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"A vallási élet elemi formái"-tól "A média rítusai"-ig: durkheimi fogalmak a kommunikációelméletben

Author(s): Eszter Bartha / Language(s): Hungarian / Issue: 18/2012

The essay gives a critical review of The Rituals of the Media by Lajos Császi. It seeks to showhow the Durkheimian sociology of religion can be applied to the modern communicationtheory and what perspectives such a combination can store for sociology. The mediahas a significant impact on the formation of public opinion; therefore, its rituals deservea special attention. However, the opinion forming power of the media depends on thesocial structure and the movement of the masses. Today even ordinary people can broadcastInternet TV-programmes and we have not even mentioned the technical possibilitiesoffered by the various social network sites. It is not only the technical competence, whichdetermines whether a given opinion will remain embedded in a narrow subculture or itsucceeds to move the masses, which was a well-loved catchword of the 20th century

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"Anti-aging" medicina: suvremene spoznaje i implementacija u svakodnevni život u cilju očuvanja zdravlja

Author(s): Jasna Cerkez Habek / Language(s): Croatian / Issue: 7/2013

By the progress in diagnostics and therapy in up-to-date medicine, the length of life becomes prolonged; hence, the Republic of Croatia belongs to countries with very old population. According to the data from the Croatian Bureau of Statistics, the share of the population over 65 years of age in Croatia is 17.7 %, whereby our country “fits well” into the average of the European Union, where 17.5 % of the population belongs to this age group. By aging, the frequency of developing cardiovascular and malign diseases grows; however, a change in the life style may prevent this from happening. The paper presents the newest knowledge in the “anti-aging” medicine, the scientifically substantiated proof of its impact on maintaining health, and the possibilities for its implementation locally, adapted to the situation in the Bjelovar-Bilogora Country.

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"Arabska" czy "muzułmańska" wiosna ludów? Przemiany polityczno - społeczne w Pakistanie a arabska wiosna

Author(s): Joanna Modrzejewska-Lesniewska / Language(s): Polish / Issue: 2/2014

The massive anti -regime demonstrations in Arab coun tries that started in December 2010 in Tunisia were followed by questions about causes and effects of those revolts. Attention of the researchers was understandably concentrated on Arab countries but it seems that other Muslim countries were overlooked - the adjective "Arab" superceded "Muslim" in the name of this widespread movement. This paper aims at proving that the process that culminated in the Arab Spring have not started in Tunisia in December 2010 but in Pakistan in 2007 and 2008.

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"Directiveness" as a Predictor of Religious Attitudes

Author(s): Agnieszka Turska-Kawa,Waldemar Wojtasik / Language(s): English / Issue: 2/2017

This paper examines the relation between "directiveness" and levels of religiosity (conceptualized as the three dimensions of "closing-opening," "clericalization-secularization," and "dogmatism-permissiveness"). The model used has been empirically verified and is a consequence of previous studies proving that religiosity in itself generates both pro-social attitudes (especially in regard to an individual's own religious group) and attitudes of aggression toward "outgroups." Researchers have also demonstrated that religion can be a factor that inhibits actual aggression through values such as self-control of negative emotions or impulsive acts. This study finds that the model presented is statistically significant in terms of dimensions such as "closing-opening" and clericalization- secularization: higher directiveness makes it possible to predict higher "closing" and clericalization. This finding makes it possible to discuss directiveness as a foundation for real aggression and attitudes of discrimination against individuals or groups that pose a symbolic or real threat to the unity of the Roman Catholic community.

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"E bine…, dar eu aş fi scris altfel!” Ritual instituţional şi incongruenţă epistemică în evaluarea tezelor de doctorat........

