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Aim of this article is to analyze politician Bernie Sanders, who tried win nomination of theDemocratic Party to the White House. Sanders autoidentity is democratic socialist, he is admirer ofFranklin Delano Roosevelt presidency. This persona is strictly connected with an alter-globalistmovement, especially Occupy Wall Street. Sanders made great effort to promote in Americasocialdemocratic ideas.
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Migrant women are often stereotyped. Some scholars associate the feminization of migration with domestic work and criticize the “care drain” as a new form of imperialism that the First World imposes on the Third World. However, migrant women employed as domestic workers in Northern America and Europe represent only 2% of migrant women worldwide and cannot be seen as characterizing the “feminization of migration”. Why are migrant domestic workers overestimated? This paper explores two possible sources of bias. The first is sampling: conclusions about “care drain” are often generalized from small samples of domestic workers. The second stems from the affect heuristic: imagining children left behind by migrant mothers provokes strong feelings of injustice which trump other considerations. The paper argues that neither source of bias is unavoidable and finds evidence of gender stereotypes in the “care drain” construal.
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»Kulturni sektor«, sa svojom bogatom institucijskom artikulacijom i ideologijskim opravdanjem, temelji se u kapitalističkom načinu proizvodnje, ne samo historijsko-genetički nego i logički-strukturalno, na razdvajanju »duhovnih potencija« procesa produkcije od »materijalnog« rada, u užem smislu: manualnog rada.
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The Yugoslav ideological-theoretical concept of self-management does not provide any explicit definition of labour as the new constitutive principle of the community in the manner this is done in some other theories of the so-called council tradition ; nevertheless, its place in the system is indisputably of that character. There are three fundamental ideological-political conditions, as well as non- sequences, of the adoption of the concept »work constitution of the society»: (1) a reconstitution of the concept »the people», (2) a redefinition of the concept »the people», and (3) a redefinition of the concept »the working class». This procedure is found to be meaningful from a theoretical and ideological aspect as well as from the point of view of the political system. A critical scrutiny of the concept »the work society» requires the analysis of the internal consistency of the model and of the basic logical postulates of the concept »the work society» in general.
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Among theories which international relations view through the strength and struggle of political powers for predominance, there have separated "realistic" theories appeared in the USA after world war II. These theories separate themselves by explanation of the utmost cause which causes that power is fundamental determinant of the behaviour of states in international relations.
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Sve je više indikacija da se kapitalističko svjetsko tržište nalazi u fazi raspadanja. Osnovni element razaranja kapitalističkog svjetskog tržišta jeste činjenica da se odnosi koji se danas na njemu uspostavi jaju više ne stvaraju isključivo na osnovu kapitala. Samim tim i svjetsko kapitalističko tržište, kao izraz procesa kapitala, gubi svoj značaj.
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The central problem of Hegel’s philosophy of law is how to unite the convictions of different individuals into the common will permanently directed towards achieving the common good. Hegel finds the solution in relating convictions to social roles. This pluralism of roles is reconciled with the loyalty to the constitution through a free development of group behaviour and the institutional linkage of private, group and common interests on all the levels of social organization. It was difficult for Hegel to anticipate that the private views could be mediated through common will owing to political organizations.
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The paper has a character of discussion about the thematic definition of the meeting and its conceptual development. Refering to this the author emphasiye three questions: from which epistemological perspective we are approaching to the world and its definition; sociological questioning of different social interest from which we are observing the world around us and defining it and the third, practical-political question of locating ourselves in the world between the West and East.
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The #MeToo movement has had a profound cultural impact on US society, and notably on US party politics. While many studies have addressed the #MeToo-related controversy arising from the Brett Kavanaugh nomination to Supreme Court Justice in 2018, the relationship between #MeToo and US politics before this event has remained understudied. This article, therefore, addresses this gap by looking at the role of politics at the beginning of the #MeToo movement. Focusing on the first six months of online activity on Twitter (October 2017 – April 2018), over 2 million tweets with the #MeToo hashtag are analyzed to identify the main activity patterns across the dataset and to gain insight on user behavior and participation in the conversation. Results point to the weaponization of #MeToo in the political context from its inception. It is suggested that #MeToo reflects the polarized political climate in the US and that it can be conceptualized as part of the wider “culture wars” (Hunter 1991) that characterize the public debate.
