"Arabska" czy "muzułmańska" wiosna ludów? Przemiany polityczno - społeczne w Pakistanie a arabska wiosna

Author(s): Joanna Modrzejewska-Lesniewska / Language(s): Polish / Issue: 2/2014

The massive anti -regime demonstrations in Arab coun tries that started in December 2010 in Tunisia were followed by questions about causes and effects of those revolts. Attention of the researchers was understandably concentrated on Arab countries but it seems that other Muslim countries were overlooked - the adjective "Arab" superceded "Muslim" in the name of this widespread movement. This paper aims at proving that the process that culminated in the Arab Spring have not started in Tunisia in December 2010 but in Pakistan in 2007 and 2008.

"Konversacionalizmi" i ligjërimit femëror në politikën shqiptare

Author(s): Anila Hima / Language(s): Albanian / Issue: 35/2017

The tendency of conversationalization in the public discourse is known as shifting boundaries between written and spoken discourse practices, shifting the public discourse towards a more conversational, informal and spontaneous style to create the impression of a casual conversation with the public. Analyzing a wide range of political speeches held in three discourse contexts - when politicians are in power, in opposition and in the personal context - this paper investigates the phenomenon of conversationalization in the discourse of Albanian female politicians. Using a qualitative and comparative analysis, we aim to examine the form, the context and the purpose of conversationalization in the political discourse of the female politicians. The results are that the tendency towards a conversational and sometimes rather casual discourse is documented on the morphological, syntactic, lexical and phonetic levels; secondly, it is not expressed constantly and consistently in the political discourse analyzed, but prevails in the speeches held by female politicians in the context of the opposition; and thirdly, its purpose is as much public understanding as possible, to gain more popularity in order to secure public understanding, sympathy and support.

"Korošec vihti bič nad železničarji" (Stavka železničarjev leta 1920 in minister za promet Anton Korošec)

Author(s): Mateja Ratej / Language(s): Slovenian / Issue: 1/2010

In the following discussion the author focuses on the role of Anton Korošec in the railway strike of April 1920, when as a Head of the Slovenian People's Party he was the Minister of Transport in Stojan Protić's government. After the government of the Kingdom of SHS abolished the collective labour agreement for transport workers, in April 1920 transport all over the state was brought to a halt by a railway strike. The workers on strike were joined by the communists, who saw the mobilisation of the workers as a strong political potential. In the years after the establishment of the Kingdom, the communists represented an influential political factor. In November of the same year, after the Constituent Assembly elections, they became the third most powerful party in the country. On 24 April the strike on the streets of Ljubljana transcended any democratic norms. After the police and military intervention, 13 workers died on the Zaloška cesta street. A few days before that, at the assembly of the Slovenian People's Party confidants in Ljubljana, Korošec had cautioned against the danger of the communist movement, while during the strike he refused to communicate with the railway representatives, claiming that the strike was illegal - that is, unannounced.

"Seramik Tasarımında Güzeli Arayış Sürecinde Yerel Değerlerin Esin Kaynağı Olarak Kullanımı"

Author(s): Mehmet Fatih Karagül / Language(s): Turkish / Issue: Special/2017

The beauty that has been tried to be addressed with such fields as mathematics, architecture, geometry has been among the subjects of philosophers since antiquity. Although the concept of beauty varies according to the periods, beauty is in fact related to the conception of the people. According to Aristotle, the values we can grasp will be beautiful, otherwise considered as non-aesthetic. Although 144 there is not a formula of the ideal beauty, the concept of beauty changes in an abstract and concrete way, according to the persons who monitoring. Throughout the ages, we can see that the Anatolian coasts have been governed by different civilizations and are a source of rich cultural composition. With its strategic and geopolitical importance, Çanakkale shores also witnessed a significant part of this process. Foreign powers always want to possess these lands and the beauty of the richness of these lands. The word "Hellespont" is one of the names used throughout the history of the Dardanelles. Hellespont is a local value for Çanakkale as geographical environment, cultural wealth and sense of meaning. A series of thematic works on using Hellespont as inspiration in designs will be addressed in this notice.