Author(s): Silviu G. Totelecan / Language(s): Romanian / Issue: 1/2018

„In a job of writing, to do it well you have to live it”, said,half century ago, the great American sociologist Charles Wright Mills. That’s not an easy task, one may argue, if you want to fully embrace it with its meanings and prescriptions altogether. I took his request on board very seriously, especially knowing that in the nowadays liquid society that kind of writing could be the (only) type of text production meant to resist a bit longer than a split-second the all-encompassing melting processes. The challenge of this paper was not to simply present various life experiences of my own, something that I have done already in my previous works,where I employed (auto)ethnography and participant objectivation as a methodological toolbox (here too), but to incorporate epistemologically, through the act of writing,distinct Lebenswelten into mine, and even to live them. Being caught up in the last years in the process of reviewing doctoral theses (which is both a pleasant and a painful task to handle), with every single PhD manuscript that I have received, I got to know (practically and epistemologically) that I had a text and (references to) alifeworld in my hands. How can one deal with such an issue? There are two possible answers: one can follow the institutional-administrative way or take the unpaved road of pondering on the intellectual craftsmanship of the (thesis) work. This time, I choose to follow a dusty and shaky path instead of an immaculate and stiff one.

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"Małe Ojczyzny" Michała Bogusławskiego - film dokumentalny w służbie społeczności lokalnych

Author(s): Angelika Uzieblo / Language(s): Polish / Issue: 20 (1-2)/2015

Between 1993 and 2000 Micha‡ Bogus‡awski directed the execution of hisown project in Polish Television Channel 2’s Documentary Department: a series of documentary films, ‘Little Homelands’. Over 180 documentaries weremade, portraying people engaged in the life of their local milieus: villages,towns and regions. From the beginning the goal of the working team was tosupport the efforts of those local communities whose actions were meant tomaintain traditional bonds and values, and cultural identity, while at the sametime respecting and understanding other social groups and national and religious minorities. This series, deriving from the idea of animating local culturalheritage, proved one of the most valuable set of programmes in the history ofpublic television in Poland (TVP). In October 2013, during the conference ‘LittleHomelands’ in the Holy Cross Mountains, filmmakers, cultural activists andrepresentatives of academia initiated discussion regarding how to save the workof Micha‡ Bogus‡awski and his team, as well the possibility of resuming theproduction of documentaries in the series. The conference was attended bymembers of TVP’s Board of Management and Poland’s National BroadcastingCouncil (the KRRiT).

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"Na ramionach olbrzymów". Wspomnienie o profesor Elżbiecie Tarkowskiej

Author(s): Joanna Zalewska / Language(s): Polish / Issue: 1/2016

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"Pisz mi o wszystkim dokładnie" - Rzeczywistości kulturowe w listach malarzy z kręgu Bombay Progressive Artists' Group

Author(s): Renata Czekalska / Language(s): Polish / Issue: 20 (1-2)/2015

This article reflects over the record of activity and experience contained inletters by Indian painters belonging to the Bombay Progressive Artists’ Groupby applying the concept of the humanistic coefficient coined by Florian Znaniecki, and understood as a tool of comprehension. It presents the cultural realities described by the individual artists and the cultural fact that the artisticgroup they created constituted, and then shows how they underwent changein direct proportion to the changes taking place in the minds of the individualpainters.

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"Polska walcząca" nie tylko podczas II wojny światowej

Bogdana Nawroczyńskiego bilans walki o państwowość, ziemie i język: na podstawie opracowania Nasza walka o szkołę polską 1901-1917

Author(s): Dawid K. Wieczorek / Language(s): Polish / Issue: 1/2015

The following text is an analysis of the struggle for the independence of the Polish nation between the 19th and 20th centuries. This analysis takes an educational perspective and is based on a largely forgotten work of Bogdan Nawroczyński, Nasza walka o szkołę polską 1901-1917. When speaking about the freedom struggle one can distinguish between a more common meaning connected with military conflict, and a less common meaning connected with organic, cultural-based work. The second meaning is especially interesting due to the important role played by education therein. The organization of secret and official schooling in that period not only served to promote the spread of knowledge, but was also used for the rebuilding of the state. Nawroczyński's piece is also important from the point of view of contemporary problems and conflicts.

