacja. W poszukiwaniu społeczeństwa obywatelskiego

Author(s): Gojko Bežovan / Language(s): English Issue: 04/2007

Artykuł analizuje kondycję i dynamikę rozwojową społeczeństwa obywatelskiego w Chorwacji na tle innych krajów Europy i świata. W świetle prezentowanych danych obecną kondycję społeczeństwa obywatelskiego w Chorwacji trzeba określić jako niezadowalającą ze względu na niski odsetek obywateli, którzy są członkami organizacji lub biorą udział w działaniach obywatelskich, a także ze względu na nikły wpływ organizacji obywatelskich na działania w sferze publicznej państwa. Relacje między sferą społeczeństwa obywatelskiego a sferą władz publicznych oraz sferą biznesu należy określić jako w znacznej mierze antagonistyczne i/lub klientelistyczne. Wprowadzane pod presją standardów europejskich i światowych rozwiązania instytucjonalne mają w dużym stopniu fasadowy charakter, choć prawne i podatkowe reguły funkcjonowania organizacji społecznych można określić jako korzystne dla inicjatyw obywatelskich. Wiele organizacji społeczeństwa obywatelskiego cechuje jednak brak przejrzystości i koniunkturalność; przypisuje się im także bezkrytyczne podporządkowanie się wymogom zachodnich sponsorów. Nagłaśniane przez media skandale korupcyjne, w które zamieszani bywają działacze, dodatkowo wpływają na niski poziom zaufania społecznego do organizacji pozarządowych w Chorwacji. Organizacje te nie są też poważnie zainteresowane poszerzaniem bazy członkowskiej. Obecne wzory postaw, samoorganizacji i działań w sferze społeczeństwa obywatelskiego w Chorwacji są w znacznej mierze wynikiem negatywnych historycznych doświadczeń ostatnich stuleci. W okresie gdy Chorwacja stanowiła część monarchii austro-węgierskiej, aktywność obywateli była ograniczana do sfery dobroczynności, sportu i kultury. Po drugiej wojnie światowej komunistyczne państwo zawłaszczyło sferę publiczną w całości i poddało kontroli wszelkie formy aktywności obywateli. Zmiana systemowa po rozpadzie Federacyjnej Republiki Jugosławii doprowadziła do dalszej marginalizacji społeczeństwa obywatelskiego. Wprowadzone wówczas rządy autorytarne w znacznej mierze ograniczały wolności obywatelskie. Wojna, w którą zostało uwikłane społeczeństwo chorwackie na początku lat dziewięćdziesiątych, wprowadziła zamęt w wymiarze postaw i wartości. Badania wskazują, że choć w ostatnich latach poprawiają się zarówno instytucjonalne warunki funkcjonowania sektora pozarządowego w Chorwacji, jak i wzrasta jego potencjał organizacyjny, kraj ten nadal zajmuje odległe miejsce w międzynarodowych rankingach oceniających poziom rozwoju społeczeństwa obywatelskiego.

UNIWERSYTET WIRTU(RE)ALNY. ENTER

Author(s): Katarzyna Maria Cwynar / Language(s): Polish Issue: 04/2007

Pointing to virtual university as a means of implementing the idea of university in its contemporary stage of evolution, the author emphasizes its significance in the formation of the 21st century knowledge-based society. Outlining the essence of e-learning, one of the main EU initiatives aimed at creating the Europe of Knowledge, not only does the author pinpoint the various forms of virtual university, but also investigates the extent to which the principles are being implemented into the Polish educational system. The establishment of the virtual dimension of university affects the internal structure of the institution (i.e. students-personnel-administration) as well as its functioning in the external environment, which, according to the author, should facilitate the fulfilment of the goals set by the Bologna process, including lifelong learning. The author stresses the need for innovation, dialogue and partnership in the process of its continual development if the contemporary university is to become a major centre for intellectual and cultural advancement of the knowledge-based society.

NORMALIZACJA STOSUNKÓW POLSKO-NIEMIECKICH W 1970 R. W ŚWIADOMOŚCI SPOŁECZEŃSTWA WOJEWÓDZTWA RZESZOWSKIEGO W ŚWIETLE RAPORTÓW SŁUŻBY BEZPIECZEŃSTWA

Author(s): EDYTA CZOP / Language(s): Polish Issue: 04/2007

The normalization of Polish-German relations, which took place in 1970 (Agreement between Poland and Germany), was one of the most important events in the history of foreign policy of the Polish People's Republic. The authorities were convinced at the time that the international success of Polish government would strengthen and consolidate their political power as well as distracting the public opinion’s attention focused so far on Polish internal problems. According to the reports of the Rzeszów Internal Security Service, new good relations with West Germany had indeed affected Polish society, albeit in a manner which surprised authorities. While the people perceived it a success, it was in general commented on by Polish society in a way which was not particularly favourable to the authorities. The public opinion stressed quite strongly that the normalization of relations with West Germany could lead to Poland’s economic subordination to Germany and to an increase in the penetration of Poland by intelligence services from the West. It might also spell a new armed conflict. Moreover, the interest in the Polish-German agreement was pushed to the background by constantly repeated rumours related to the difficult internal situation in Poland. In consequence, the actual social impact of the normalization process of relations between Poland and Germany proved to be much less than it had been expected by the authorities. The failure was confirmed just a few months later by the tragic events which took place in the Polish Pomerania

