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"Arabska" czy "muzułmańska" wiosna ludów? Przemiany polityczno - społeczne w Pakistanie a arabska wiosna

Author(s): Joanna Modrzejewska-Leśniewska / Language(s): Polish / Issue: 2/2014

The massive anti -regime demonstrations in Arab coun tries that started in December 2010 in Tunisia were followed by questions about causes and effects of those revolts. Attention of the researchers was understandably concentrated on Arab countries but it seems that other Muslim countries were overlooked - the adjective "Arab" superceded "Muslim" in the name of this widespread movement. This paper aims at proving that the process that culminated in the Arab Spring have not started in Tunisia in December 2010 but in Pakistan in 2007 and 2008.

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"Konversacionalizmi" i ligjërimit femëror në politikën shqiptare

Author(s): Anila Hima / Language(s): Albanian / Issue: 35/2017

The tendency of conversationalization in the public discourse is known as shifting boundaries between written and spoken discourse practices, shifting the public discourse towards a more conversational, informal and spontaneous style to create the impression of a casual conversation with the public. Analyzing a wide range of political speeches held in three discourse contexts - when politicians are in power, in opposition and in the personal context - this paper investigates the phenomenon of conversationalization in the discourse of Albanian female politicians. Using a qualitative and comparative analysis, we aim to examine the form, the context and the purpose of conversationalization in the political discourse of the female politicians. The results are that the tendency towards a conversational and sometimes rather casual discourse is documented on the morphological, syntactic, lexical and phonetic levels; secondly, it is not expressed constantly and consistently in the political discourse analyzed, but prevails in the speeches held by female politicians in the context of the opposition; and thirdly, its purpose is as much public understanding as possible, to gain more popularity in order to secure public understanding, sympathy and support.

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"Korošec vihti bič nad železničarji" (Stavka železničarjev leta 1920 in minister za promet Anton Korošec)

Author(s): Mateja Ratej / Language(s): Slovenian / Issue: 1/2010

In the following discussion the author focuses on the role of Anton Korošec in the railway strike of April 1920, when as a Head of the Slovenian People's Party he was the Minister of Transport in Stojan Protić's government. After the government of the Kingdom of SHS abolished the collective labour agreement for transport workers, in April 1920 transport all over the state was brought to a halt by a railway strike. The workers on strike were joined by the communists, who saw the mobilisation of the workers as a strong political potential. In the years after the establishment of the Kingdom, the communists represented an influential political factor. In November of the same year, after the Constituent Assembly elections, they became the third most powerful party in the country. On 24 April the strike on the streets of Ljubljana transcended any democratic norms. After the police and military intervention, 13 workers died on the Zaloška cesta street. A few days before that, at the assembly of the Slovenian People's Party confidants in Ljubljana, Korošec had cautioned against the danger of the communist movement, while during the strike he refused to communicate with the railway representatives, claiming that the strike was illegal - that is, unannounced.

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"Seramik Tasarımında Güzeli Arayış Sürecinde Yerel Değerlerin Esin Kaynağı Olarak Kullanımı"

Author(s): Mehmet Fatih Karagül / Language(s): Turkish / Issue: Special/2017

The beauty that has been tried to be addressed with such fields as mathematics, architecture, geometry has been among the subjects of philosophers since antiquity. Although the concept of beauty varies according to the periods, beauty is in fact related to the conception of the people. According to Aristotle, the values we can grasp will be beautiful, otherwise considered as non-aesthetic. Although 144 there is not a formula of the ideal beauty, the concept of beauty changes in an abstract and concrete way, according to the persons who monitoring. Throughout the ages, we can see that the Anatolian coasts have been governed by different civilizations and are a source of rich cultural composition. With its strategic and geopolitical importance, Çanakkale shores also witnessed a significant part of this process. Foreign powers always want to possess these lands and the beauty of the richness of these lands. The word "Hellespont" is one of the names used throughout the history of the Dardanelles. Hellespont is a local value for Çanakkale as geographical environment, cultural wealth and sense of meaning. A series of thematic works on using Hellespont as inspiration in designs will be addressed in this notice.

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"Stumbling and Dusting Off," or an Attempt to Pick a Path Through the Thicket of Bulgaria's New Economic Mechanism

Author(s): Richard J. Crampton / Language(s): English / Issue: 02/1988

The most persistent theme in Bulgarian public life during the 1980s has been the attempt to remodel and improve the national economy in accordance with the New Economic Mechanism, the NEM, which itself has been inseparable from "the scientific-technological revolution. " Economic innovation and experimentation are not new to Bulgaria. Previous attempts, however, have generally failed to live up to expectations, often degenerating into confusing and sometimes contradictory administrative changes before being abandoned in favor of a return to the comforts and certainties of a centralized, Soviet-style, command economy. [...]