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"Suszyć, skruszyć, zmielić, zważyć". Kino gatunków a filmy z Panem Kleksem

Author(s): Radoslaw Pisula / Language(s): Polish / Issue: 15 (22)/2016

Polish genre cinema in the time of Polish People’s Republic was in stagnation due to the sociopolitical situation. Limited access to the thriving foreign film industry suppressed a natural evolution within the genre cinema. However, the liberalization of stagnant and overly politicized rules in the communist film industry brought change in the 1980s.The government used to saw movies as a way to sell propaganda in the country. This cultural revolution was marked by the appearance of a new generation of directors, similar in some ways to American New Hollywood; rise of a VCR market and laxity of political restrictions.One of the best representatives of this progression is the Mr. Kleks movie trilogy. Adaptations of Jan Brzechwa’s cult book series: Academy of Mr. Kleks (1983), The Travels of Mr. Kleks (1985), Mr. Kleks in Space (1988). All of theme were directed by Krzysztof Gradowski. The series is a perfect example of a genre-melting pot. Something unprecedented in the Polish cinema.Although there are many radically different conventions in the story, the narrative is very coherent. The release of the first installment clearly marks the beginning of the transformation in the Polish film industry.In the article, I will present the ways in which the film genres are functioning in the Mr. Kleks movies and analyze how these highly original productions were part of a turbulent period of transformational change in communist Poland.

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"The dangerous classes”: Hugo Grotius and seventeenth-century piracy as a primitive anti-systemic movement

Author(s): Eric Wilson / Language(s): English / Issue: 1/2010

This essay discusses the historical and textual representations of piracy in the writings of Hugo Grotius, primarily De Indis/De iure praedae (1603-1608) and the Commentarius in Theses XI (c. 1600). Contrary to popular belief, Grotius, in stark contrast to Jean Bodin, was not an advocate of the constitutionally homogenous Nation-State. Rather, his central concept of divisible sovereignty, the lynchpin of the constitutional theory of his early writings, unambiguously presents us with the object of the heterogeneous State. In Grotian theory, the State may be “read” as a composite construction, with a residual degree of inalienable sovereignty accruing at each unit-level. Even if only unconsciously, Grotius describes a concurrent para-political sub-division of the state between institutional Government (the “magistrates”) and civil society, one that constitutes an operational system of governance within the Nation-State. Like his contemporary Johannes Althusius, Grotius’ theory allows for the emergence of a wholly “private,” albeit lawful, mode of authority. This is most apparent in Grotius’ treatment of the mercantile trading Company and its Privateering operations. The corporatist theory of sovereignty permits the Company’s private agents of violence, the legally ambivalent Privateer/Pirate, to be invested with a requisite degree of sovereignty. The Grotian theory of divisible sovereignty, investing the seventeenth-century Pirate band with legal personality, serves as a vital historical precursor to the quasi-statist (trans-) national criminal cartels of the twenty-first century. The Grotian Pirate/Privateer/Just Avenger, therefore, is a “nomad”: a liminal entity that simultaneously transverses both geographical and juro-political spaces, rendering him or herself in-determinable.

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"This lofty mountain of silver could conquer the whole world”: Potosí and the political ecology of underdevelopment, 1545-1800

Author(s): Jason W. Moore / Language(s): English / Issue: 1/2010

By the 1570’s, Potosí, and its silver, had become the hub of a commodity revolution that reorganized Peru’s peoples and landscapes to serve capital and empire. This was a decisive moment in the world ecological revolution of the long seventeenth century. Primitive accumulation in Peru was particularly successful: the mita’s spatial program enabled the colonial state to marshal a huge supply of low-cost and tractable labor in the midst of sustained demographic contraction. The relatively centralized character of Peru’s mining frontier facilitated imperial control in a way the more dispersed silver frontiers of New Spain did not. Historical capitalism has sustained itself on the basis of exploiting, and thereby undermining, a vast web of socio-ecological relations. As may be observed in colonial Peru, the commodity frontier strategy effected both the destruction and creation of premodern socio-ecological arrangements.