"The Enlargement of the EU to Balkans" – Policy Reports that shaped the policies and debate on European integration of Balkans

Author(s): Specified No Author / Language(s): English / Publication Year: 2008

Today, western Balkans states are a long way from where they were at the beginning of the decade. The Stabilization and Association process, which has just started in 2000, is almost completed as all the states have negotiated and signed the Stabilization and Association Agreements with the EU, the EU is negotiating visa liberalization agreements and all states are entitled to the new pre-accession financial assistance IPA, designed to address the strategic needs of the region. This progress, apart from the persistent efforts of the national governments and the EU administration, is also partly due to the visionary policy reports and recommendations of people and organizations working on the Balkans. We are convinced that their commitment to the region and the ability to look beyond the limitations of the immediate political context for lasting solutions makes them an irreplaceable item on every reading-list of both those who wish to study the Balkan region and those who aim to produce similar such reports addressing the present dilemmas and challenges for the western Balkan states. “The Enlargement of the EU to Balkans” is a compilation of four reports on the Balkans published since 2000. They all concern the Balkan region and its prospects for the future – away from violent legacies towards peace, stability and European integration. As such, they are a valuable source for all those interested in and studying the recent political developments in this region, for these reports give an overview of the challenges that Balkans states faced on the start of their journey to European integration. We hope this collection of reports will become part of the curricula of schools and departments where Balkan politics, history and EU integration are taught. From the multitude of reports, books and other works written on the Balkans, the reports that follow were not chosen accidentally. Rather, we aimed to include the most influential reports, those which had the greatest impact on the EU and international community’s approach towards the Balkans, those with the most valuable recommendations concerning the features of EU’s policy towards the Balkans. The results of in-depth field research and analysis of diplomatic relations in the region, these reports provided the most credible assistance to the European and other policy-makers when faced with the dilemma ‘how to deal with postconflict post-Milosevic Balkans?’ By publishing their reports again, we also like to pay tribute to those people and organizations that made their most for Balkans to be found in EU integration map.

"Želimo biti enakopravni in enakovredni državljani". Gregorčev predlog jezikovnega zakona za zaščito nacionalnih manjšin iz leta 1899

Author(s): Janez Cvirn / Language(s): Slovenian / Issue: 1/2009

Since the beginning of his career as a Member of Parliament, Lavoslav Gregorec from Styria argued for the idea of "national autonomy" in the National Assembly many times, which was to be achieved by adopting an act implementing Article XIX of the Basic Act of 21 December 1867. He argued for the idea of national autonomy in more detail in his speech in the National Assembly on 3 May 1887 and then also on 17 April 1890. He restated his arguments in the time of the extensive "language discussion" in March and April 1898, encouraged by Thun's government. His ideas became more substantial when he prepared a draft "Language Act for the Protection of National Minorities", which he submitted to the National Assembly on 16 December 1899. His proposal was one of the most interesting attempts at solving the linguistic and national issues in the time of mounting national conflicts in Austria.

#32 Radicalisation in Bulgaria: Threats and Trends

Author(s): Rositsa Dzhekova,Mila Mancheva,Maria Doichinova,Lyubomira Derelieva,Tihomir Bezlov,Maria Karayotova,Yavor Tomov,Dimitar Markov,Miryana Ilcheva / Language(s): English / Publication Year: 2015

The phenomena of radicalisation today develop and change at high speed, with their extreme forms manifested globally. The destructive dimensions of (violent) Islamist or right-wing radicalisation have become dramatically visible in Europe posing serious challenges to European societies at large. This report aims to address a knowledge gap with regard to how and to what extent internationally observed radicalisation processes are manifested in Bulgaria. Four different forms of radicalisation are investigated, including Islamist radicalisation, right-wing and left-wing radicalisation, as well as football hooliganism. The report provides policy makers and the expert community with a systematic overview of the main risks to which the Bulgarian society is exposed, as well as of the main actors and ideas, the repertoire of actions and the groups at risk associated with radicalisation. The report outlines recommendations for improvement of the policy and institutional response with regard to radicalisation by way of monitoring and prevention measures as well as multi agency collaboration and community engagement.

#NeDamoGaleriju

Author(s): Irfan Hošic / Language(s): Bosnian / Issue: 1/2018

Iz ove vremenske perspektive odbrana Gradske galerije čita se kao podvig ogromnih razmjera koji zaslužuje određeni spomenik, tj. simbol šireg društvenog značaja nad kojim je moguće prisjećati se te velike i značajne bitke. [...]