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"The Enlargement of the EU to Balkans" – Policy Reports that shaped the policies and debate on European integration of Balkans

Author(s): Specified No Author / Language(s): English / Publication Year: 2008

Today, western Balkans states are a long way from where they were at the beginning of the decade. The Stabilization and Association process, which has just started in 2000, is almost completed as all the states have negotiated and signed the Stabilization and Association Agreements with the EU, the EU is negotiating visa liberalization agreements and all states are entitled to the new pre-accession financial assistance IPA, designed to address the strategic needs of the region. This progress, apart from the persistent efforts of the national governments and the EU administration, is also partly due to the visionary policy reports and recommendations of people and organizations working on the Balkans. We are convinced that their commitment to the region and the ability to look beyond the limitations of the immediate political context for lasting solutions makes them an irreplaceable item on every reading-list of both those who wish to study the Balkan region and those who aim to produce similar such reports addressing the present dilemmas and challenges for the western Balkan states. “The Enlargement of the EU to Balkans” is a compilation of four reports on the Balkans published since 2000. They all concern the Balkan region and its prospects for the future – away from violent legacies towards peace, stability and European integration. As such, they are a valuable source for all those interested in and studying the recent political developments in this region, for these reports give an overview of the challenges that Balkans states faced on the start of their journey to European integration. We hope this collection of reports will become part of the curricula of schools and departments where Balkan politics, history and EU integration are taught. From the multitude of reports, books and other works written on the Balkans, the reports that follow were not chosen accidentally. Rather, we aimed to include the most influential reports, those which had the greatest impact on the EU and international community’s approach towards the Balkans, those with the most valuable recommendations concerning the features of EU’s policy towards the Balkans. The results of in-depth field research and analysis of diplomatic relations in the region, these reports provided the most credible assistance to the European and other policy-makers when faced with the dilemma ‘how to deal with postconflict post-Milosevic Balkans?’ By publishing their reports again, we also like to pay tribute to those people and organizations that made their most for Balkans to be found in EU integration map.

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"Želimo biti enakopravni in enakovredni državljani". Gregorčev predlog jezikovnega zakona za zaščito nacionalnih manjšin iz leta 1899

Author(s): Janez Cvirn / Language(s): Slovenian / Issue: 1/2009

Since the beginning of his career as a Member of Parliament, Lavoslav Gregorec from Styria argued for the idea of "national autonomy" in the National Assembly many times, which was to be achieved by adopting an act implementing Article XIX of the Basic Act of 21 December 1867. He argued for the idea of national autonomy in more detail in his speech in the National Assembly on 3 May 1887 and then also on 17 April 1890. He restated his arguments in the time of the extensive "language discussion" in March and April 1898, encouraged by Thun's government. His ideas became more substantial when he prepared a draft "Language Act for the Protection of National Minorities", which he submitted to the National Assembly on 16 December 1899. His proposal was one of the most interesting attempts at solving the linguistic and national issues in the time of mounting national conflicts in Austria.

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#32 Radicalisation in Bulgaria: Threats and Trends

#32 Radicalisation in Bulgaria: Threats and Trends

Author(s): Rositsa Dzhekova,Mila Mancheva,Maria Doichinova,Lyubomira Derelieva,Tihomir Bezlov,Maria Karayotova,Yavor Tomov,Dimitar Markov,Miryana Ilcheva / Language(s): English / Publication Year: 2015

The phenomena of radicalisation today develop and change at high speed, with their extreme forms manifested globally. The destructive dimensions of (violent) Islamist or right-wing radicalisation have become dramatically visible in Europe posing serious challenges to European societies at large. This report aims to address a knowledge gap with regard to how and to what extent internationally observed radicalisation processes are manifested in Bulgaria. Four different forms of radicalisation are investigated, including Islamist radicalisation, right-wing and left-wing radicalisation, as well as football hooliganism. The report provides policy makers and the expert community with a systematic overview of the main risks to which the Bulgarian society is exposed, as well as of the main actors and ideas, the repertoire of actions and the groups at risk associated with radicalisation. The report outlines recommendations for improvement of the policy and institutional response with regard to radicalisation by way of monitoring and prevention measures as well as multi agency collaboration and community engagement.