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The article is focused on the issue of the representation of interests in the process of shapingpublic policies. In particular, it addresses issues related to regulatory management regardingrelations with interest groups and strategies used by stakeholders in consultationprocesses. In addition, we aim to discuss the role that interest groups play in public policies.The analysis concerns the activities of Polish interest groups in the area of copyright,which deserves attention due to the diversity of actors and the asymmetry of interests.The analysis makes it possible to state that the actions taken by stakeholders in strengtheningthe representation of their interests lead to “overrepresentation” of these interests,which – in the absence of appropriate regulatory management mechanisms for the participationof parties in consultations – increases the risk of the phenomenon of “regulatorycapture” by entities. The data was collected as part of the legislative monitoring of draftsof legal-copyright laws proceeded in 2013–2019, as well as semi-structured interviewsconducted in 2015–2018. In order to illustrate lobbying strategies, a method of analyzingsocial networks was used.
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Post-Cold War expansion of liberal order rested on three legs: the implosion of major alternative ordering projects, the enjoyment by liberal democracies of a ‘‘patronage monopoly,’’ and the dominance of liberalizing transitional activist networks and movements. By 2019, all three of those legs have been turned upside down. China and Russia, among others, offer new ordering projects, countries enjoy ‘‘exit options’’ in the form of alternative patronage, and illiberal activist networks are in the ascendant. A closer look at the ‘‘why’’ and ‘‘how’’ makes clear that illiberal forces have appropriated and repurposed the toolkit used to expand liberal order, which suggests an apparent paradox. While some forms of liberal order—primarily on the political side—are in retreat, other forms of liberal order—especially in terms of institutional and multilateral arrangements—are being reinforced. We are, therefore, looking not at the end of liberal order, but at a third great transformation in it.
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In 1992 Albania started a long road towards democratisation and modernisation. Reform of the security sector is an important part of the democratic transformation in Albania. Important standards are achieved in establishing civilian control of the Armed Forces, and in reforming and improving their ability to partici-pate in international peace-making operations and other international military exercises. Other security sec-tor institutions have also achieved higher European standards. However, comprehensive democratic gov-ernance of the security sector and continued modernisation of the legal framework for such sector still remain a challenge. Despite all these achievements Security Sector Reform in Albania is still an unfinished business. In particular, there is a need to improve democratic governance of the security sector in terms of parliamentary and public oversight, openness and transparency. Further reforms are needed in order to improve management, coordination, and division of labour between the different security actors. Another key area for further reforms is the development of an effective accountability system. To fully meet the required NATO and EU standards, a new generation of reforms is needed. These particular fields of re-forms over the years, with a special focus on the current status in Albania’s reform process and the way ahead stand at the centre of this overwhelming initiative.
