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Partnerstwo w przywództwie? Stany Zjednoczone i Niemcy (1989-2016). Perspektywa polska
15.00 €

Partnerstwo w przywództwie? Stany Zjednoczone i Niemcy (1989-2016). Perspektywa polska

Author(s): Jadwiga Kiwerska / Language(s): Polish

Stany Zjednoczone i Republikę Federalną Niemiec łączą stosunki, które stanowią ważny filar zaangażowania Ameryki w Europie. Stąd ich znaczenie dla bezpieczeństwa europejskiego i porządku międzynarodowego. Od momentu zjednoczenia Niemiec wiele się zmieniło we wzajemnych relacjach. Był to zarówno efekt nowych uwarunkowań międzynarodowych, jak i skutek odzyskania przez Niemcy pełnej suwerenności oraz ich rosnących aspiracji politycznych. Silniejsze Niemcy stały się bardziej asertywne wobec oczekiwań Waszyngtonu. Dynamika wydarzeń międzynarodowych spowodowała także redefinicję amerykańskich celów i metod działania na arenie światowej, co nie pozostało bez wpływu na kształt relacji z Berlinem. O tym wszystkim mowa jest w prezentowanej książce. Analizując ewolucję stosunków amerykańsko-niemieckich w ostatnim ponad ćwierćwieczu, próbowano odpowiedzieć na pytanie, czy RFN zyskała nowe miejsce w strategii Waszyngtonu. Czy jako silniejszy podmiot postępowała odpowiedzialnie i wiarygodnie w relacjach z amerykańskim supermocarstwem? Czy z kolei USA wyciągnęły właściwe wnioski z faktu, że ich partnerem jest państwo o dużym potencjale gospodarczym i znaczącej randze politycznej? Czy potrafiły optymalnie i skutecznie współpracować z nowymi Niemcami? Biorąc pod uwagę znaczenie dla Polski dobrych relacji zarówno z Niemcami, jak Stanami Zjednoczonymi, starano się określić implikacje stanu stosunków na linii Waszyngton-Berlin dla polskich interesów. Czy udało się te cele osiągnąć, pozostawiam życzliwej ocenie czytelników.

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Russia’s best enemy. Russian policy towards the United States in Putin’s era
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Russia’s best enemy. Russian policy towards the United States in Putin’s era

Author(s): Marek Menkiszak / Language(s): English

Relations between Russia and the United States are characterised by an asymmetry against Russia, whose expectations vis-à-vis the US remain unmet. The dynamics of Russia’s policy towards the US in the last sixteen years has been one of cyclic fluctuations. The recurrent scheme starts with a normalisation and positive developments in mutual relations at the onset of each new US president’s term, and end with an escalation of tensions and a crisis at the end of each presidency. Russia is too weak to be recognised by the United States as an equal partner or opponent, but too strong to be willing or able to accept the status of an inequitable, tactical ally of the US. Moreover, Moscow has hardly anything to offer the US in a positive sense, apart from possibly limiting the negative impacts of its policies on Washington’s interests. Making predictions about Russian-American relations at this moment is very risky. In the most likely scenario, the traditional pattern will again be repeated with Donald Trump’s new administration. However, that does not mean that Russia will inevitably suffer a strategic defeat, as Moscow may take advantage of the further weakening of the United States and the West.

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Europa w strategii Baracka Obamy (2009-2012)
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Europa w strategii Baracka Obamy (2009-2012)

Author(s): Jadwiga Kiwerska / Language(s): Polish

During the presidency of Barack Obama, the European continent ceased to be a region of primary importance and an object of special concern in the field of security for the United States. For the American side, the main determinant of its European policy was Europe's readiness to play the role of an important player in the international arena and thus an effective partner that America needed in a world heading towards multipolarity and struggling with various problems. However, the expectations directed at the Old World were largely unfulfilled - in the American opinion, Europe remained too diverse and assertive. The balance of Barack Obama's first term in office in relations with Europe is, on the one hand, a sense of marginalization of the Old World in the global policy of the USA, and on the other - the continuing inertia of European states in relation to many challenges of the modern world, disappointing for the American administration.