(016) THE LIMITS OF ENLARGEMENT-LITE: EUROPEAN AND RUSSIAN POWER IN THE TROUBLED NEIGHBOURHOOD

Author(s): / Language(s): English / Publication Year: 2009

INTRODUCTION What does Russia think? (by Ivan Krastev, Mark Leonard and Andrew Wilson, pp. 1-13) THE “PUTIN CONSENSUS ”The “Putin consensus” Explained (by Vyacheslav Glazychev, pp.9-14) The School of Consensus and the War of the Majority (by Modest Kolerov, pp. 15-20) An Ideological Self-Portrait of the Russian Regime (by Leonid Polyakov, pp. 21-24) DILEMMAS OF RUSSIA’S MODERNIZATION Authoritarian Modernization of Russia in the 2000s (Olga Kryshtanovskaya, pp. 27-34) A Bit of Luck: The Development of the Political System in Russia (by Aleksey Chesnakov, pp. 35-40 )Has the Economic Crisis Changed the World View of the Russian Political Class? (by Valery Fadeev, pp. 41-46) Dilemmas of Russia’s Modernization (by Vladislav Inozemtsev, pp. 47-51) RUSSIA AND THE WORLD: MEDVEDEV’S “EUROPEAN SECURITY TREATY” PROPOSAL Rethinking Security in “Greater Europe” (by Fyodor Lukyanov, pp. 55-60) Multipolarity, Anarchy and Security (by Timofey Bordachev, pp.61-66) The Medvedev Initiative: The Origins and Development of a Political Project (by Boris Mezhuyev, pp. 67-71) AFTERWORD How the West Misunderstands Russia (by Gleb Pavlovsky, pp-73-78)

(018) CAN THE EU REBUILD FAILING STATES? A REVIEW OF EUROPE’S CIVILIAN CAPACiTIES

Author(s): Daniel Korski,Richard Gowan,Jean-Marie Guéhenno / Language(s): English / Publication Year: 2009

In the next two decades, the persistent weakness of some states and regions may well prove a greater strategic challenge to the international community than the emergence of new powers like China. Having been in charge of UN peacekeeping for eight years, I believe we are not prepared to meet this challenge. We have been used to balancing power with power, but we are ill-equipped to deal with weakness: fragile states may require military deployments of peacekeepers, but strengthening them or managing their collapse requires much more complex strategies, drawing heavily on civilian capacities. One would expect the European Union, supposedly the civilian power par excellence, to be at the forefront of this effort, and certainly well ahead of the US, which has often been criticised for a Pentagon-dominated approach. Yet the Americans are fast learning the lessons of their difficulties in Iraq and Afghanistan, and energetically building their civilian capacities. The Europeans, despite having set themselves ambitious “civilian headline goals” in 2004, are at risk of being left behind. This report is severe on the performance of the EU as a “civilian power”. Tough love, perhaps. But the good news is that no group of countries in the world has more civilian capacity potential than the EU, and that opinion polls conducted across more than 50 countries find more support for a rise in the EU’s global influence than for any other major power. This is an extraordinary vote of confidence. Can Europe live up to it?

(023) TOWARDS AN EU HUMAN RIGHTS STRATEGY FOR A POST-WESTERN WORLD

Author(s): Susi Dennison,Anthony Dworkin / Language(s): English / Publication Year: 2010

The shift of global power away from the West threatens to undermine the EU’s hopes of supporting human rights, democracy and the rule of law beyond its borders. The success of authoritarian states like China and the problems of some new democracies have cast doubt on the benefits of liberal democracy. The EU has lost influence to emerging powers that emphasize sovereignty over human rights, and there is resistance to any idea of the West exporting its model to the rest of the world. But the EU can still make a difference on global values if it follows a three-part strategy. It should join the battle of ideas, making a case for human rights and democracy that is not rooted in Western politics but recognizes that all societies should determine their own development in a fair and inclusive way. It should focus in its engagement with other countries on key ‘pressure points’ – achievable goals that will unlock further progress on human rights and create greater political space. And it should reach out to new partners, seeking common ground to support universal values in practice. To show it is not backing down on core beliefs, the EU should also set out a series of red lines on which it will not compromise. If Europe projects confidence in the values with which it is associated and at the same time pursues a realistic approach to supporting them, it is most likely to strengthen its global standing and help bring about an international order that matches its interests.

(024) THE EU AND HUMAN RIGHTS AT THE UN: 2010 REVIEW

Author(s): Richard Gowan,Franziska Brantner / Language(s): English / Publication Year: 2010

Over the last year, the EU has struggled to make an impact on human rights at the UN, despite working more closely with the Obama administration than it was able to do with the previous administration. As a result, it is now clear that deepening divisions over human rights at the UN were not just a by-product of Bushism. The EU’s ‘voting coincidence score’ – reflecting the level of support from other countries for its positions on human rights in the General Assembly – has fallen from 52% last year to 42% this year. There have also been splits within the EU on votes in the Human Rights Council on Israeli actions in the Middle East, which has weakened the EU’s reputation for coherence on fundamental values at the UN. This update – the second annual update to ECFR’s 2008 report on the EU and human rights at the UN – underlines important longterm trends. The Obama administration’s policy of engagement at the UN has only persuaded a few countries to shift their stances on human rights and big non-Western democracies – especially Brazil – continue to drift away from the EU’s positions. Attempts to reverse this trend through technical reforms in the UN’s human rights system will likely fail. A European drive for broader UN reforms such as expanding the Security Council would be a gamble but could persuade rising powers to rethink their positions on human rights.