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"Ukrainian revolution" – is the scientific object or source of mythmaking

Author(s): Volodymyr Kyrychenko / Language(s): English / Issue: 2/2018

It has passed the century since the revolutionary events of 1917, which radically changed thehistorical fate of the Russian Empire and the peoples that were part of it. Anniversaries are provides anopportunity both for fresh rethinking hundred-year-old events, and for summarizing the results of theresearches of the phenomenon revolution as a subject. The Decree of the President of Ukraine is ordered tohonor the traditions of the struggle for the independence and unity of Ukraine and the military victory of thedefenders of the native land, the creators of national statehood, the millennial history of the state formation ofour people, the recognition of the historical significance of events associated with the liberation struggle of thebeginning of the XX century and the establishment of Ukrainian statehood.The word "revolution" has integrated into Ukrainian reality with vigour, because Khmelnitchina is alreadyconsidered today by many domestic researchers mainly in the context of the revolutionary paradigm. There isthen the Ukrainian Revolution of 1917-1921, which we celebrate today. Then finally followed by a string ofrecent colored revolutions completing this revolutionary movement. There is a powerful populist taste,however, with the objective perception of this "revolutionary series". Populism is an instrument of politics, andit is simply impossible in State affairs without it, besides it falls on the fertile ground of mythological thinking.The modern era has demonstrated the inseparability of myth from society. The modern myth has begun to beperceived in a negative context as far-fetched, erroneous, conditional, fantastic, moreover, it has emerged as apolicy instrument. A political idea generates a political mythology which establishes the contact between thosewho govern and those governed. Turning into symbols, they create a symbolic space in politics, in which typesof decision-making can be realized, for which mythology becomes the most important element of this process.Modern historiography devoted to the phenomenon of revolution, is represented by dozens of contradictoryauthor's approaches, which differ from each other, first of all, its attitudinal dimension. Not only thefundamental indicators of the revolution are being debated: chronology and periodization, causes andpreconditions, character, driving forces, etc., the question of the very concept of revolution is in question. Thetheoretical views on the phenomenon of revolution with their division into methodological approaches, fromMarxist to synergetic, focusing on the search for objective truths, based on a solid source ground and adequatemethods of scientific cognition are analyzed in the article. However, the efforts of Ukrainian experts to studythe phenomenon of revolution cause many questions and criticism. Of particular concern in this sense is thepoint of view of the leading experts, whose position becomes almost official and is contained in textbooks,encyclopedias, and is being widely used. Obviously, the Soviet past has created a powerful myth about thephenomenon of revolution, made it as the value of top level it in the public consciousness. Even a largenumber of scholars are convinced that it is only way to reach new quality and radical social change. In fact,today there are scientific-research which refute the myth of the modernization significance of revolutions. It isnot revolutions, but radical reforms accelerate the development of the state in an unfriendly environment, whenthere is a need to defend the independence or to catch up with someone or even overtake.

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"We are hope, you are the eternal khan.” Authoritarian regimes and protest opportunities in Central Asia

Author(s): Nartsiss Shukuralieva / Language(s): English / Issue: 1/2019

The aim of this text is to analyze the political determinants deciding the functioning of the opposition and contentious practices in undemocratic regimes of Central Asia. The analysis is based on five countries with varying degrees of authoritarianism and allows us to trace the relations between the political context and protest activities, which in the different forms depending on the local structure of power, have taken place in all five of the countries in the region. The example of Central Asian countries supports the ideas about the patterns of protest being dependent on the type of political regime. Moreover, one may observe the growing role of Internet activism in informing and mobilizing public opinion, encouraging the expression of opinion, collecting various resources, provoking support, and building a network of relations within the civil society. Finally, the research shows that the more repressive the regime is, the smaller the opportunity for using traditional forms of protest, and in extreme cases contestation is limited to the Internet.

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"Wyobraźnia i "balsam" miłosierdzia

Author(s): Marek Chmielewski / Language(s): English,Polish / Issue: 1/2017

Two metaphors: “creativity of mercy” and “balm of mercy” represent twopopes who are keenly interested in the Divine and human mercy – St John Paul II and Francis. John Paul II used his characteristic expression “creativity of mercy” for the first time in his letter Novo millennio ineunte. Then, Pope Francis, proclaiming the Extraordinary Jubilee of Mercy as a special time for the Church, expressed his desire: “May the balm of mercy reach everyone, both believers and those far away, as a sign that the Kingdom of God is already present in our midst!” (Misericordiae vultus, n. 5).