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Kierunek Iran! Stosunki polsko-irańskie i możliwości ich rozwoju
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Kierunek Iran! Stosunki polsko-irańskie i możliwości ich rozwoju

Author(s): Patrycja Sasnal,Kinga Brudzińska,Artur Gradziuk,Łukasz Kulesa,Damian Wnukowski / Language(s): Polish

Polska, podobnie jak inne państwa Unii Europejskiej i ta część społeczności międzynarodowej, która w ostatnich latach zmniejszyła intensywność kontaktów z Iranem z powodu jego programu atomowego, poszukuje dziś możliwości odbudowania stosunków. Obie strony – irańska i europejska – przejawiają zainteresowanie maksymalnym ich polepszeniem w możliwie najkrótszym czasie, póki istnieje w Europie i USA konsensus, że z Iranem należy rozmawiać. Szybkość powrotu Iranu do grona akceptowanych partnerów międzynarodowych, przede wszystkim jako atrakcyjnego partnera handlowego, świadczy o naturalnej predyspozycji globalnego systemu gospodarczego do wykorzystywania pojawiających się nisz. Zapowiada także trudności z utrzymaniem tak istotnego podmiotu poza systemem ekonomiczno-politycznym w erze zglobalizowanych stosunków międzynarodowych.

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North–South Gas Corridor: Geopolitical Breakthrough in Central Europe
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North–South Gas Corridor: Geopolitical Breakthrough in Central Europe

Author(s): / Language(s): English

Despite delays, a lack of short-term results, as well as turbulent domestic political agendas, the North–South Gas Corridor (NSGC or NSI) remains a priority for all of the Central European states. There are significant differences among them in terms of the level of market liberalisation, progress in building physical infrastructure, and with short-term priorities; however, first and foremost in common is a deep need to diversify both gas supply routes and suppliers. The goal is to achieve this using the same tools in each country—the development of new infrastructure, especially new interconnectors and underground gas storage facilities, contractual and trade arrangements (the introduction of physical and virtual reverse flows), market liberalisation, and the promotion of competition, spot markers and contracts with alternative gas suppliers. The V4 governments and regulators should be expected to continue coordination of efforts amongst themselves on a common regulatory framework for unified wholesaler trading zones, in parallel with the EU Single Market process (an integrated entry/exit network, a single virtual trading point, mergers of trading zones, etc.). In the long run, regional market liquidity might be increased through the establishment of a common gas trading hub, possibly at the future LNG terminal in Świnoujście, Poland. This could strengthen the hand of all of the purchasing countries from the region vis-á-vis their traditional suppliers, namely Russia and Norway.

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The Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria: Between A Rock and A Hard Place
9.99 €

The Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria: Between A Rock and A Hard Place

Author(s): Thomas Schmidinger / Language(s): English

This book is based on papers presented at the conference. However, it is not a typical publication of academic conference proceedings because the topics are not completely congruent with those of the conference. Some lectures that could not be held due to travel restrictions related to the coronavirus pandemic were submitted as book contributions. In addition, I also wrote a short contribution on the Jewish history of the region, which has been often neglected in previous presentations of the region.The various authors for this volume have been intensively involved with the region in recent years. However, the authors do not only focus on the situation on the ground, but also on the international context of the autonomous administration. The conflict in Syria is no longer just a civil war, but a transnational conflict with important roles played not only by actors such as Russia or the USA, but also Turkey or Iran.Given the transnationality of the conflict and the role of the hegemonic powers, these authors share thoughtful analyses from very different perspectives. It is important to share these diverse views with the world so that the tragic conflict might become more comprehensible. This does not mean, however, that I necessarily advocate each particular position taken by the varied contributors to this book. The intent is to offer you multiple perspectives and certainly not a common narrative.