ŚRODOWISKO „TYGODNIKA POWSZECHNEGO” WOBEC DEMOKRACJI, LIBERALIZMU I KAPITALIZMU PO 1989 ROKU

Author(s): Marek Delong / Language(s): Polish Issue: 04/2007

In 1989 some representatives of „Tygodnik Powszechny” participated in the „Round Table” proceedings. The first non-Communist Prime Minister of Poland, Tadeusz Mazowiecki, was closely related to the „Więź” magazine. Krzysztof Kozłowski and Henryk Woźniakowski – the editors of „Tygodnik Powszechny” were included in Mazowiecki’s cabinet. „Tygodnik Powszechny” enjoyed a high status in Polish society, both in the Polish People’s Republic period and afterwards. After Karol Wojtyła had been elected Pope, the magazine became the most influential representative of the Catholic press in Poland. It has always been known not only for the high standard Catholic publications but also for its openness to a variety of authors representing liberal trends. The issue of relations between the Catholic Church and liberal democracy and capitalism were often touched on in Tygodnik Powszechny after 1989. The most important point of reference was usually John Paul II’s encyclicals „Centesimus annus”, „Veritatis splendor” and „Evangelium vitae”. „Tygodnik Powszechny” is representative of the trend in Polish Catholicism which used to be closely connected with John Paul II, arousing much interest abroad. This particular trend within Polish Catholicism is said to be non-nationalist and antitotalitarian. It subscribes to a pluralistic system of values. However, as much as the „Tygodnik Powszechny” milieu is supportive of an open Catholicism and of a liberal orientation, it never gives up an issue of Polish Catholic specificity.

EUROPA WOBEC PROBLEMU IMIGRACJI

Author(s): Anna Gąsior-Niemiec / Language(s): Polish Issue: 04/2007

All of the European countries have been affected by a demographic crisis: European societies are “graying” while not enough children are born. The European labour markets, pension systems, sectors of health care and social services are strained. Most of the European countries have already experienced increased migratory flows – either as in- or as out-migration. Most of in-migration comes to Europe from sub-Saharan Africa and Middle East. The annual ratio of migration to Europe is already higher than the one registered for the United States. Europe is irrevocably turning into a continent of migrants. So far, different European states and societies have reacted differently to the experience of the demographic crisis and migration. Some of the reactions involved stricter policing and social violence. The extreme right has earned some political capital playing the card of anti-immigrant protest. It is clear that institutional and social problems related to the demographic and migratory phenomena are likely to be aggravated in the future if no common European policies are designed and adopted. Taking into account the fact that internal borders between EU member-states are progressively lifted, the demographicmigration issues are bound to spill over from one European country to another. The currently existing differentiation in the sphere of citizenship, welfare and labour market will reinforce the spill-over trends. On the other hand, in a foreseeable future Europe will need more and more migrants to make up for the demographic implosion it faces. Therefore, a common migration policy is necessary from this point of view as well. Moreover, the migration policy must be complemented with a new policy of migrant integration since migrants that Europe needs should rather be perceived as its permanent citizens rather than temporary guest-workers. The construction of such common policies is difficult. To be effective, they need to be based upon both a broad political consensus among elites and on a broad social contract undersigned by the European public opinion and migrants as well.

FUNDAMENTALIZM MUZUŁMAŃSKI AFGAŃSKICH TALIBÓW I ICH STOSUNEK DO INNYCH RELIGII

Author(s): Łukasz Jureńczyk / Language(s): Polish Issue: 04/2007

The article is devoted to Muslim fundamentalism as practiced by the Afghan Taliban. Muslim fundamentalism is defined as Muslim traditionalism. It is based on religion – Islam. It is also seen as an opposition against modernistic, Western civilization. The factor that led to the birth of Muslim fundamentalism is the awareness of the inhabitants of Arab countries that they are not capable of catching up with the civilization of the Western world. This realization is combined with a disillusionment with the reforms introduced by the Western world. The reforms have failed to improve the fate of the average citizen, resulting in alienation and a reverse from the Western civilization. Muslim fundamentalism is an opposition against everything which is alien and modern. Combined with religion it advocates complete submission to the power of God and the creation of religious Muslim states. Afghanistan has become such a ground, prone to Muslim fundamentalism. The war-ridden country became the main target of the Taliban. The Taliban are alumni of Pakistani religious schools. Their goal is to create a perfect Muslim state, which would be a recreation of the Arab world from the day of the Prophet. They have created a fanatical and archaic regime in Afghanistan.

