Transitions Online_Around the Bloc - Poland’s Secret Soviet Nuclear Bunkers Revealed – 25 January
An archaeologist has unearthed evidence of nuclear arsenals camouflaged as military communications bases.
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An archaeologist has unearthed evidence of nuclear arsenals camouflaged as military communications bases.
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Two months before the first round, ‘undecided’ is well ahead in the polls.
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Three suspects held in savage attack on two rangers investigating poaching of saiga antelopes.
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Today’s regional highlights: Russian mercenaries; Tskhinvali’s Jewish Quarter; new markets for Tesla; hospitality in Albania; and three Russian sisters on trial.
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The article deals with social accountability, the role of civil society and nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) in establishing accountable government. I present the results of surveys conducted in Serbia and Cambodia in 2014. Research findings indicate that NGOs have minor impact on the setting up accountable government. In both countries we identified structural similarities: NGOs are depoliticized and deal with public policy, rather than political struggle; they are directed at individuals and not groups; they are dealing with informing, rather than mobilizing citizens; and are focused on cooperation, not conflict with the authorities. In addition, they fail to activate two groups of traditional mechanisms: (1) mainstream media and (2) traditional institutional mechanisms of government accountability. Those are exactly the assumptions for successful civic activism.
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The paper analyzes the concept of consular and diplomatic protection of citizens of the European Union and aims to present how the protection of citizens of the European Union in foreign countries is regulated in legal framework. With reference to Article 46 of the Charter of Fundamental Rights of the EU, the paper seeks to illustrate how Article 46 is institutionally implemented and what is its practical significance for EU citizens. The term “EU citizenship” is clarified, with a brief historical overview and understanding of EU statehood through the provisions of the Lisbon Treaty, as well as the rights that emanate from such status of individual, with a focus on consular protection. The paper seeks to answer the question of an effective legal framework regarding consular protection of EU citizens with reference to relevant EU regulations.
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This study examined the sense of belonging to Latvia in Latvian-speaking and Russianspeakingresidents of Latvia. The structural model involved opportunities for thefulfillment of personal goals and views of the situation in Latvia and the community aspredictors of the sense of belonging at both levels of ecological systems. The Russianspeakingsubsample consisted of 202 students ranging in age from 18 to 36 (65% females).The Latvian-speaking subsample involved 438 students ranging in age from 18 to 37(67% females). The Sense of Belonging in Social Context Questionnaire and the Futureof Country Questionnaire were applied. Belonging to community predicted belongingto Latvia in both groups of residents. However, the Russian-speaking minority groupdemonstrated more signs of local belonging and pragmatic ties with Latvia. Providingopportunities for fulfilment of personal goals and facilitating involvement of young peoplein processes at the country level are challenges for policies, aimed at integration andlimiting emigration of young people.
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Civic budget (participatory budget) shows us that public administration is multiform. It is a relatively new institution of direct democracy which has been implemented since 2011. It does not have a specific legal framework. For that reason, it is adapted to well-known forms, such as social consultation or – on the contrary – to other ideas. In this case, the citizens’ budget may be based on statutory tasks executed by municipalities, rules regulating public finances or social contracts. Each way allows using other features of this institution. Neither is perfect, though.
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Zadnjih nekoliko godina u Bihaću su nastajale i razvijale se proaktivne, socijalno-angažovane i kritički intonirane teme u formi okruglih stolova, javnih tribina, simpozija, publikacija, umjetničkih izložbi i drugih vidova kulturne akcije – domaćih i gostujućih aktera. Premda se može učiniti da karakter tih pojava i njihov potencijal nije dostatan za odvažnija repozicioniranja i odlučniju akciju, iznimno je važno podvući ih, naglasiti njihovu važnost i podržati procese njihovoga razvoja. Prvi broj Fanzina Revizor pokušaj je mapiranja i kanalisanja tih pojava u pravcu nastavka, tj. otvaranja diskusije i u ovome formatu. [...]