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#47 An Assessment of the Commission’s 2011 Schengen Governance Package. Preventing abuse by EU member states of freedom of movement?

#47 An Assessment of the Commission’s 2011 Schengen Governance Package. Preventing abuse by EU member states of freedom of movement?

Author(s): Sergio Carrera / Language(s): English / Publication Year: 2012

The Schengen system has been at the centre of sharp controversy throughout 2011 and the early months of 2012 a rising from attempts by several member state governments to challenge the right to the free movement of persons and the abolition of internal border checks. The speech delivered by Nicolas Sarkozy early this month (March 2012), as part of the French presidential campaign, in which he threatened to suspend France’s participation in Schengen illustrates this phenomenon. This paper examines the European Commission’s response to the Schengen controversies, namely the Schengen Goverance Package publishedin September 2011 and currently under negotiation in Council and the European Parliament. It assesses the scope and added value of the Package’s two new legislative proposals (a new Schengen evaluation mechanism and revised rules for restating internal border checks) by looking at the origins and features ofthe debate surrounding liberty of circulation in the Schengen area.

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#58 The ‘Lisbonisation’ of the European Parliament. Assessing progress, shortcomings and challenges for democratic accountability in the area of freedom, security and justice

#58 The ‘Lisbonisation’ of the European Parliament. Assessing progress, shortcomings and challenges for democratic accountability in the area of freedom, security and justice

Author(s): Sergio Carrera,Nicholas Hernanz,Joanna Parkin / Language(s): English / Publication Year: 2013

This Briefing Paper examines the performance of the European Parliament (EP) in EU AFSJ law and policy-making from the entry into force of the Lisbon Treaty until the end of the firsthalf of 2013. The paper situates the EP in the new post-Lisbon institutional setting, documenting its transition to ‘AFSJ decision-maker’, and its new powers to shape and make policy covering the EU’s internal and external security agenda. While the paper finds that theEP has become an active co-owner of the EU AFSJ post-Lisbon, with the Parliament demonstrating a dynamic adjustment to its new post-Lisbon role and powers, the authors identify a set of new developments and challenges that have arisen in the conduct of democratic accountability by the EP in the AFSJ since 2009, which call for critical reflection ahead of the new parliamentary term 2014-2019 and the post-2014 phase of the EU’s AFSJ.

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#95 Money Talks. Mapping the funding for EU external migration policy

#95 Money Talks. Mapping the funding for EU external migration policy

Author(s): Leonhard Den Hertog / Language(s): English / Publication Year: 2016

This paper examines the role of funding in the EU’s external policies on migration, borders and asylum. Academic analysis has looked extensively into the political and legal resources of the EU in this area,but surprisingly little attention has been paid to the role of funding in the governance of this cooperation with third countries. The objective of this paper is first to understand what EU funds are involved and which actors are setting priorities for funding in the field of migration, borders and asylum. This is a highly technical field of EU governance, characterised by complex political and legal dynamics. The funding landscape is fragmented and incoherent, with limited coordination, but this incoherence can be understood in light of the broader political, sociological and institutional struggles that come to the fore in the setting of priorities for funding. This paper argues that a certain degree of incoherence is an inevitable characteristic of EU governance in this field. The bigger issue is the challenge posed to accountability by this EU funding.

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#mission2030: Austria’s Strategy for a Low-Carbon Transformation

#mission2030: Austria’s Strategy for a Low-Carbon Transformation

Author(s): Łukasz Ogrodnik,Marek Wąsiński / Language(s): English / Publication Year: 2018

The Austrian government is implementing its energy and climate strategy to 2030, the aim of which is to stimulate the economy and achieve energy independence through the use of clean technologies. The strategy signals potential points of contention with Poland, including in nuclear and coal energy. At the same time, it indicates potential fields of cooperation regarding low-emission transport.

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#NeDamoGaleriju

#NeDamoGaleriju

Author(s): Irfan Hošić / Language(s): Bosnian / Issue: 1/2018

Iz ove vremenske perspektive odbrana Gradske galerije čita se kao podvig ogromnih razmjera koji zaslužuje određeni spomenik, tj. simbol šireg društvenog značaja nad kojim je moguće prisjećati se te velike i značajne bitke. [...]