KOŚCIÓŁ KATOLICKI JAKO SIŁA POLITYCZNA W OKRESIE TRANSFORMACJI USTROJOWEJ 1989–1997 (ROZWAŻANIA NA PRZYKŁADZIE WOJEWÓDZTWA LUBELSKIEGO)

Author(s): Artur Łuszczyński / Language(s): Polish Issue: 04/2007

As the title suggests, this paper looks into a problem of participation of the Catholic Church in political life after 1989. The author describes how the Catholic Church and its hierarchy have been adapting to the changing situation. To understand the position of the Church fully, at first this paper briefly reviews the complex socio-political situation in Poland. Before the democratic changes started in Poland in 1989, the Catholic Church had been a very important element of the country’s dualistic social structure, but the democratic revolutions in Eastern Europe caught the Church by surprise. The article deals with issues such as the Church’s involvement in elections, the place of Christian values and the Catholic Church as an institution in the legal order, public debates about abortion and birth control, reintroduction of religious instruction in public schools etc.

PROBLEM SAMORZĄDU TERYTORIALNEGO W OBRADACH „OKRĄGŁEGO STOŁU”

Author(s): Piotr Olszewski / Language(s): Polish Issue: 04/2007

In the course of negotiations known as the “Round Table” in 1989, the opposition- Solidarity party pushed for a discussion of issues related to political system reforms. “Solidarity” postulated a reconstruction of self-government at the lowest level of territorial division of the country, that is in gminas (municipalities). According to the opposition-Solidarity party, territorial self-government should be the subject of civil and public law. Self-governing should entail law-making competencies, executive competencies and be complemented with adequate financial means, originating both from its own sources and from state budget grants, being at free disposal of self-governing authorities. The state government’s control over the self-government should follow the criterion of accordance with the law first of all and only in exceptional cases the criterion of purposefulness as well. The self-government was to be entitled to the right of a court protection. During the “Round Table” negotiations, the governmental party was against part of the postulates tabled. According to the governmental party, the resolution making organs of the self-government should also attend to the functions of a state authority. Similar solutions were proposed in the case of self-government executive organs. Moreover, the governmental party supported simultaneous creation of selfgovernment at the voivodeship level. “Solidarity” was against such a move because it could further consolidate the existing territorial division of the country which was criticized by the opposition. Furthermore, “Solidarity” saw the state voivodeship as a guarantor of stability of the occurring changes. The “Round Table” debate on the local authority system ended in the defeat of “Solidarity”. The compromise between “Solidarity” and the governmental party had not been reached as far as the most essential issues. One of the reasons was a strategy adopted by “Solidarity” which had primarily aimed at legalisation of the “Solidarity” trade union. Members of “Solidarity” were not enough appreciative of the issues of local governance whereas the union’s top representatives did not want to put the final agreement with the government at risk only to defend secondary aims such as the creation of self-government.

O JĘZYKU WSPÓŁCZESNEJ POLITYKI

Author(s): Kazimierz Ożóg / Language(s): Polish Issue: 04/2007

The year 1989 spelt in Poland and in many other European countries, which were in the orbit of Soviet influence, the beginning of revolutionary changes: political, economic, social and cultural ones. These changes influenced also the Polish language which has changed radically over the last 20 years with the greatest changes occurring in the language of politics. Nowadays, the language testifies to a diversified way of talking about public affairs, it constitutes a spectrum within which different registers and styles merge. The instability of the Polish political scene, abundance of political parties, and a constant flux in the sphere of parliamentary groupings and government coalitions are found among the most important reasons for this linguistic variety. In the language of contemporary politics the lexis is particularly extensive and includes thousands of words referring to the public life of the Poles. The major point of the article is the claim that in reality the language of contemporary politics is getting impoverished, it loses its elegance and becomes more and more primitive. The author looks for an explanation to this pauperization in the trends of contemporary culture. He shows main features of the phenomenon: a turn towards commonness and informality, emotionality of expressions, hermetic vision of the world, impossibility of a dialogue and an increase in populist attitudes.