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Une Reponse Bosniaque. Modernité et Tradition
12.00 €

Une Reponse Bosniaque. Modernité et Tradition

Author(s): Rusmir Mahmutćehajić / Language(s): French

The events that struck Bosnia at the turn of the millennium - its people slaughtered and expelled, assaulted and humiliated, its towns and villages ravaged - did not concern only Bosnia. No individual, nation, region or state was protected from it, although their role took different forms. It is the whole human person who has suffered. It would be a never-ending task to list and describe these various experiences, and anyway, no matter how deep we go, their essence may well remain elusive. This is why this book attempts, on a more general level, to differentiate the modern world view from the traditional one, allowing a "Bosnian response" to take shape as they meet. // PUBLISHED IN 2005 BY DURIEUX PUBLISHING HOUSE BASED IN ZAGREB

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Lucrările conferinţei de cercetare în construcţii, economia construcţiilor, urbanism şi amenajarea teritoriului
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Lucrările conferinţei de cercetare în construcţii, economia construcţiilor, urbanism şi amenajarea teritoriului

Author(s): / Language(s): English,Romanian

Includes full papers presented in the research conference on constructions, economy of constructions, architecture, urbanism and territorial development.

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Rusija i Zapadni Balkan
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Rusija i Zapadni Balkan

Author(s): Dušan Reljić / Language(s): Serbian

The European Union undertook to act as a "driving force" during the transformation conflicts in the Western Balkans with the aim of ensuring peace and security in Europe. Prospects for membership in the Union, which have been provided to the states of this region, work according to in the words of Commissioner for Enlargement Olli Rhen, as a "compass that helps countries in the region to orient themselves and stay on the peaceful path towards reforms". In the EU enlargement strategy, it is stated that preventing conflicts and strengthening stability and security, belong to the strategic interests of the European Union. It serves those interests, as one of the most effective foreign policy instruments of the Union, and its policy expansion. When the entire region is integrated into the EU, among the countries of that part of the continent a lasting and stable peace will be established. At least that is the widespread hope within Western Balkans and beyond.

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Wolność ekspresji sędziego w czasach kryzysu kultury polityczno-prawnej
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Wolność ekspresji sędziego w czasach kryzysu kultury polityczno-prawnej

Author(s): Paweł Jabłoński,Przemysław Kaczmarek,Mateusz Wojtanowski / Language(s): Polish

Autorzy spoglądają na tytułową problematykę z różnych punktów widzenia. Po pierwsze, jest to perspektywa ustrojowa, dotycząca roli sądów i sędziów w demokratycznym państwie. Po drugie, perspektywa konstytucyjna, związana z wolnością wypowiedzi każdego obywatela, w tym sędziego. Po trzecie, problem oceniany jest z perspektywy norm prawa krajowego i międzynarodowego. Po czwarte wreszcie, dla autorów istotna jest perspektywa zasad etyki zawodowej sędziów i norm, które można z nich wyprowadzić w odniesieniu do dopuszczalnych postaci ekspresji sędziego. (…)Książka zawiera starannie uzasadnione wnioski dotyczące ograniczeń ekspresji sędziów, które stanowić powinny fundament refleksji sędziów, dyskusji, którą należałoby odbyć w środowisku prawniczym, i być może nowego ukształtowania dyrektyw, które w przyszłości mogą być wykorzystywane w kształceniu sędziów i innych kadr sądowych, w tworzeniu nowego modelu polityki informacyjnej sądów i w orzecznictwie dyscyplinarnym. dr Michał Laskowski, sędzia Sądu Najwyższego Można się zastanawiać, czy problematyka sędziowskiej ekspresji pojawiłaby się jako temat badawczy, gdyby fundamenty kultury polityczno-prawnej w Polsce nie zaczęły być kwestionowane wraz z wydarzeniami z drugiej połowy 2015 r. Kryzys wpłynął zasadniczo na postawy samych sędziów, którzy pojawili się w przestrzeni publicznej oraz medialnej. Procesom tym towarzyszył rozwój mediów społecznościowych, przemiany na rynku prasy i innych mediów (np. spadek znaczenia telewizji), zmiany w formach komunikacji oraz jej modelach. Zrodziło to wiele pytań dotyczących właśnie wolności sędziowskiej ekspresji. (…)Książka jest znakomita. Olśniewa wręcz bogactwem konceptualizacji zaczerpniętych z trafnie dobieranej literatury przedmiotu (…). Ujmuje jej wyważony styl i elegancki sposób formułowania sądów. dr hab. Maciej Wojciechowski, Uniwersytet Gdański

