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Već treću godinu zaredom izrađuje se i objavljuje Godišnji izvještaj o stanju ljudskih prava žena u Bosni i Hercegovini. Ovo je ujedno i jedini nama poznat izvještaj koji objavljuju organizacije civilnog društva, a koji na sveobuhvatan način tematizuje prava žena, trudeći se pokriti što više pitanja iz ove oblasti. Prva dva izvještaja su nastala samostalnim radom Sarajevskog otvorenog centra, dok ovaj izvještaj izlazi kao rezultat zajedničkog rada Sarajevskog otvorenog centra i Fondacije CURE, a u ime Ženske mreže BiH. Jako nam je drago što ovogodišnji izvještaj potpisuju tri mlade aktivistkinje – Dalila Mirović, Inela Hadžić i Edita Miftari. Ovaj se izvještaj velikim dijelom naslanja na prošlogodišnji. Autorica izvještaja za 2013. godinu, Esther Garcia Fransioli, kojoj se zahvaljujemo na značajnom doprinosu pri izradi i ovogodišnjeg izvještaja, vrlo je opširno i temeljito opisala trenutno stanje u oblasti ljudskih prava žena, pri tome se osvrćući i na godine prije 2013. Imajući to na umu, ovogodišnji izvještaj se u potpunosti nadograđuje na informacije koje su iznesene u prošlogodišnjem izvještaju te preporučujemo da se oba izvještaja čitaju uporedno kako bi se dobila sveobuhvatna slika stanja prava žena u Bosni i Hercegovini. Prošlogodišnji izvještaj je dostupan na: http://soc.ba/ godisnji-izvjestaj-o-stanju-prava-zena-u-bosni-i-hercegovini-tokom-2013-godine/ Godina 2014. se ne može pohvaliti značajnim napretkom kada su u pitanju prava žena. Opći izbori i poplave, ali i pitanje porodiljskih naknada, egzemplarno svjedoče o odnosu države i društva prema ženama. U 2015. godini potrebno je sistematski raditi na poboljšanju položaja žena u društvu, a posebno se posvetiti pitanjima marginalizovanih grupa žena kao što su povratnice, žene žrtve rata, Romkinje, žene s invaliditetom, samohrane majke, žene žrtve nasilja, lezbejke, biseksualne i trans* žene, koje su u velikoj mjeri diskriminisane, marginalizovane, a u određenom broju i u potpunosti društveno isključene. Nadamo se da će ovaj izvještaj biti od koristi za sve one koji/e rade na pravima žena. Radujemo se vašoj povratnoj informaciji!
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For the purposes of this article it has been assumed that the army should not become an autonomous constituent of the state’s structure, since this would pose a threat of taking over a dominant position by this specific formation. The aim of the article is to analyze the modification of the reasons for the outbreak of war, and the means of conducting it. The ongoing changes in the security environment, both in national and worldwide scale, as well as the proceeding national interests of our country imply increasingly advanced tasks for the army and considerably extend their range. The process of transformation in the Polish army is being continued. Further changes are targeted at increasing operational capability in order to enable efficient accomplishment of domestic tasks and performing missions outside its borders. In the contemporary international reality there is a prevailing conviction, that the threat of the outbreak of a global-scale war is rather unlikely. However, other jeopardies and risks have recently come to the fore.
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The article contains a synthetic look at the issue of film censorship, taking into account its various forms. The author combines the perspective of a contemporary synchronous with the diachronic perspective, dating back to the distant origins of cinema and film making, in conjunction with politics and ideology.
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With his third ascent to power, an adaptable Boyko Borissov seems to embrace yet another role.
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2007-2013 funding exercise, especially in the Sectoral Operational Programme Human Resources Development. Analyzing the data provided by 21 public universities in Romania, we find that Universities have accessed in a significant proportion two types of projects: those dedicated to transition from school to active life and those dedicated to doctoral studies. Also, the proportion of the European funds attracted by HEIs is an overwhelming part of the allocation of reference (over 40% since 2011), and also a significant proportion of total revenues universities (~15.5 % for 2011-2014).
More...How Russia’s National Security Strategy Threatens a Western-Based Approach to Global Security, the Rule of Law and Globalization
The Russian National Security Strategy of 2015 aims at achieving autarky from Western influences on global security, the rule of law and global trade. Russia aims at attaining this by applying a holistic mix of military, political and economic means to weaken the West and to strengthen its own role as a global player. The Russian approach builds on a strategy of reflexive control which as such is an old method, but the outcome of the application of this approach results in hybrid warfare which as such is a new emerging concept of warfighting. This short article looks at one particular aspect of this Russian strategy, namely using Hybrid, or non-linear, Warfare against its Western direct neighbours in particular and the West in general. We will discuss the underlying cultural logic in Russia’s actions and will reflect on the impact of Russia’s utilization of the existing cultural asymmetry as a form of warfare in regard to the West. The examples used in this text are taken from the context of the conflicts of Ukraine and Syria, but have to be seen as constituting a part of an on-going global conflict aimed at NATO and the EU. The text builds on years of research within the hybrid threat, warfare respectively, context by both authors.
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Author analyzed the programs of all Czech political parties which have their representatives in the Chamber of Deputies in the parliamentary term 2013–2017, assuming that political programs are a reflection of the public discourse, and of the public eye. Security is one of the most important categories in the programs of Czech political parties, in some literally the most important, however, this importance is determined through quantitative, not qualitative, perspective. Diagnosis and solutions are similar in all cases, what allows to conclude that security is not a factor differentiating the Czech political scene.