POLITYKA III RZESZY WOBEC NIEMCÓW ZE WSCHODU. PRZESIEDLENIA LUDNOŚCI NIEMIECKIEJ PODCZAS II WOJNY ŚWIATOWEJ

Author(s): Witold Stankowski / Language(s): Polish Issue: 04/2007

The article concerns the policy of the Third Reich towards its citizens – the Germans resettled from the East. Adolph Hitler implemented a consistent policy of destroying European nations to create a vast Nazi state. Poland was the first country to experience the murderous intentions of the Third Reich. An important element of Hitler’s politics was his policy regarding ethnic groups. This consisted of Germanization of occupied Polish territory and deportations of the Poles living there. Their place was taken by Germans, who, in turn, were resettled there from the East, including the Baltic states (Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia) and the Black Sea area. The areas of settlement included the regions of Pomorze Gdańskie and Wielkopolska. These regions were to be Germanized by rapid settlement of Germans in the area. The Germans from the East were not a homogenous group. They were peasants, representatives of free professions, artists. The Nazi leadership was not unanimous in their attitude towards the resettled Germans. On the one hand, their influx and settlement was preferred, but on the other, they were not treated as “fully valuable” Germans. In 1945 the Germans from the East fled from the Polish territory fearing the incoming Red Army. Some of them fell into Russian hands and were deported back East. This problem is not present in the literature pertaining to the subject.

JERZY MUSZYŃSKI: SPOŁECZEŃSTWO INFORMACYJNE. SZKICE POLITOLOGICZNE, WYD. ADAM MARSZAŁEK, TORUŃ 2006

Author(s): Katarzyna Maria Cwynar / Language(s): Polish Issue: 04/2007

MAXWELL MCCOMBS: SETTING THE AGENDA. THE MASS MEDIA AND PUBLIC OPINION, POLITY PRESS, CAMBRIDGE, 2004

Author(s): Wojciech Furman / Language(s): Polish Issue: 04/2007

FRANE ADAM, MATEJ MAKAROVIC, BORUT RONCEVIC, MATEVZ TOMSIC: THE CHALLENGES OF SUSTAINED DEVELOPMENT. THE ROLE OF SOCIO-CULTURAL FACTORS IN EAST-CENTRAL EUROPE, CENTRAL EUROPEAN UNIVERSITY PRESS, BUDAPEST–NEW YORK 2005

Author(s): Anna Gąsior-Niemiec / Language(s): Polish Issue: 04/2007

ULRICH BECK: WŁADZA I PRZECIWWŁADZA W EPOCE GLOBALNEJ. NOWA EKONOMIA POLITYKI ŚWIATOWEJ, PRZEŁOŻYŁ JERZY ŁOZIŃSKI, WYDAWNICTWO NAUKOWE SCHOLAR, WARSZAWA 2005

Author(s): Tadeusz Godlewski / Language(s): Polish Issue: 04/2007

ZBIGNIEW LANDAU: ZAPOMNIANI MINISTROWIE SKARBU DRUGIEJ RZECZYPOSPOLITEJ, WARSZAWA 2005

Author(s): Paweł Grata / Language(s): Polish Issue: 04/2007

JEREMY RIFKIN: EUROPEJSKIE MARZENIE. JAK EUROPEJSKA WIZJA PRZYSZŁOŚCI ZAĆMIEWA AMERICAN DREAM, PRZEKŁAD WITOLD FALKOWSKI, ANDRZEJ KOSTARCZYK, WYDAWNICTWO NADIR, WARSZAWA 2005

Author(s): Kazimierz Łastawski / Language(s): Polish Issue: 04/2007

ANDRZEJ K. PIASECKI: REFERENDA W III RP, WYDAWNICTWO NAUKOWE PWN, WARSZAWA 2005

Author(s): Artur Łuszczyński / Language(s): Polish Issue: 04/2007

ANNA SIEWIERSKA-CHMAJ: JĘZYK POLSKIEJ POLITYKI. POLITOLOGICZNO-SEMANTYCZNA ANALIZA EXPOSÉ PREMIERÓW POLSKI W LATACH 1919–2004, WYŻSZA SZKOŁA INFORMATYKI I ZARZĄDZANIA, RZESZÓW 2006

Author(s): Kazimierz Ożóg / Language(s): Polish Issue: 04/2007

Finansowanie podmiotów ekonomii społecznej w Polsce

Author(s): Irena Herbst / Language(s): Polish Issue: 1/2012

Prezentowany artykuł ma na celu przypomnienie wniosków zawartych w sporządzonej cztery lata temu ekspertyzie oceniającej możliwości finansowania podmiotów ekonomii społecznej oraz formułującej propozycje niezbędnych rozwiązań systemowych wspierających dostęp tych podmiotów do kapitału. Przypomniana w niniejszym artykule koncepcja stworzenia systemu rozwiązań instytucjonalno-prawnych ułatwiających podmiotom sektora ekonomii społecznej pozyskiwanie środków na finansowanie swojej działalności, jest próbą odpowiedzi na następujące pytania: jak zapewnić stały, względnie stabilny dopływ środków finansowych do sektora ekonomii społecznej i jak zorganizować infrastrukturę finansową obsługującą ten sektor, by przy danej wielkości środków, można było podejmować jak największą liczbę przedsięwzięć.