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This anthology book is published on the occasion of the bicentennial of the birth of Friedrich Engels, an exceptional thinker and theorist of the revolution. Editors Maroje Višić and Miroslav Artić gathered renowned domestic and international scientists who tried to reevaluate Engels' works and his scientific contribution. The idea behind the book is to point out the everlasting value and significance of Engels’ revolutionary philosophy. Contributing authors offered analytical reading of Engels' ideas, addressing pressing issues in economics, politics, religion, feminism, ideology and in other segments of contemporary society. The papers in an anthology are organized under the chapters: The Reception of Engel’s Philosophy, Actuality of Engels Today with subchapters on working-class and precariat, peasantry as the subject of change, early Christianity as an inspiration; and the last chapter is Revalorization of Family and State. The first chapter tackles the questions if Engels was more than an interpreter of Marx or simply the first Marxist who contributed to the banalization of Marx. It then investigates reception of Engels’ philosophy in ex-Yugoslavia specifically and in philosophical theory in general. The second chapter demonstrates actuality and relevance of Engels today by discussing the topics of working-class and precariat, by making comparison between early industrial society and contemporary society and by tracking development of socialism from utopia to a science. Chapter also deals on the peasantry whose role as a subject of change is thoroughly problematized. Special part of the chapter is dedicated to the influence of the practice of early Christianity on the formation of Engels’ revolutionary idea and to what extent original Christian community served affected the development of Engels’ thought. Final chapter brings papers that, under new circumstances, re-examine the understanding of the state-family relation and their dynamic. This comprehensive anthology attempted to revalorize and appraise Engels’ own contribution to science and philosophy 200 years after his birth. For this it was necessary to “divorce” Engels from Marx so that the fallacy of statement that Engels was second violin to Marx becomes striking.Chapter one tackle the question of whetherEngels was more than an interpreter of Marx or simply the first Marxist to contribute to the banalization of Marx.= Engels' reception is then examined both in the former Yugoslavia and in philosophical theory in general.Special part of the chapter is dedicated to influence of the practice of early Christianity on the formation of Engels’ revolutionary idea. That is, to what extent the examples of the original Christian communities influenced the development of Engels' thought
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Televised political advertising appears in very different national political communication contexts. Sweden is an interesting case study. For many years, political ads on TV were not allowed at all. However, with the transition from analog to digital terrestrial television the public service obligations of the “hybrid” channel TV4 were dismantled. In the 2010 national election campaign, all Swedish parliamentary parties bought advertising time on TV4. This article intends to shed new light on political TV ads as a new campaign feature in a rapidly transforming political communication environment. The study relates to the concept of hybridization of election campaigns and intends to increase knowledge about hybridization processes by focusing on a critical case where one of the most adopted campaign practices worldwide is finally implemented within a specific national context and deviating political culture.
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The labels we attach today to distinguish political regimes have histories. Applying them without understanding these histories is sometimes anachronistic and ethnocentric. I have little new to say about “democracy” and “dictatorship”, so that the discussion of these concepts is just a reminder. “Authoritarianism”, however, is a dubious neologism. I advance two claims: (1) In all regimes the power to command and be obeyed entails some dose of reason-giving, (2) What distinguishes regimes is the form and the extent to which the authority of rulers is monopolised by physical force. I conclude that the concept of “authoritarianism” adds little to the distinction between democracy and dictatorship.
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Wilma A. Dunaway is a researcher affiliated with the Fernand Braudel Center Research Working Group on Households, Labor Force Formation and the World-Economy. A particular conception of the household, helping to grasp the process of the accumulation of capital at world-system level, was developed in this working group, as a result of the critiques of Wallerstein’s early historical works. This conception, also applied in this study, exposes the household as the fundamental site for the reproduction of the labor force, which combines various forms of labor, and integrates into the capitalist world-system by maintaining hierarchy between these forms. Through the maintenance of this hierarchy, the household allows capitalists to extract surplus from the household itself, and renders the reproductive or informal labor of women publicly invisible. Here, Dunaway puts forward a systematic analysis of how these two processes take place.
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The ruling paradigm of democracy research for decades has been formulated by Huntington in his book on the Third Wave, which states that the process of democratization has reached its third, global wave, therefore democratic transition and consolidation have become the key terms of democracy theory. In the big euphoria of democracy, however, it was forgotten or marginalized that Huntington had also predicted recession or a counter-wave between particular waves, and referred that such a counter-wave might also follow the third wave described by him. The positive scenario of democratization remained valid until the late 2000s, moreover, the topic of recession was not discussed meaningfully either, as if global democratization had reached the point of no return. But in the 2010s there was a sharp turn in democracy theory and the global counter-wave has become the central topic of democratization. It has also produced the conceptual failure of the previously dominant American democracy theory. In such a way, the crisis of global democracy has come “home” to the US in the second half of the 2010s. This paper, from the huge literature of democracy research, only deals with the conflict between the mainstream concepts of US and European democracy research, and its implications for the East-Central European region.
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Kis János: Alkotmányos demokrácia. Kalligram, Budapest, 2019., 576 oldal, 5990 Ft
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Patrick J. Deneen: A liberalizmus kudarca. Ford. Kisantal Tamás. Libri, 2019. Patrick J. Deneen: Why Liberalism Failed. Yale University Press, 2018.
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