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The national security strategy adopted in 2007 provided a detailed definition of security and identified its threats. The key threat to the Armenian state was considered to be the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict. The document indicated the Collective Security Treaty Organisation main guarantor of security, with Russia being Armenia’s main partner in bilateral relations. The second position in the strategy was assigned to cooperation with the NATO and the OSCE. One of the priorities identified was to intensify the economic and trade connections with the European Union and participation in the European Neighbourhood Policy as a step towards integration with European structures. As to bilateral relations, the most significant were Armenia’s contacts with Georgia and Iran. If we compare the assumptions of the strategy with the policy pursued by Armenia after 2007, it is clear that the measures taken are in line with the provisions of the document. By the end of 2016, the most serious threat to Armenia – the Nagorno-Karabakh issue – remained unresolved. Russia reinforced its position as Armenia’s strategic ally. The talks conducted between Armenia and the NATO are of little significance in view of the obligations assumed by Armenia. The same goes for the talks with the European Union after Armenia’s withdrawal from signing the association agreement, accession to the Eurasian Economic Union on 01 January 2015 and signing bilateral agreements with the Russian Federation.
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The crisis of postmodern liberal pluralism after the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989, that is, following the end of the Cold War and the establishment of ‘global politics’ and domination of a single superpower and, more importantly, of a single economic and biotechnological political order, re-provoked possibilities for examining ‘politics’ and ‘the political’ as a significant response to the apparent weakness or absence of any kind of the political in the apparently apolitical or extra- political neoliberal technological practices of organising public and private everyday life in post- modernity. In postmodern and then globalised neoliberal society, politics has acquired the character of a techno- managerial cultural practice, moving from fundamental social, global questions to individual cultural as well as artistic activities in the domain of identity and representation in the everyday. A cynic might conclude that in globalised times, everything – meaning culture and art – is politicised, except politics itself, which is depoliticised. Therefore, in the 1990s and 2000s, it became important to invoke and reconstruct ‘politics’ and ‘the political’ in relation to politics as a form of sociality, as well as a form of organisation, governance, control, and implementation. At that moment, ‘politics as a practice within or across general sociality’ manifested a need or, even, desire for meta- theory as the organisation of the singular as opposed to the particular in relation to universal political knowledge and action, and traditionally, the meta- theory of ‘politics’ is philosophy.
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The article includes analysis of the consequences of the policies and practices, known as multiculturalism, focused on xenophobia and related phenomena. Autors stress the need of impartial scientific debate on multiculturalism, having in mind several theoretical contributions in the field. Situation is worsening because of powerful political and economic interests, influencing the onesided and/or selective application of scientific knowledge available. Special attention is devoted to several specific contradictions in the ongoing European discussion on multiculturalism policies.
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This paper examines the role of the public and its regulation in the Croatian parliamentary law within the formative period of establishing state institutions and law from 1947 to 1953. In trying to determine what is meant by the term public, the author uses etymological and historical approach, exposes the main theoretical concepts and takes a brief look at the socio-political context in the period under review. After that, the author gives a normative analysis of the relevant provisions of the Rules of Procedure of the Parliament of the People’s Republic of Croatia dating from 1947 and 1951, outlines the provisions of the following Rules of Procedures to give an overview of the gradual forming of regulation of the public to the present day. Finally, in giving his concluding observations the author confirms his hypothesis that the public in the reviewed period of the Croatian parliamentary law did not have any significant role; it was reduced only to the meaning of audience, without any possibility of direct influence on the decisions in legislative or norm-making process, while the outcome of the use of available procedural instruments (opinions, requests, complaints and petitions) was entirely dependent on the will of the competent committee or parliament.
More...Društvene i političke perspektive danas
Author is discussing a problem of social justice by putting an emphasis on the complex relationship between democracy, capitalism and justice. The main idea explored in the article is that within conscious socio-political analysis that puts questions of the way of life and quality of life in its focus and relates these questions to class-based structural questions, the main dilemma is that between democracy or capitalism. Author offers an overview of contemporary debates related to this dilemma.
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Political parties in India and Pakistan consider democracy a desirable regime for their countries. In order to introduce their own vision of a democratic state, they violate rules of free and fair elections, undermining the very procedures that constitute democracy. The Indian National Congress and the Muslim League made different kinds of impacts on the democratisation processes in India and Pakistan respectively. In just a few years, the Indian National Congress, contrary to its counterpart in Pakistan, introduced a constitution and organised elections.
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This article examines the political evolution of Montenegro during the era of Yugoslavia (1918-1992) and the subsequent years of political conflict that eventually led to the regaining of Montenegrin independence in 2006. The First World War and the formation of the Yugoslav state not only meant the end of independent Montenegro but also the emergence of a new political context in which internal Montenegrin antagonisms were played out. While a considerable proportion of Montenegrin Orthodox Slavs supported the multinational but Serb-dominated Yugoslav state, there was also a growing number of Montenegrins who wanted to restore the country’s autonomous or even independent status. This was implemented to some degree in the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia but then was endangered again during the crisis of Yugoslavia in the 1980s and 1990s. In addition there was growing unrest among the Muslim minorities and civil protests against Montenegro’s participation on the side of the Serbs in the Yugoslav wars of the 1990s. The final result was a stronger anti-Serbian stance not only among a part of the general population but also among a significant section of the old political elite. This eventually led to Montenegro regaining independence through a referendum in 2006. However, achieving independence meant that Montenegro’s other serious problems, including corruption, uneven economic development and deficient democratisation, came even more emphatically to the fore.
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