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"Музикалната естрада продължава да живее в културната памет на българите"

Интервю с Розмари Стателова за новата й книга 'Естрада и социализъм: проблясъци'

Author(s): Zhana Popova / Language(s): Bulgarian / Issue: 5/2019

Interview with Rosemary Statelova about her new book „Estrada and Socialism: Glimpses“

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"Подмината от историята": Юлия Свечникова-Белковска и проблемът за маргиналността на жените в изкуството

Author(s): Milena Georgieva / Language(s): Bulgarian / Issue: 4/2003

In terms of gender studies and the history of women in art the author reproduces the biography of the entirely forgotten Russian artist Yulia Svechnikova-Belkovska (1874 - 1960) who came to Bulgaria with her husband Asen Belkovsky, her fellow-student from the Art School in Kazan, Russia, who was later to become a prominent artist. The article presents a thorough study of her life in Russia, Munich and Paris (1905 - 1906) until she finally settled down in Bulgaria (1907), as well as her life in the latter. Her life is closely related to her husband’s except for the academic schools attended by him only. Her artistic style is quite close to his, too: they share the same parallel development and eventually establish the style to be later named “Belkovsky". It contributes to the portrait and landscape painting, plenary sessions included, as well as the use of some impressionistic methods and a new modern approach to the sketch. The better use of the style, however, ​would be rather made by Asen Belkovsky as the more active and obliged one in a man’s world; Yulia Svechnikova would always remain in his shade. Still underdeveloped, the Bulgarian art marks the appearance of other women of artistic training; they were also married to Bulgarian artists, yet, in general, they didn’t aim at promotion and career in sacrifice to their husband's personal progress in a native environment. These women’s abandon of the ego and the neglect of talent could be characterized as the syndrome of the “echo-wife”, i.e., to deliberately mute one’s creativity and fully adopt the creative approach of the paragon as a man, husband and teacher, no matter of the equal good start of them both. This attitude isolates women and puts them in a marginal position at the beginning of XX century when women’s active creativity struggled for the recognition of not “essentially feminine art” only but rather to gain emancipation through the professional attributes of women’s art.

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#04 The Role of Political Parties in Bulgaria's Accession to the EU

#04 The Role of Political Parties in Bulgaria's Accession to the EU

Author(s): Antony Todorov / Language(s): English / Publication Year: 1999

The process of Bulgaria's EU integration is a multifaceted political, institutional, economic, socio-structural, and psychological process. It is essentially a complex social transformation aimed at establishing particular public structures, standards, consensual attitudes, and strategies, compatible with EU and acceptable to its member countries. This process involves diverse actors who cannot be reduced solely to the efforts of state institutions and above all, of the legislature and the executive. One of the most powerful, though frequently overlooked, channels bringing Bulgaria closer to EU, are political parties. The inclusion of political parties in the domestic political process cannot be reduced exclusively or primarily to the time in which they exercise executive power. In opposition or even outside parliament, political parties can still occasionally exert considerable influence over the conditions in which foreign policy is conceived and implemented. Parties can sometimes be an exceptionally important source for Bulgaria's international image which strongly influences the positions of the country's international partners, and in particular, the EU member states, in terms of Bulgaria's accession to EU. Political parties, along with everything else, have several essential functions immediately related to Bulgaria's integration in EU: • they are very frequently the channels for the introduction of European po-litical standards in Bulgarian politics; • they represent the Bulgarian political palette of strategies and ideas; • they create an additional lobby network among the EU political class in favor of Bulgaria's accession; • they are in position to structure political life in Bulgaria in line with EU standards. That is why the study of the role of political parties in the process of Bulgaria's EU integration is an essential element of the conception of a general idea, and theoretical model, of the process. In theoretical terms, parties are part of the political system and a connecting link between the political, and civil, society. Their role in foreign policy is typically related to positions of power. But the in-ternationalization of party life in the past decade has provided parties with new opportunities for participation in the foreign political process. In Bulgarian political life parties are an important, if not the chief, instrument for assimilation of foreign political experience. Their activity as international actors, their international contacts, the international forums organized by them, are an irreplaceable channel through which public opinion in Bulgaria gets informed about foreign political standards, about the rules and norms of political life in EU countries, for instance. Naturally, the influence of parties on the foreign policy and international image of a given country is a function of its political system and above all, of the role, status, and functions of political parties within it. Since 1989 Bulgaria has developed a "European" type of party system, in which political organizations are institutional structures striving to represent politically significant social interests. Under this model, parties are involved in the domestic political process as representatives of a certain part of public opinion. In the U.S., along with that function, parties are involved in foreign policy mainly through the influence they have in various foundations which sponsor projects and research institutions. In a sense, the American party-system model is based more on the "expert" participation of political parties in the foreign policy making. In Bulgaria there are few elements of expert participation of parties in the foreign political process, though certain "think tanks", related in some form or other to political parties, do exert some influence, largely through developing and presenting before foreign partners alternatives to government policies.