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(016) THE LIMITS OF ENLARGEMENT-LITE: EUROPEAN AND RUSSIAN POWER IN THE TROUBLED NEIGHBOURHOOD

(016) THE LIMITS OF ENLARGEMENT-LITE: EUROPEAN AND RUSSIAN POWER IN THE TROUBLED NEIGHBOURHOOD

Author(s): / Language(s): English / Publication Year: 2009

INTRODUCTION What does Russia think? (by Ivan Krastev, Mark Leonard and Andrew Wilson, pp. 1-13) THE “PUTIN CONSENSUS ”The “Putin consensus” Explained (by Vyacheslav Glazychev, pp.9-14) The School of Consensus and the War of the Majority (by Modest Kolerov, pp. 15-20) An Ideological Self-Portrait of the Russian Regime (by Leonid Polyakov, pp. 21-24) DILEMMAS OF RUSSIA’S MODERNIZATION Authoritarian Modernization of Russia in the 2000s (Olga Kryshtanovskaya, pp. 27-34) A Bit of Luck: The Development of the Political System in Russia (by Aleksey Chesnakov, pp. 35-40 )Has the Economic Crisis Changed the World View of the Russian Political Class? (by Valery Fadeev, pp. 41-46) Dilemmas of Russia’s Modernization (by Vladislav Inozemtsev, pp. 47-51) RUSSIA AND THE WORLD: MEDVEDEV’S “EUROPEAN SECURITY TREATY” PROPOSAL Rethinking Security in “Greater Europe” (by Fyodor Lukyanov, pp. 55-60) Multipolarity, Anarchy and Security (by Timofey Bordachev, pp.61-66) The Medvedev Initiative: The Origins and Development of a Political Project (by Boris Mezhuyev, pp. 67-71) AFTERWORD How the West Misunderstands Russia (by Gleb Pavlovsky, pp-73-78)

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(018) CAN THE EU REBUILD FAILING STATES? A REVIEW OF EUROPE’S CIVILIAN CAPACiTIES

(018) CAN THE EU REBUILD FAILING STATES? A REVIEW OF EUROPE’S CIVILIAN CAPACiTIES

Author(s): Daniel Korski,Richard Gowan,Jean-Marie Guéhenno / Language(s): English / Publication Year: 2009

In the next two decades, the persistent weakness of some states and regions may well prove a greater strategic challenge to the international community than the emergence of new powers like China. Having been in charge of UN peacekeeping for eight years, I believe we are not prepared to meet this challenge. We have been used to balancing power with power, but we are ill-equipped to deal with weakness: fragile states may require military deployments of peacekeepers, but strengthening them or managing their collapse requires much more complex strategies, drawing heavily on civilian capacities. One would expect the European Union, supposedly the civilian power par excellence, to be at the forefront of this effort, and certainly well ahead of the US, which has often been criticised for a Pentagon-dominated approach. Yet the Americans are fast learning the lessons of their difficulties in Iraq and Afghanistan, and energetically building their civilian capacities. The Europeans, despite having set themselves ambitious “civilian headline goals” in 2004, are at risk of being left behind. This report is severe on the performance of the EU as a “civilian power”. Tough love, perhaps. But the good news is that no group of countries in the world has more civilian capacity potential than the EU, and that opinion polls conducted across more than 50 countries find more support for a rise in the EU’s global influence than for any other major power. This is an extraordinary vote of confidence. Can Europe live up to it?

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(023) TOWARDS AN EU HUMAN RIGHTS STRATEGY FOR A POST-WESTERN WORLD

(023) TOWARDS AN EU HUMAN RIGHTS STRATEGY FOR A POST-WESTERN WORLD

Author(s): Susi Dennison,Anthony Dworkin / Language(s): English / Publication Year: 2010

The shift of global power away from the West threatens to undermine the EU’s hopes of supporting human rights, democracy and the rule of law beyond its borders. The success of authoritarian states like China and the problems of some new democracies have cast doubt on the benefits of liberal democracy. The EU has lost influence to emerging powers that emphasize sovereignty over human rights, and there is resistance to any idea of the West exporting its model to the rest of the world. But the EU can still make a difference on global values if it follows a three-part strategy. It should join the battle of ideas, making a case for human rights and democracy that is not rooted in Western politics but recognizes that all societies should determine their own development in a fair and inclusive way. It should focus in its engagement with other countries on key ‘pressure points’ – achievable goals that will unlock further progress on human rights and create greater political space. And it should reach out to new partners, seeking common ground to support universal values in practice. To show it is not backing down on core beliefs, the EU should also set out a series of red lines on which it will not compromise. If Europe projects confidence in the values with which it is associated and at the same time pursues a realistic approach to supporting them, it is most likely to strengthen its global standing and help bring about an international order that matches its interests.