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INDEPENDENT REPORT ON THE IMPLEMENTATION OF NAP 1325 IN SERBIA
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INDEPENDENT REPORT ON THE IMPLEMENTATION OF NAP 1325 IN SERBIA

Author(s): Gorana Odanović,Maja Bjeloš / Language(s): English

This report evaluates the implementation of the National Action Plan (NAP) on UN Security Council Resolution 1325 in the Republic of Serbia during its first year (December 2010 to July 2012). The NAP was introduced to mainstream gender perspectives in security sector management and enhance Serbia’s role in promoting gender equality within the Western Balkans. While the adoption of the NAP marked a significant reform initiative, its implementation has faced numerous challenges, including delays in establishing institutional mechanisms, insufficient funding, and limited integration of existing gender equality frameworks. The report examines seven key thematic areas outlined in the NAP: institutional mechanisms, women’s representation in the security sector, participation in decision-making and multinational operations, legal protection against discrimination, education and training, media representation, and collaboration with civil society organizations (CSOs). Particular attention is given to institutional cooperation with CSOs, as they play a crucial role in advancing NAP objectives. Findings highlight persistent barriers, such as discrimination in the male-dominated security sector, inadequate institutional commitment, and the lack of robust media coverage promoting gender equality. Recommendations are provided for addressing these challenges, including strengthening institutional accountability, improving funding mechanisms, and fostering collaboration between state and non-state actors. The report underscores the importance of integrating gender equality policies into security sector reform to improve institutional efficiency, bolster Serbia’s international standing, and enhance citizen security.

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INDEPENDENT REPORT ON THE IMPLEMENTATION OF NAP FOR UNSC RESOLUTION 1325 IN SERBIA: JULY 2012 – JULY 2013
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INDEPENDENT REPORT ON THE IMPLEMENTATION OF NAP FOR UNSC RESOLUTION 1325 IN SERBIA: JULY 2012 – JULY 2013

Author(s): Maja Bjeloš,Tamara Skrozza / Language(s): English

This is the second independent report on the implementation of the National Action Plan (NAP) for Implementing UNSC Resolution 1325 in the Republic of Serbia. The first report was published in 2012. It covered the period from the NAP adoption in December 2010 to July 2012. The aim of the second report is to present the greatest achievements in the process of NAP implementation for the period July 2012 - 2013, to point out the challenges faced within this process, and to suggest the measures to overcome these challenges and advance the implementation of the NAP. Looking at the progress made in the implementation of the NAP during the relevant period, we will focus on the main accomplishments of the previous period, and particularly on the challenges, with the intention to see whether they were addressed by public authorities in the past year. Taking into consideration that three years have passed since the adoption of the NAP, key findings and messages of this Report will hopefully generate discussion and prompt a review of the NAP to ensure a better understanding of what has been completed done thus far, while equally identifying priorities for the coming period of the NAP implementation.