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#05 Bulgaria’s Capital Markets in the Context of EU Accession: A Status Report

#05 Bulgaria’s Capital Markets in the Context of EU Accession: A Status Report

Author(s): Stefan Petranov,Jeffrey Miller / Language(s): English / Publication Year: 1999

The objective of this report is to contribute to the discussion on the capital market reform in Bulgaria in preparation for eventual integration into the European Union. The report views the accession issue on two levels. The first one is whether the necessary capital market institutions and legislation are in place, while the second one is whether capital markets function in a manner that supports economic growth and development. The impetus for the development of the capital markets in Bulgaria was the first wave of the mass privatization program. This program was similar to the program implemented earlier in the Czech Republic. At the same time the Czech Republic is among the first countries in transition that has been invited to negotiate accession with the European Union. For these reasons it is useful to compare the process of capital market developments in both countries. However, it should be taken into consideration that because of the problems that have surfaced recently in the Czech capital markets, the Czech example does not necessarily furnish solutions to the problems that are likely to arise. A large number of the companies are listed on the Bulgarian Stock Exchange-Sofia, but in practice the majority of the smaller ones have not been traded at all. While the unadjusted market capitalization figure amounts to roughly 0 million, this includes all investment funds, holding companies and all shares in partially privatized state owned companies. The actual figure for shares not held by the Government and available for trading on the BSE-Sofia is probably closer to 5 million. This works out to 1 per participant in the mass privatization program, which is a little above one-month’s salary. The market also has very low levels of turnover. Turnover figures at the individual company level are available only for trades on the BSE-Sofia. Most company shares have been traded very few times since the stock market opened. Only eight companies have traded shares in more than half of the sessions for which they were registered.

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#09 Corruption and Trafficking: Monitoring and Prevention. Assessment Methodologies and Models of Counteracting Transborder Crime (Second revisited and amended edition)

#09 Corruption and Trafficking: Monitoring and Prevention. Assessment Methodologies and Models of Counteracting Transborder Crime (Second revisited and amended edition)

Author(s): Center for the Study of Democracy CSD / Language(s): English / Publication Year: 2000

This is the second updated edition under the same title, published by the Center for the Study of Democracy of its Reports/ Analyses series to be distributed among participants in Regional Coordination Meeting of Subtable "Justice and Home Affairs" of Stability Pact Working Table III, held in Sofia on October 3rd, 2000. This latest analytical report is the outcome of the efforts of non-government organizations and state institutions, and of independent experts and journalists as well within the framework of the Coalition 2000 process. Launched in 1997, Coalition 2000 strives to support the restriction and curbing of corrupt practices in Bulgarian society, including regular monitoring of public perceptions and attitudes towards corruption. The illicit trafficking growth, as one of the most important sources of local "gray economy" throughout the 90ies, was caused by a number of international and internal factors, the most crucial of which being the weakening of the post-communist state and the spread of corruption practices among state officials. The threat on society posed by the interlacing of the interests both of crossborder crime perpetrators and the associated corrupt public officials (customs officials being the most alarming example according to public opinion), became a serious public concern. This initiated the necessity to analyze the phenomenon and to identify adequate monitoring and counteraction measures, moreover this type of crime finds further confirmation in experts' estimate that a large portion of the local gray economy is related to smuggling of goods and the proceeds of the respective unlawful activities.

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