(Prawie) każda władza jest władzą pańską

Author(s): Andrzej Kojder / Language(s): Polish / Issue: 663/2016

(R)EVOLUCIJA IDEJE USTAVNE VLADAVINE

Author(s): Edin Djedovic / Language(s): Bosnian / Issue: 19/2018

The basic idea of constitutionalism is the ideal of constitutionally limited authority. However, through the longest period of human civilization as a form of government appears monarchy which was based on the postulates of the Divine origin of both the government and the ruler and his undeniable and unlimited power. The evolution of the idea of citizens as the original bearers of sovereign authority and the need of government constraints evolved gradually, especially during the Middle Ages, to bring about the true revolution with the enlightenment of the 18th century when it became the theoretical and positive legal basis of contemporary democratic constitutions. In this (r)evolutionary emergence, the Declaration of Independence of the United States from 1776 and the Declaration of the Rights of Human and Citizen of 1789 played a crucial role as the crown of the struggle for equality and freedom of citizens on the universal values of natural law.

(Не)уставност и (не)законитост уредбе о минимуму процеса рада у образовним установама у Републици Српској

Author(s): Goran Markovic,Dimitrije Ceranic / Language(s): Serbian / Issue: 1/2012

In 2012 Government of Republic of Srpska adopted the Regulation on minimum work process and the method of its providing in the educational institutions and institutions of school and student accommodation. Government predicted that the minimum of work process has to be secured in these branches in the case of a strike. The authors deny existence of the constitutional and legal basis for the adoption of this regulation, arguing that the Government is in breach of the Constitution and the Law on strike. Denying the Government’s arguments, the authors argue that there is a legal basis for implementation of the procedure in front of the Constitutional Court of Republic of Srpska in order to negate constitutionality and legality of the Regulation.

10th Majlis Election in Iran: Structural, Institutional, Legal, and Political Issues

Author(s): Abdol Moghset Bani Kamal,Bakhrullo Ashurov / Language(s): English / Issue: 14/2017

The 10th Majlis election was held in the Islamic Republic of Iran on 26 February 2016. The election witnessed a record number of disqualified candidates by the Guardian Council. Notwithstanding this, the pro-government candidates were well-received by the voters. President Hassan Rouhani’s foreign policy and the nuclear deal that had concluded with the international community, held a special place in the political debates during the election. This paper first analyses the importance of the 10th Majlis election in Iran in the light of President Rouhani’s foreign policy. Secondly, it explores the election process. This paper argues that elections in Iran suffer from four types of issues. First characteristic is closely linked with the theocratic nature of the Iranian political system. Second one is connected with the Iranian electoral system. Third one arises from the inefficiency of electoral institutions. Finally, those issues caused by the discriminative approach of the Iranian ruling elites towards certain political parties and ethno religious groups.

2000’li Yillarda Çocuk Koruma Sistemi İçinde Bakim Hizmetlerinin Genel Görünümü

Author(s): Seyda Yildirim / Language(s): Turkish / Issue: 01/2017

It is possible to say that the child care system has been in a constant change in Turkey in the last century. With the establishment of Social Services and Child Protection Institution in 1983, the services were combined under the umbrella of a single institution. In this process, it is seen that activities to keep children in institutional care were focused on. However, after 2000s, with an important perspective change, Social Services and Child Protection Institution focused on keeping the children under family care. In addition, alternative care services have been created in order to decrease the negative effects of institutional care on children. In this study, it is aimed to focus on the change and development process that took place legally and institutionally in child care systems in 2000s with a critical perspective. In the scope of this study, both the 5395 Child Protection Law and the child protection services within the construction of Social Services and Child Protection Institution and child care services in the process of establishment of Family and Social Policies Ministry are discussed, in regard to statistical data.