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Special Measures for Covert Data Collection : oversight handbook
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Special Measures for Covert Data Collection : oversight handbook

Author(s): Predrag Petrović,Saša Đorđević,Katarina Đokić,Jelena Pejić / Language(s): English

Wiretapping and tailing of suspects are the traditional mainstays of security service activity. However, the multiplication and growing complexity of security threats and risks, as well as development of technology and communications has led to an increase in the number and variety of techniques used to covertly gather data, such as secretly accessing people’s communications. Additionally, the number of government bodies and institutions implementing such measures has grown beyond the police and security services to include, for example, the Administration for the Prevention of Money Laundering and has also come to include private detective and investigative agencies. Today such measures are no longer applied only for preventative intelligence gathering but also in the course of criminal proceedings. The situation is further confounded by the fact that these activities are governed by a vast number of (unintegrated) regulations and by decreasing understanding of this field, both by the general public and by professionals. This is best illustrated by the fact that lawmakers use a variety of terms to define such measures in legislation: “special procedures and measures” (Law on the VBA and VOA), “special measures infringing on the privacy of correspondence and other communications” (Law on the BIA) and “special investigative activity” (Criminal Procedure Code).

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A, B, C - Deployment of Civilian Capacities to International Peace Operations
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A, B, C - Deployment of Civilian Capacities to International Peace Operations

Author(s): Denis Hadžović / Language(s): English

Since the end of the Cold War, peacekeeping has evolved into a more complex, multidimensional effort, encompassing military, civilian, political, and humanitarian tasks. This shift marked the emergence of peacebuilding, a broader concept dating back to post-WWII reconstruction efforts. The term gained prominence in the early 1990s when UN Secretary-General Boutros Boutros-Ghali defined it as actions to support structures that solidify peace and prevent conflict relapse. Subsequent documents, including the Brahimi Report, expanded peacebuilding to include integrated strategies across all phases of conflict. Modern "hybrid" peacebuilding operations, involving collaboration between the UN and regional organizations under joint leadership, engage diverse actors - international and regional organizations, NGOs, financial institutions, national agencies, donors, and local communities. This comprehensive approach has increased the involvement of civilian, police, and military personnel in peace operations. Post-conflict peacebuilding relies heavily on civilian expertise to address security, political, and socioeconomic reconstruction, which is vital for sustainable peace. With growing demands for civilian experts in peace missions - doubling in UN operations over the last decade - this policy brief reviews the operational requirements, legal frameworks, practices, and challenges of deploying civilian experts to UN, EU, OSCE, and NATO peace operations.

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Osnovi reforme izbornog sistema : slučaj Srbije
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Osnovi reforme izbornog sistema : slučaj Srbije

Author(s): Dejan D. Bursać / Language(s): Serbian

Reality sometimes overtakes scientific research and academic debate. Although the topic of this monograph goes beyond just one in a sea of ​​electoral cycles, the events of the elections held in Serbia on December 17, 2023 significantly influenced the return of the narrative about the need for electoral reform to the domestic public. It certainly contributes to the topicality of this book. Election conditions as one of the important political issues in Serbia have been present in the public discourse for several years - at least since before the 2020 elections and the announced, and then realized, boycott of most opposition parties; while the need for change or at least serious reform of the electoral system has been discussed in academic circles for two decades. Despite this, the electoral system that has been in force in Serbia since October 2000 has proven to be extremely resilient. Its consequences are often extreme, both from the point of view of electoral actors, and from the point of view of the wider institutional and social framework, which we will discuss in a series of chapters below. The proportional electoral system with closed lists and the entire country as one electoral unit is rare in comparative practice and is applied, with greater or lesser variations, by only a few countries around the world, but in Serbia last year it celebrated its anniversary, since it was applied in equal ten consecutive parliamentary election cycles.

