The Concentration of Media Ownership in Romania: Supporting or Challenging Pluralism and Media Freedom?

Author(s): Adina Baya / Language(s): Issue: 01 (3)/2008

Increased debate has been developed in recent years on how the reconfiguration of media ownership affects media content, and especially on whether the concentration of ownership supports or challenges pluralism and media freedom. The current paper aims to analyze this topic in the particular case of Romania, one of EU’s newest members and a market where consolidation of media ownership is currently an ongoing process. My undertaking starts from the framing of general arguments used in the debate pro and against consolidation of ownership in the media field. It then proceeds to an extensive analysis of the Romanian media market, its regulations and regional specificities, for the purpose of assessing the ongoing consolidation trends. Finally, it makes extensive use of the empirical insights offered by a set of interviews with Romanian media analysts, with the aim of drawing conclusions pertaining to the main research question: Does the concentration of ownership support or challenge media freedom and pluralism in Romania? Findings will indicate that concentration of media ownership is not a negative tendency in itself, but corroborated with regional specificities –such as lack of transparency in ownership and funding, poor implementation of the legislative framework and the unclear division between editorial and business policies inside media outlets – which might become a source of concern.

Book review: Charles Tilly, Democracy. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2007, 205 pages + References and Index.

Author(s): Andrea Petres / Language(s): Issue: 01 (3)/2008

book review

Politike fantazija: o ratu protiv Bosne i Hercegovine

Author(s): Merima Čamo / Language(s): Issue: 3-4/2005

Review of Esad Zgodić, Politike fantazija: o ratu protiv Bosne i Hercegovine, Institut za istraživanje zločina protiv čovječnosti i međunarodnog prava, Sarajevo, 2005.

Preuređivanje svijeta od nano-skale do globalne skale ili Trianglum: identitet, znanje i socijalna ontologija

Author(s): Senadin Lavić / Language(s): Issue: 3-4/2005

Review of Nijaz Ibrulj, Stoljeće rearanžiranja, Filozofsko društvo Theoria, Sarajevo 2005.

Žene kao vakiflije u ranom dobu Osmanske Bosne

Author(s): Kerima Filan / Language(s): Issue: 3-4/2005

Budućnost evropske socijaldemokratije

Author(s): Đorđe Latinović / Language(s): Issue: 3-4/2005

Um i temeljna ljudska situacija / Kritičko poentiranje Adornovog pojma uma / Povodom stote godišnjice rođenja Theodora W. Adorna

Author(s): Abdulah Šarčević / Language(s): Issue: 3-4/2005

Uzoran udžbenik bioantropologije

Author(s): Ismet Dizdarević / Language(s): Issue: 3-4/2005

Review of Ljubomir Berberović, Bioantropologija – Odabrane uvodne teme – Osnovi forenzičkih nauka, Blicdruk, Sarajevo, 2005.

Dva susreta sa Stipom Šuvarom

Author(s): Rajko Igić / Language(s): Issue: 3-4/2005

Bosna i Hercegovina: zemlja bez iluzija

Author(s): Nedžad Bašić / Language(s): Issue: 3-4/2005

Odnosi s javnošću i izvršna vlast

Author(s): Zvonimir Tomić / Language(s): Issue: 3-4/2005

Razvoj odnosa s javnošću možemo promatrati kroz razvoj modela odnosa s javnošću i pojavu prvih pres agenata početkom prošloga stoljeća. Sve do šezdesetih godina prošloga stoljeća, odnosi s javnošću prolazili su kroz dinamično razdoblje, kada s razdobljem globalne informacije sazrijeva suvremeni public relations (PR). Od tada do danas suvremeni odnosi s javnošću primjenjuju se u tri sektora. To su profi tno orijentiran sektor (korporativni odnosi s javnošću), zatim državni (politički) i neprofi tni sektor. Kada mislimo o državnom sektoru ili političkom public reletionsu najčešće govorimo o vladinim odnosima s javnošću, odnosno odnosima s javnošću u izvršnoj vlasti na svim razinama. U vrijeme, danas globalne sutra totalne, komunikacije nezamislivo je da najvažniji državi sektori nemaju razrađene kanale komuniciranja s javnošću kako bi svoju politiku učinili transparentnom i promjenjivom. S druge strane, gotovo je nemoguće da građani svu količinu potrebnih informacija o djelovanju vlade i vladinih institucija dobiju neposredno od nje. Budući su i političke javnosti kompleksne i različite, odnosi s javnošću morali su razviti različite oblike komuniciranja. Tako se jedan dio informacija može dobiti neposredno, ali puno veći broj informacija mora se dobiti posredno, putem raznih komunikacijskih kanala. Iskustva u zapadnim zemljama prije svega u Sjedinjenim Američkim Državama i Velikoj Britaniji pomoći će nam da sagledamo modele koji već dugo u praksi dobro funkcioniraju. Takve modele organizacije odnosa s javnošću komparirat ćemo sa stanjem organizacije public relationsa u BiH koje smo istražili u ovom radu. Metoda komparacije svakako će nam poslužiti za zaključke koji ujedno mogu biti polazišta za razmišljanje kako urediti organizaciju odnosa s javnošću na razinama izvršne vlasti u BiH.

Antifašistički narodnooslobodilački rat u Jugoslaviji i savremenost

Author(s): Safet Bandžović / Language(s): Issue: 3-4/2005

Review of Antifašistički narodnooslobodilački rat u Jugoslaviji i savremenost Društvo za istinu o antifašističkoj narodnooslobodilačkoj borbi u Jugoslaviji 1941-1945, Beograd 2004, str. 445.