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(024) THE EU AND HUMAN RIGHTS AT THE UN: 2010 REVIEW

(024) THE EU AND HUMAN RIGHTS AT THE UN: 2010 REVIEW

Author(s): Richard Gowan,Franziska Brantner / Language(s): English / Publication Year: 2010

Over the last year, the EU has struggled to make an impact on human rights at the UN, despite working more closely with the Obama administration than it was able to do with the previous administration. As a result, it is now clear that deepening divisions over human rights at the UN were not just a by-product of Bushism. The EU’s ‘voting coincidence score’ – reflecting the level of support from other countries for its positions on human rights in the General Assembly – has fallen from 52% last year to 42% this year. There have also been splits within the EU on votes in the Human Rights Council on Israeli actions in the Middle East, which has weakened the EU’s reputation for coherence on fundamental values at the UN. This update – the second annual update to ECFR’s 2008 report on the EU and human rights at the UN – underlines important longterm trends. The Obama administration’s policy of engagement at the UN has only persuaded a few countries to shift their stances on human rights and big non-Western democracies – especially Brazil – continue to drift away from the EU’s positions. Attempts to reverse this trend through technical reforms in the UN’s human rights system will likely fail. A European drive for broader UN reforms such as expanding the Security Council would be a gamble but could persuade rising powers to rethink their positions on human rights.

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(De)legitimation of Power of Agency. A Multimodal Critical Analysis of Social Practices during COVID-19 Pandemic in Romania

(De)legitimation of Power of Agency. A Multimodal Critical Analysis of Social Practices during COVID-19 Pandemic in Romania

Author(s): Camelia Cmeciu / Language(s): English / Issue: 2/2020

The COVID-19 pandemic has been a real challenge to national and international authorities, bringing social and ideological implications. The shift from urgency to action and an appropriate message tailoring are essential in such a sanitary crisis. This article presents a multimodal critical discourse analysis of the Facebook posts of the Romanian Ministry of Health and of the online users’ comments. The aim of the study is to examine how the Romanian authority and citizens use semiotic resources (multimodal texts) in order to give meaning and make meaning of the social practices related to the COVID-19 pandemic. The findings reveal that the Romanian authority mainly focused its messages on (de)legitimizing the actions of various abstract participants in an information campaign meant to counter fake news. The salience of behavioural processes-asinstructions highlighted a reduced agency of the Ministry of Health and an increased agency for Romanian citizens. The online users employed polarization as a discursive strategy to legitimate the Romanian authority’s calls-to-action that challenge the conservative liberalism ideology of the government and to delegitimate the tardiness of these actions.

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(Не)Проведените избори в Република Северна Македония – задълбочи ли Covid-19 политическата криза?
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(Не)Проведените избори в Република Северна Македония – задълбочи ли Covid-19 политическата криза?

Author(s): Ivan Vinarov / Language(s): Bulgarian / Issue: 1-2/2020

This article traces the emergence and development of another major political crisis in the Republic of Northern Macedonia, as well as the options for overcoming it as a result of the parliamentary elections and the process offorming a new government. This is a continuous cycle, referred as “stability in instability”. Overcoming the crisis will not be enough, but rather will lead to another situation of “stability in instability”. Moreover, the pandemic caused by COVID–19 prolongs the crisis but does not play a fundamental role regarding the (in)stability of the political system in our southwestern neighbour.

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2000’Lİ YILLARDAN SONRA TÜRKİYE-RUSYA İLİŞKİLERİ ve ‘UÇAK KRİZİ’

2000’Lİ YILLARDAN SONRA TÜRKİYE-RUSYA İLİŞKİLERİ ve ‘UÇAK KRİZİ’

Author(s): Etibar Musayev / Language(s): Turkish / Issue: 47/2020

In conclusion, as I mentioned, both countries are countries that have a place and importance both regionally and globally, with a deep-rooted historical heritage and an established state tradition. Such factors make it necessary for both countries to take on a number of missions at the global and regional level and undertake duties within this scope. The two countries, which are moving towards becoming a leader and strong state in the regional sense and competing in this way, have historically gone through a period of ups and downs. We can also evaluate the recent "plane crisis" in this context. Turkey and Russia in the short term by demonstrating the necessary political will to exit from this crisis in a stable manner the idea is more important than the continuation of bilateral relations and in this way have shown that they are committed. We believe that this positive result achieved in relations will continue in the future in every field, especially in the field of energy.

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