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DILEME DEMOKRATSKE NACIJE I AUTONOMIJE - ogledi o političkoj tranziciji u Srbiji
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DILEME DEMOKRATSKE NACIJE I AUTONOMIJE - ogledi o političkoj tranziciji u Srbiji

Author(s): Jovan Komšić / Language(s): Serbian

This book comprises essays on political transition in Serbia, written in the 1997 – 2006 period. Twenty-four works are devoted to sociological and politicological-legal aspects of the great changes in the now already considerably differentiated world of post-communism. Particular attention is focused on the problems of an overdue and deformed transition in Serbia, meaning that in the centre of the analysis there are complex interactions of culture and institutional structure in a society that has not yet emerged from the grip of a deep crisis of the change and has not resolved still numerous dilemmas in the confrontation with the many “shocks of the reality”. This relationship may actually be taken as the “red thread” of the topically various reflections of political controversies and theoretic-ideological dilemmas concerning the aims, contents, pace and means of building a modern state and nation, as well as of consolidation of democracy in a heterogeneous (multicultural, pluralist) social setting of Vojvodina and Serbia as a whole. All this has, therefore, caused the essays, the majority of which have so far been published in thematic anthologies and periodicals, to be grouped in this book in five topical wholes.

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Monitoring Transparentnosti u Radu nacionalnih Saveta Nacionalnih Manjina
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Monitoring Transparentnosti u Radu nacionalnih Saveta Nacionalnih Manjina

Author(s): / Language(s): Serbian

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Proceedings of the 37th International RAIS Conference on Social Sciences and Humanities, vol. 1
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Proceedings of the 37th International RAIS Conference on Social Sciences and Humanities, vol. 1

Author(s): / Language(s): English

The 37th International RAIS Conference on Social Sciences and Humanities was held at The Erdman Center, 20 Library Place, Princeton, NJ 08540, USA, on August 8-9, 2024, and was organized by the Research Association for Interdisciplinary Studies.

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Magyar parlamenti képviselet Csehszlovákiában. Magyar nemzetiségű képviselők a prágai és pozsonyi parlamentben 1918–1992
18.00 €

Magyar parlamenti képviselet Csehszlovákiában. Magyar nemzetiségű képviselők a prágai és pozsonyi parlamentben 1918–1992

Author(s): Attila Simon,Árpád Popély / Language(s): Hungarian

The Hungarian community in Slovakia, like its representation in parliament, has a history of more than a century. However, with the exception of a few recently published partial monographs, there has been no scholarly work on Hungarian parliamentary representation in the former Czechoslovakia. The present volume is the first attempt to summarize the history of parliamentary representation of the Hungarian minority in former Czechoslovakia from the country's formation in 1918 until its dissolution in 1992, as well as the biographies and political careers of its ethnic Hungarian parliamentarians and senators. This volume is also a pioneering undertaking in that no similar publication has yet been compiled on Czech and Slovak members of the Prague and Bratislava parliaments either. Since post-World War II Slovakia had its own legislative body, the Slovak National Council, the book naturally deals not only with the parliaments of Prague, the National Assembly and the Federal Assembly, but also with the Bratislava parliament and its Hungarian representatives. The fact that Prague had a bicameral parliament already during the First Republic and after the federal transformation of the country further increased the number of deputies covered in the book. In addition, between the two world wars, Subcarpathian Rus (today Carpatho-Ukraine) was also part of the Czechoslovak state, and ethnic Hungarian deputies and senators from there were elected to the National Assembly in Prague. Obviously, they were among the Hungarian legislators in Czechoslovakia, so it is only natural that they have been included in this volume, which thus presents a total of 246 Hungarian members and senators of the Prague and Bratislava parliaments. Of these, 45 were deputies and senators of the First Republic, 134 were deputies and senators in the years of the one-party state, 65 were deputies and senators of post-communist Czechoslovakia, and two were deputies and senators of both the single-party state and the parliaments after its collapse.In line with the generally accepted chronology of Czechoslovak history, the volume is divided into three major chapters. The first chapter covers the period of the First Republic, the second the years of the single-party system, and the third the period from the removal of the totalitarian communist regime to the end of the (federal) state. Only the post-World War II coalition period, which was a period of disenfranchisement for the Hungarian minority, is not included as a separate chapter, as the Hungarian population was deprived of the right to vote and thus to be represented in parliament. Nor does the volume deal with the period of the Slovak state during the Second World War and the parliamentary activities of its only Hungarian MP, János Esterházy, since the Slovak state parliament—unlike the post-war Slovak National Council—did not operate within the Czechoslovak state. Each chapter begins with a study of the political background and Hungarian parliamentary representation of the period, followed by a presentation of the ethnic Hungarian legislators of the period.The entries summarising the political and biographical background of each MEP include biographical details of the MEP, the number of the election term in which he or she was elected, the legislature of which he or she was a member or senator, the period of his or her mandate, the constituency in which he or she was elected and the party for which he or she was elected. The beginning and end of a mandate are often linked to different events in different registers or databases and are therefore given in different ways. The present volume considers the beginning of a mandate as the date of taking the oath of office and the end as the date of the next elections, except, of course, in cases where a person has been recalled, resigned, or died before the end of his mandate.The most important sources of biographical data on the MPs were their personal papers and the cadre reviews prepared on them. The personal papers of the MPs and senators in Prague are kept in the Archives of the Chamber of Deputies of the Parliament of the Czech Republic, while those of the MPs in Bratislava are kept partly in the Archives of the National Council of the Slovak Republic and partly in the Slovak National Archives. The cadres' reviews from the single-party state years are kept in the Communist Party´s fonds in the National Archives of the Czech Republic and the Slovak National Archives. Although in some cases their contents had to be corrected, the primary source of information on the ethnicity of MPs was the handbooks issued for each elected parliament, including, among others, the data of the MPs. The work of Members of Parliament has been possible to reconstruct from the press of the time and the stenographic records of parliamentary sittings. At the end of the volume, there is a reference list and bibliography, and an index of the names of persons and places appearing in the book.