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Uprisings which are known as Arab Spring in the literature have changed many things at micro and macro levels, which has been affected the entire Middle Eastern region deeply. Most important output of these uprisings is the political instability. This study aims at answering the following question: "How influenced the political instability political and social life of Tunisia?” In order to analyse the political instability in Tunisia it will be used some basic parameters such as Fragile/Failed State, Global Peace-Terror and Human Development indices that are very essential to find out the rankings of states in the international system and to indicate whether their social dynamics are stable. The period of this article is limited from 2010 to 2018. The aim of this article is to analyse the political instability in Tunisia in above mentioned period of time. First section of this study gives brief information about Tunisia. The second section focusses on the definition of the concept of political instability. The third section will explore the political instability in Tunisia within the framework of the independent variables of this research work.
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This article considers the cultural characteristics that have shaped UK politics before and throughout the era of Brexit, contrasting the principal drivers of the UK’s approach with the prevailing characteristics of its’ EU partners. Using an established model of national culture, this article provides a new perspective on the Brexit process, up to and including the recent ‘accession’ of Johnson to the UK leadership. While many of the UK’s friends and EU partners remain puzzled and depressed at the UK’s Brexit tactics, the cultural fundamentals – deeply rooted in the essence of what makes the UK and many of its principal EU partners different from each other – provide at least some rationale for the seemingly irrational. Finally, the article proposes a ‘cultural reconciliation’ that may, at some point in the future, allow argument to proceed in UK politics - without descent into ‘win or lose’.
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Democracy is a system to keep different groups and interests in balance. External changes like climate change, wars, mass immigration and changes in trade policies can influence the balance. That is why it is important to see democracy as a process. However, we have to be alert, a process is never completed. When changing the rules of the process we have to be alert that the citizens of democratic countries still have the perception that they are heard and have control over their own destiny.In this paper some elements are described that can influence this perception of being in control.
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The article examines the interaction between lifelong learning and the development of a democratic culture. In order to survive and to further develop a democratic society needs to constantly balance the common good, individual freedom, protection and the powers that regulate these processes. Individual members as well as the institutions share the responsibility to engage in dialogue on these processes, promote participation and responsibility and set fair rules. Lifelong learning is at the basis of this dynamic way of living together. The article investigates how education and lifelong learning in specific are intricate characteristics of a developing democratic culture.From analyses follow that the interests in three domains of lifelong learning - developing qualifications for economic competitiveness, enabling personal growth and promoting a democratic way of living – change over time. It is argued that a narrowed focus on mainly economic benefits has had a devastating effect on the motivation for learning, leading to an impoverished democratic culture, with the potential risk of societies falling apart. The article concludes with guidelines for curriculum development that supports the lifelong learning process that is part of a dynamic democratic culture. The main challenge for such a curriculum is not the content nor the required subject matter expertise, but its democratic way of organizing the educational provisions for adult learners: organizing a rich learning landscape that values self-efficacy, participative activities, community work, self-directedness, and learning form others and otherness.
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People and pundits pontificate about Democracy as if it were something universal. Nothing could be more wrong. In practice, when Democracy is debated as a form of government, the debaters are usually thinking about a particular version of Democracy, one that is dearest to their hearts… and one that has been shaped by their own culture.When we look at Democracy around the world, we can see that, in fact, there are practically no two countries with exactly the same model of Democracy: they are all quite different.The Economist has recently stated that Democracy is in crisis, all over the world. There are fewer democratic governments in 2019 than there were 10 years ago; and even those who claim to be democratic are, as we write this, being questioned about how really democratic they are.In Latin America, as in other parts of the planet, the forms of government are shaped by culture. And the cultures ion Latin America are all Social Pyramid styles of culture, as Huib Wursten has described in his published articles.Social Pyramid cultures are hierarchical, collectivistic, and high on Uncertainty Avoidance (UAI). The styles of government, and the styles of Democracy functioning in these countries, are all heavily influenced by these characteristics
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The Arab world is often depicted as incapable of developing democracy, treating its citizens in a decent way or allowing freedom of speech and religion. Quite a few authors, scholars and journalists blame the Arab culture. In this paper we analyze Arab culture using the Hofstede dimensions and apply the same dimensions to unravel the Western presuppositions about democracy. We see that what Arab citizens expect from decent governments and leaders, differs largely from what Western citizens expect of good leaders and governance. Just as management techniques or advertising cannot be exported across cultures, the concept of good leadership and democracy cannot be copy-pasted across cultures.
