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Aim of this article is to analyze politician Bernie Sanders, who tried win nomination of theDemocratic Party to the White House. Sanders autoidentity is democratic socialist, he is admirer ofFranklin Delano Roosevelt presidency. This persona is strictly connected with an alter-globalistmovement, especially Occupy Wall Street. Sanders made great effort to promote in Americasocialdemocratic ideas.
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Migrant women are often stereotyped. Some scholars associate the feminization of migration with domestic work and criticize the “care drain” as a new form of imperialism that the First World imposes on the Third World. However, migrant women employed as domestic workers in Northern America and Europe represent only 2% of migrant women worldwide and cannot be seen as characterizing the “feminization of migration”. Why are migrant domestic workers overestimated? This paper explores two possible sources of bias. The first is sampling: conclusions about “care drain” are often generalized from small samples of domestic workers. The second stems from the affect heuristic: imagining children left behind by migrant mothers provokes strong feelings of injustice which trump other considerations. The paper argues that neither source of bias is unavoidable and finds evidence of gender stereotypes in the “care drain” construal.
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»Kulturni sektor«, sa svojom bogatom institucijskom artikulacijom i ideologijskim opravdanjem, temelji se u kapitalističkom načinu proizvodnje, ne samo historijsko-genetički nego i logički-strukturalno, na razdvajanju »duhovnih potencija« procesa produkcije od »materijalnog« rada, u užem smislu: manualnog rada.
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The Yugoslav ideological-theoretical concept of self-management does not provide any explicit definition of labour as the new constitutive principle of the community in the manner this is done in some other theories of the so-called council tradition ; nevertheless, its place in the system is indisputably of that character. There are three fundamental ideological-political conditions, as well as non- sequences, of the adoption of the concept »work constitution of the society»: (1) a reconstitution of the concept »the people», (2) a redefinition of the concept »the people», and (3) a redefinition of the concept »the working class». This procedure is found to be meaningful from a theoretical and ideological aspect as well as from the point of view of the political system. A critical scrutiny of the concept »the work society» requires the analysis of the internal consistency of the model and of the basic logical postulates of the concept »the work society» in general.
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Among theories which international relations view through the strength and struggle of political powers for predominance, there have separated "realistic" theories appeared in the USA after world war II. These theories separate themselves by explanation of the utmost cause which causes that power is fundamental determinant of the behaviour of states in international relations.
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Sve je više indikacija da se kapitalističko svjetsko tržište nalazi u fazi raspadanja. Osnovni element razaranja kapitalističkog svjetskog tržišta jeste činjenica da se odnosi koji se danas na njemu uspostavi jaju više ne stvaraju isključivo na osnovu kapitala. Samim tim i svjetsko kapitalističko tržište, kao izraz procesa kapitala, gubi svoj značaj.
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The central problem of Hegel’s philosophy of law is how to unite the convictions of different individuals into the common will permanently directed towards achieving the common good. Hegel finds the solution in relating convictions to social roles. This pluralism of roles is reconciled with the loyalty to the constitution through a free development of group behaviour and the institutional linkage of private, group and common interests on all the levels of social organization. It was difficult for Hegel to anticipate that the private views could be mediated through common will owing to political organizations.
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The paper has a character of discussion about the thematic definition of the meeting and its conceptual development. Refering to this the author emphasiye three questions: from which epistemological perspective we are approaching to the world and its definition; sociological questioning of different social interest from which we are observing the world around us and defining it and the third, practical-political question of locating ourselves in the world between the West and East.
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The process of Bulgaria's EU integration is a multifaceted political, institutional, economic, socio-structural, and psychological process. It is essentially a complex social transformation aimed at establishing particular public structures, standards, consensual attitudes, and strategies, compatible with EU and acceptable to its member countries. This process involves diverse actors who cannot be reduced solely to the efforts of state institutions and above all, of the legislature and the executive. One of the most powerful, though frequently overlooked, channels bringing Bulgaria closer to EU, are political parties. The inclusion of political parties in the domestic political process cannot be reduced exclusively or primarily to the time in which they exercise executive power. In opposition or even outside parliament, political parties can still occasionally exert considerable influence over the conditions in which foreign policy is conceived and implemented. Parties can sometimes be an exceptionally important source for Bulgaria's international image which strongly influences the positions of the country's international partners, and in particular, the EU member states, in terms of Bulgaria's accession to EU. Political parties, along with everything else, have several essential functions immediately related to Bulgaria's integration in EU: • they are very frequently the channels for the introduction of European po-litical standards in Bulgarian politics; • they represent the Bulgarian political palette of strategies and ideas; • they create an additional lobby network among the EU political class in favor of Bulgaria's accession; • they are in position to structure political life in Bulgaria in line with EU standards. That is why the study of the role of political parties in the process of Bulgaria's EU integration is an essential element of the conception of a general idea, and theoretical model, of the process. In theoretical terms, parties are part of the political system and a connecting link between the political, and civil, society. Their role in foreign policy is typically related to positions of power. But the in-ternationalization of party life in the past decade has provided parties with new opportunities for participation in the foreign political process. In Bulgarian political life parties are an important, if not the chief, instrument for assimilation of foreign political experience. Their activity as international actors, their international contacts, the international forums organized by them, are an irreplaceable channel through which public opinion in Bulgaria gets informed about foreign political standards, about the rules and norms of political life in EU countries, for instance. Naturally, the influence of parties on the foreign policy and international image of a given country is a function of its political system and above all, of the role, status, and functions of political parties within it. Since 1989 Bulgaria has developed a "European" type of party system, in which political organizations are institutional structures striving to represent politically significant social interests. Under this model, parties are involved in the domestic political process as representatives of a certain part of public opinion. In the U.S., along with that function, parties are involved in foreign policy mainly through the influence they have in various foundations which sponsor projects and research institutions. In a sense, the American party-system model is based more on the "expert" participation of political parties in the foreign policy making. In Bulgaria there are few elements of expert participation of parties in the foreign political process, though certain "think tanks", related in some form or other to political parties, do exert some influence, largely through developing and presenting before foreign partners alternatives to government policies.