2002 Parliamentary Elections in Ukraine. Events, Results, Consequences

Author(s): Tadeusz A. Olszanski / Language(s): English,Polish / Publication Year: 2003

On 31 March 2002, parliamentary elections were held in Ukraine. As expected, they were a major success for the centrist-rightist coalition focused around former Prime Minister Viktor Yuschenko. The communists emerged significantly weaker from the vote, and the "party of power" achieved a poor result. Yet, due to the mixed electoral law (half of the deputies were elected in single-mandate districts), the latter block, firmly supported by President Leonid Kuchma, resulted as the main force in Parliament. The results of particular parties and blocks were as follows: Viktor Yuschenko's Block received 23.57% of votes and 112 seats, the Communist Party of Ukraine - 19.98% of votes and 66 seats, the "For One Ukraine" block - 11.77% of votes and 101 seats, Yulia Tymoshenko's Block - 7.26% of votes and 22 seats, the Socialist Party of Ukraine - 6.87% of votes and 22 seats, and the Social Democratic Party of Ukraine (united) - 6.27% of votes and 24 seats. This shows how the mixed electoral regulations favour "For One Ukraine" and act against Yuschenko's block. One should note, however, that the latter gained the support of less than one quarter of voters.

2007 Seçiminin Siyasal Değer Haritası: Siyasetçilerin Söylemleri Üzerine Bir Değer Analizi

Author(s): Aynur Köse / Language(s): Turkish / Issue: 2/2016

In this study by focusing the relationship between politics and values, discourse of political actors are analyzed in the framework of values in the Turkish general election on July 22, 2007. Values are criteria that are used by people to understand themselves and the world which is directly related with the politics. It is important to review that which values are emphasized by the political actors, which values are referred to tell themselves and tell you what to do and also to criticize their opponents. Also by analysing the values, which political parties convince the voters in election studies, it will determine that which values in the election will gain and which values will lose. In the research which was conducted by qualitative content analysis, 10 basic and 56 subvalue analysis categories located in the Schwartz Value Scale were used. When values used by political actors and the relationship between these values are analyzed, it is found that AKP emphasize performances as a responsible power and has positioned himself by the rhetoric; “absolutely nothing is guaranteed to do what we did”. CHP and MHP engaged in the business of producing the project, has entered the race to create the impression of a government that serves the people.

2019 Alternative Report on the Application of Bosnia and Herzegovina for European Union Membership: Political Criteria

Author(s): Adrijana Hanušic-Becirovic,Aida Daguda,Dajana Cvjetkovic,Dalila Bašic,Dalio Sijah,Damir Dajanovic,Danira Karovic,Darko Pandurevic,Dragana Dardic,Dražana Lepir,Leila Bicakcic,Lejla Arnaut,Maida Zagorac,Milena Mastalo,Mirna Buljugic,Mirsada Bajramovic,Nidžara Ahmetaševic,Radmila Žigic,Rasim Ibrahimagic,Rea Adilagic,Senka Kulenovic,Sunita Dautbegovic-Bošnjakovic,Tijana Cvjeticanin,Uglješa Vukovic,Una Telegrafcic,Vildana Džekman,Vladana Vasic,Zinaida Ibrahimovic,Zlatan Hajlovac / Language(s): English / Issue: 44/2019

The 2019 Alternative Report on the Application of Bosnia and Herzegovina for European Union Membership: Political Criteria is the result of the work of an informal coalition of forty (40) civil society organisations under the Initiative for Monitoring the European Integration of Bosnia and Herzegovina. The report primarily refers to the political criteria for EU membership, but also includes Special Reports on 2018 General Elections, the situation with respect to migrants and refugees in BiH, and on citizens’ protests in the Republika Srpska. In the European integration context, Bosnia and Herzegovina is constantly lagging behind other countries of the region and the lag is becoming evidently bigger with time. By the disorderly and untimely fulfilment of fundamental obligations in the European integration process, Bosnia and Herzegovina fails to demonstrate a true commitment to reform processes on the European path and for now keeps such a commitment at a declarative level. Three years have passed since the submission of the application for the membership of Bosnia and Herzegovina in the European Union, whereas three and a half years have passed since the Stabilisation and Association Agreement between Bosnia and Herzegovina and the European Union. From that time to the present day, Bosnia and Herzegovina did not manage to put in function all the bodies envisaged by the Agreement, as the Stabilisation and Association Parliamentary Committee has not yet adopted its Rules of Procedure. The process of answering the European Commission Questionnaire, presented to potential candidate countries, was only coming to an end in the time of the finalisation of this Report. The coordination mechanism, which was supposed to establish a functional decision-making process in the European integration, proved inefficient and remains equally non-transparent as the process of its establishment. [...]