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Teoride ve pratikte insani yardim
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Teoride ve pratikte insani yardim

Author(s): / Language(s): Turkish

Natural disasters, poverty, conflicts and climate crisis cause more and more people in the world to become in need of humanitarian aid. Due to its geographical, geopolitical and historical location, humanitarian aid has become an issue of strategic importance for Türkiye. Frequent natural disasters in Türkiye, Türkiye’s proximity to chronic conflict zones, the concentration of communities in need of humanitarian aid in geographies in Türkiye’s sphere of influence, and Türkiye’s recent diplomacy/humanitarian diplomacy moves are the main reasons why humanitarian aid has become strategically important for Türkiye in theoretical and practical terms. To this, the lack of a ‘responsible’ and ‘conscientious’ leader or actor at the global level and the failure of international organizations to prevent conflicts must also be added. In such a theoretical and intellectual background and in the midst of the practical humanitarian aid realities culminating in the 2023-2025 Gaza Genocide, this book emerged from the papers presented at the First International Humanitarian Aid Symposium hosted by the Institute of International Relations and Strategic Studies (ULİSA IIRSR) of Ankara Yıldırım Beyazıt University and organized in partnership with the Turkish Red Crescent, AYBU Technology Transfer Office, and Tirana New York University, in December 2024. The book deals with the issue of humanitarian aid from a broad perspective in the context of the reasons leading to humanitarian aid, the humanitarian aid process, and theoretical and practical discussions that can minimize the need for humanitarian aid. Book sheds light on the complex dimensions of humanitarian aid that fall within the field of disciplines such as economics, politics, sociology, psychology, health and theology. The book contains studies that focus on both theoretical analyses and field applications. The 13 chapters in the book offer a wide perspective, from the historical foundations of cooperation to digital solutions and artificial intelligence-supported systems. Prominent topics include Turkey’s humanitarian aid activities, new disaster management systems, religious and sociological dimensions of humanitarian aid, the relationship between migration and humanitarian aid, and the effects of modern technologies on humanitarian aid. Studies discussing these issues will make significant contributions to the academic literature and field studies. This book, prepared under the editorship of İbrahim Demir, Muhammed Oruç and Elmas Bener Otacı, offers an interdisciplinary perspective on humanitarian aid and aims to contribute to the development of humanitarian aid concepts, theories, and practices in the Turkish literature.

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