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Televised political advertising appears in very different national political communication contexts. Sweden is an interesting case study. For many years, political ads on TV were not allowed at all. However, with the transition from analog to digital terrestrial television the public service obligations of the “hybrid” channel TV4 were dismantled. In the 2010 national election campaign, all Swedish parliamentary parties bought advertising time on TV4. This article intends to shed new light on political TV ads as a new campaign feature in a rapidly transforming political communication environment. The study relates to the concept of hybridization of election campaigns and intends to increase knowledge about hybridization processes by focusing on a critical case where one of the most adopted campaign practices worldwide is finally implemented within a specific national context and deviating political culture.
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The paper addresses the issue of complementarity between theoretical construct of agonistic democracy and left-wing populism in the works of Chantal Mouffe. Left-wing populism strategy has been implemented by Syriza, Podemos and France Insoumise. One of the premises of left-wing populism is that the radical right has been a front runner in offering an alternative to the alienated post-political and post-democratic political system claiming that it brings politics back to the people (e. g. FPÖ in Austria, Front National in France). This is one of the reasons why agonists advocate the return of the politics that establishes a clear political frontier (left-wing populism v. right-wing populism) so that the conditions for agonistic contestation and democratic alternatives can be created as well as that democratic actors can be encouraged to engage in the struggle over power and occupation of the political institutions.
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Although emotional registers are often disregarded when it comes to the evaluation of conceptual projects, this article claims that, in the case of the Janez Janša project, which engages procedures of subversive affirmation, it is precisely its affective ambivalence which makes it relevant both artistically and politically. The name change of three artists to the name identical with the name borne by one of Slovenian political dinosaurs, Janez Janša, brought about complex reactions of their families, friends and the artistic context in which they operate. Those affective reactions are deeply relevant for the understanding of this project, which simultaneously attempts and refuses to present itself as artistic; in other words, it articulates itself through its own ambivalence.
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MIKSER, Saša Ćirić: O jugoslovenskim labudovima i pionirima; ŠTRAFTA Redakcija ULUS-a: Zimski radovi; ARMATURA, Jelena Veljić: Redovno pranje ruku; BLOK BR. V, Studiostrip: Primeri
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A Fordulat aktuális a digitális forradalom tágabb kontextusát vizsgálja. Az itt megjelenő szövegek megpróbálják bemutatni, miként változtak a számítástechnikát és az internetet övező ideológiák a hidegháború kezdetétől napjainkig, valamint hogy az elmúlt két-három évtizedben milyen gazdasági-politikai folyamatokba ágyazódott az internet és a digitális ipar robbanásszerű terjedése.
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The influence of the radical right in the whole of Central Europe not only continues to grow, but has reached its apex by gaining power in Poland and Hungary. Its success is often attributed to two factors: a) the weakness of civil society, and b) economic and social crisis. We shall try to dispute these theses by using the example of Poland. We will defend a thesis that contradicts the usual claim that developed civil society also fosters democracy, and will show that the radical right owes its success precisely to its strength in civil society. This text will also show that there is no direct connection between the radical right and economic crisis, and that the real reason for its success is the dominance over the public discourse. The text is divided into three parts: the first will define the concept of the radical right and give an overview of the theories about its rise; the second part will focus on different explanations of the relationship between civil society and liberal democracy; and the third part will discuss the characteristics and activities of the most important organisations of the Polish radical right and their place in civil society and politics.
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The paper traces the genesis of the notion of civilisation and civility and of the interpretation of the differences between them. Relying primarily on theories by Adam Smith, John Millar, and other thinkers, the author presents in the central part of the paper a theoretical and normative distinction between the notions of ‘civility’ and ‘barbarity’. The latter part of the paper discusses the relation between military and civil virtues and identifies the production of fear and crisis of public goods in contemporary societies.
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South Sudan, which separated from Sudan in 2011 after nearly 40 years of civil war, was embroiled in a new devastating conflict at the end of 2013. This happened when political disputes coupled with preexisting ethnic and political fault lines became brutal. This conflict has mostly targeted civilians and most often, ethnic groups, and warring parties have been accused of war crimes and crimes against humanity. The conflict has resulted in a major humanitarian crisis, mass displacement and mass atrocities against South Sudanese citizens. Notwithstanding, instability in South Sudan has made the country one of the most dangerous countries for humanitarian aid workers in the world, especially as majority of them have lost their lives during their operation. In view of this, the article seeks to interrogate the main driving forces that triggered the deadly conflict and also the ramifications brought upon the population as well as the country.
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