Odbijanje pripovijedanja i »Smisao za mogućnost«

Author(s): Vahidin Preljević / Language(s): Issue: 3-4/2005

Kako u Evropsku uniju?

Author(s): Momir Ćećez / Language(s): Issue: 3-4/2005

Srebrenica – razbijeno ogledalo Organizacije ujedinjenih nacija

Author(s): Džemal Najetović / Language(s): Issue: 3-4/2005

The Bosniacs, through the centuries, have been facing the fact that they must not rely on the foreign corrupted and cruel power, but that they have to make their own destiny themselves. Unfortunetly, Mladic‘s oath for revenge to the Turkish governors45 became the bloody way for resolving problems. The extreme brutality belongs to such kind of tradition. In the modern history, as nowhere else, but in Europe for sure, the UN with all its bureaucracy, not small, mammoth machinery, have experienced the humiliation and disgrace in Srebrenica like nowhere else. All principles were buried in Srebrenica, such as the so-called Western democracy, all the charters and resolutions stepped over and betrayed, starting from the UN Charter to the Helsinki Conventions, Paris Principles, Hague Decisions and Tribunals, Geneva Conventions... Maastricht was buried in Srebrenica or at least those principles on which the EU wants to build its future. All the curtains have fallen and all the hopes of those who believed in the new international order, human rights and freedoms, basis of the western civilization and culture have disappeared. Old, arrogant, European politics of neocolonialism in Srebrenica has shown its real face. The states which provided the troops for UNPROFOR did not want to engage in protection of Srebrenica – UN “safe zone”, because they needed to take over the combat role and defend it if the Serbs attacked the “safe zones”, and not only to ”supervise” the humanitarian situation. After the Resolution 819 was adopted, unfortunaetly, many people in BiH and other countries believed that the UN would from that moment protect the civilians in Srebrenica from the Serbs. The sufferings of the people from Srebrenica in the previous war have been tried to be hidden by many. As the example of covering the war crimes over Sarajevo, Vukovar and Srebrenica Greece distinguishes itself. Its intelligence and journalists consider the success that the crime was hidden, but that only means that they are not the intelligence and journalists, but ordinary propagandists.46 Although almost all suggestions of the peace plans: Kutiljer’s (March 1992.), Vens-Owens (April 1993.): Oven-Stotelbergs (September 1993.): Washington-Wiena (May 1994.): Contact Group (July 1994): and so on, treated Srebrenica as the territory with the majority of Bosniacs population, which it really was, the international community allowed its sufferings. To prevent the spread of the hatred among the peoples is very important. It is even harder than to control the armaments. It is the basic assumption for the peace and security development in the area of the Western Balkans. Out of many diffi culties, in this view, the special attention needs to be paid to how to explain the children where the dozens of Bosniacs from Srebrenica, whose every trace is lost, are?

O toleranciji u XXI stoljeću: politološko-sociološko-komunikološki osvrt

Author(s): Tatjana Lazić / Language(s): Issue: 3-4/2005

Editorial

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): Issue: 2/2006

Editorial

Osteuropa-Umschau

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): Issue: 2/2006

Osteuropa-Umschau

BOGUMILI, KATARI I BOSANSKI KRSTJANI. TRANSFER DUALISTIČKIH HEREZA IZMEĐU ISTOKA I ZAPADA (11.-13. STOLJEĆE)

Author(s): Manuel Lorenz / Language(s): Bosnian Issue: 15/2015

In this paper, Manuel Lorenz examines the exchange of dualistic beliefs between Byzantium, the Balkans and Central Europe (11th-13th centuries). After a detailed analysis of sources, in the course of which various scientific paradigms are critically commented on and partially revised, he comes to the conclusion that a transfer of dualistic thoughts between East (Bogomils) and West (Cathars) is quite probable. Moreover, he elaborates that the group of Bosnian ‘Christians’, which has received varied and controversial assessments in the literature, was exposed only to insignificant influence of dualistic ideas – whether from East or West.

“takoće i mrsniem ljudem (...)”: PRILOG ČITANJU OPORUKE GOSTA RADINA

Author(s): Nedim Rabić / Language(s): Bosnian Issue: 15/2015

Discovery of the document, with today’s recognizable name The Testament of gost Radin, marked a significant crossroad in studying of the Bosnian church. This Testament belongs to the group of most significant documents on Bosnian medieval history. This is the most comprehensive document which emerged from the inner circle of the Church community, from a member of its hierarchy that speaks, in an explicit way, about themselves. Since 1911, when this testament was discovered by Ćiro Truhelka until today, interest among scientist who investigated issues regarding the Bosnian church, never ceased. Its multiple significance is confirmed with numerous and diverse approaches within the domestic and foreign scientific scene. In this paper we expressed commitment to pointing out particular segments of this Testament, which seem to be insufficiently examined. In that sense, we offer a historiographical cross section of most noted works on this subject. The author of this Testament is gost Radin Butković, high dignitary of the Bosnian church. Even though he is a member of hierarchy of this religious instance, his activity is more known through his political engagements. From the beginning of his political career he is mentioned with the title starac. Simultaneously with his advancement on the social ladder, Radin gets promoted in his monastic life as well, and rises to the rank of gost, second highest dignitary on the Bosnian church hierarchy, after the title of djed. At the end of 1430s Radin is the confidant of a powerful magnate, herceg Stjepan Vukčić Kosača. Growing dangers to which the land of Hum was exposed because of the Ottoman threat, which already conquered the main territory of the Bosnian Kingdom, caused Radin’s to escape in refuge to the territory of Republic of Dubrovnik. He died in the beginning of 1467.