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African democracy is often seen as an example of a failed democracy in a failed nation. The western and international organizations were lobbying for a long time to introduce Western democratic tools in the political and societal life of African Nations. This chapter is explaining how Ubuntu, its cultural values, principles and philosophy are an important core element in democratic transition. African social democracy was part of the political transition from the colonial administration to a specific democracy in Africa. The Bantu speaking countries count for almost one-third of the African Continent. The renaissance of Ubuntu values had African humanism as a compass and is based on the principle of "I am because we are". The center of political and societal life is not the Western atomized individual but the African social environment and the community.The transition of democracy in Africa, following the Ubuntu principles, is not in all Bantu speaking countries the same as Africa is not "one" and many differences in governance and political evolutions are seen. Most countries do have a strong Civil Society with advocacy groups, Trade Unions, NGOs and Faith-based organisations with a strong communitarian approach. They have a political impact and function as a social corrector to the current political elite.Democracy in Africa has many pitfalls and underwent many changes over time. The most important hindrance is abject poverty ( the have and the have-nots) as they do not contribute to the people power or more participatory democracy. Ultra-poor people in Africa concentrate their lives on the survival and food security for the extended family.Another negative element is the state corruption and "capture rife in all government and private sector organisations. Corruption, graft and fraud are the most negative aspect in the democratic transition and do not respect the most important Ubuntu value (ethics, moral leadership).An important slow but important societal change is the introduction of social media and its impact during elections in Africa. Urban youth exposed by internet to Western life and its externalities are influenced by the thinking of more atomized individuals, but still believing in some values of Ubuntu.Is Ubuntu a resistance culture with a future impact on societal and political changes? Will the Ubuntu culture and values in African humanism and the resistance by Trade Unions and the Civil society be an important countervailing power to come to a new kind of African democracy with the salient and core elements of UBUNTU?"If you do not take an interest in the affairs of your government, then you are doomed to live under the rule of fools". Plato
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The paper starts with a presentation of the global context of economic-financial crisis and its impact on election outcomes throughout Europe, including Serbia. It continues with an analysis of political divisions and changes in the Serbian political spectrum in the period between two parliamentary elections. The third issue discussed herein is a contradictory situation in the civil society in Serbia, characterized by fragmentation and confusion. The final part of the paper is devoted to an analysis of controversial processes of social and political maturation of the electoral body in Serbia. The author concludes that the results of parliamentary and presidential elections are at odds and that therefore it is uncertain whether the balance of power shall be provided and the European integration path accelerated, or the new configuration of power shall bring in additional oxygen and infusion to nationalism.
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Parliamentary, presidential, provincional and local elections, held in May 2012 in Serbia, as well as preceeding election campaign was followed by international and national observers and relevant state institutions. The text presents various aspects of currently published monitoring findings, including data about work of international observers from relevant bodies of OSCE and CoE, Republican Electoral Committee, Republican Broadcasting Agency, Agency for Fight Against Corruption and several non-governmental organizations (CESID, Transparency Serbia, Fond BKV, Birodi) that monitored, among other things, regularity of election process and its compliance with international standards, representation of election participants in media, election campaign financing, selection and approach to various topics of election campaign.
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This article tries to catch the manner of structuring the image of the Romanian peasant in the work of one of the most important Romanian revolutionaries in 1848: Nicolae Bălcescu. The final purpose of this type of research is highlighting the relation between national identity and a sort of a peasant ideology. Nicolae Bălcescu is both revolutionary and historian.Together with Mihail Kogălniceanu he is the most representative romantic historian that would deal especially with the military history, but also the agrarian history in Romanian Principalities. This latter concern is directly connected with the failed trial of solving the rural question in Romanian Country in 1848 through landgiving to peasants. Even if failed, this first institutionalized trial would open the way for the debates in the following decades and will decisively contribute to solving the rural question in 1864.
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