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Aim of this article is to analyze politician Bernie Sanders, who tried win nomination of theDemocratic Party to the White House. Sanders autoidentity is democratic socialist, he is admirer ofFranklin Delano Roosevelt presidency. This persona is strictly connected with an alter-globalistmovement, especially Occupy Wall Street. Sanders made great effort to promote in Americasocialdemocratic ideas.
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Migrant women are often stereotyped. Some scholars associate the feminization of migration with domestic work and criticize the “care drain” as a new form of imperialism that the First World imposes on the Third World. However, migrant women employed as domestic workers in Northern America and Europe represent only 2% of migrant women worldwide and cannot be seen as characterizing the “feminization of migration”. Why are migrant domestic workers overestimated? This paper explores two possible sources of bias. The first is sampling: conclusions about “care drain” are often generalized from small samples of domestic workers. The second stems from the affect heuristic: imagining children left behind by migrant mothers provokes strong feelings of injustice which trump other considerations. The paper argues that neither source of bias is unavoidable and finds evidence of gender stereotypes in the “care drain” construal.
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»Kulturni sektor«, sa svojom bogatom institucijskom artikulacijom i ideologijskim opravdanjem, temelji se u kapitalističkom načinu proizvodnje, ne samo historijsko-genetički nego i logički-strukturalno, na razdvajanju »duhovnih potencija« procesa produkcije od »materijalnog« rada, u užem smislu: manualnog rada.
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The Yugoslav ideological-theoretical concept of self-management does not provide any explicit definition of labour as the new constitutive principle of the community in the manner this is done in some other theories of the so-called council tradition ; nevertheless, its place in the system is indisputably of that character. There are three fundamental ideological-political conditions, as well as non- sequences, of the adoption of the concept »work constitution of the society»: (1) a reconstitution of the concept »the people», (2) a redefinition of the concept »the people», and (3) a redefinition of the concept »the working class». This procedure is found to be meaningful from a theoretical and ideological aspect as well as from the point of view of the political system. A critical scrutiny of the concept »the work society» requires the analysis of the internal consistency of the model and of the basic logical postulates of the concept »the work society» in general.
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Among theories which international relations view through the strength and struggle of political powers for predominance, there have separated "realistic" theories appeared in the USA after world war II. These theories separate themselves by explanation of the utmost cause which causes that power is fundamental determinant of the behaviour of states in international relations.
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Sve je više indikacija da se kapitalističko svjetsko tržište nalazi u fazi raspadanja. Osnovni element razaranja kapitalističkog svjetskog tržišta jeste činjenica da se odnosi koji se danas na njemu uspostavi jaju više ne stvaraju isključivo na osnovu kapitala. Samim tim i svjetsko kapitalističko tržište, kao izraz procesa kapitala, gubi svoj značaj.
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The central problem of Hegel’s philosophy of law is how to unite the convictions of different individuals into the common will permanently directed towards achieving the common good. Hegel finds the solution in relating convictions to social roles. This pluralism of roles is reconciled with the loyalty to the constitution through a free development of group behaviour and the institutional linkage of private, group and common interests on all the levels of social organization. It was difficult for Hegel to anticipate that the private views could be mediated through common will owing to political organizations.
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The paper has a character of discussion about the thematic definition of the meeting and its conceptual development. Refering to this the author emphasiye three questions: from which epistemological perspective we are approaching to the world and its definition; sociological questioning of different social interest from which we are observing the world around us and defining it and the third, practical-political question of locating ourselves in the world between the West and East.
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The process of Bulgaria's EU integration is a multifaceted political, institutional, economic, socio-structural, and psychological process. It is essentially a complex social transformation aimed at establishing particular public structures, standards, consensual attitudes, and strategies, compatible with EU and acceptable to its member countries. This process involves diverse actors who cannot be reduced solely to the efforts of state institutions and above all, of the legislature and the executive. One of the most powerful, though frequently overlooked, channels bringing Bulgaria closer to EU, are political parties. The inclusion of political parties in the domestic political process cannot be reduced exclusively or primarily to the time in which they exercise executive power. In opposition or even outside parliament, political parties can still occasionally exert considerable influence over the conditions in which foreign policy is conceived and implemented. Parties can sometimes be an exceptionally important source for Bulgaria's international image which strongly influences the positions of the country's international partners, and in particular, the EU member states, in terms of Bulgaria's accession to EU. Political parties, along with everything else, have several essential functions immediately related to Bulgaria's integration in EU: • they are very frequently the channels for the introduction of European po-litical standards in Bulgarian politics; • they represent the Bulgarian political palette of strategies and ideas; • they create an additional lobby network among the EU political class in favor of Bulgaria's accession; • they are in position to structure political life in Bulgaria in line with EU standards. That is why the study of the role of political parties in the process of Bulgaria's EU integration is an essential element of the conception of a general idea, and theoretical model, of the process. In theoretical terms, parties are part of the political system and a connecting link between the political, and civil, society. Their role in foreign policy is typically related to positions of power. But the in-ternationalization of party life in the past decade has provided parties with new opportunities for participation in the foreign political process. In Bulgarian political life parties are an important, if not the chief, instrument for assimilation of foreign political experience. Their activity as international actors, their international contacts, the international forums organized by them, are an irreplaceable channel through which public opinion in Bulgaria gets informed about foreign political standards, about the rules and norms of political life in EU countries, for instance. Naturally, the influence of parties on the foreign policy and international image of a given country is a function of its political system and above all, of the role, status, and functions of political parties within it. Since 1989 Bulgaria has developed a "European" type of party system, in which political organizations are institutional structures striving to represent politically significant social interests. Under this model, parties are involved in the domestic political process as representatives of a certain part of public opinion. In the U.S., along with that function, parties are involved in foreign policy mainly through the influence they have in various foundations which sponsor projects and research institutions. In a sense, the American party-system model is based more on the "expert" participation of political parties in the foreign policy making. In Bulgaria there are few elements of expert participation of parties in the foreign political process, though certain "think tanks", related in some form or other to political parties, do exert some influence, largely through developing and presenting before foreign partners alternatives to government policies.
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Televised political advertising appears in very different national political communication contexts. Sweden is an interesting case study. For many years, political ads on TV were not allowed at all. However, with the transition from analog to digital terrestrial television the public service obligations of the “hybrid” channel TV4 were dismantled. In the 2010 national election campaign, all Swedish parliamentary parties bought advertising time on TV4. This article intends to shed new light on political TV ads as a new campaign feature in a rapidly transforming political communication environment. The study relates to the concept of hybridization of election campaigns and intends to increase knowledge about hybridization processes by focusing on a critical case where one of the most adopted campaign practices worldwide is finally implemented within a specific national context and deviating political culture.
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The ruling paradigm of democracy research for decades has been formulated by Huntington in his book on the Third Wave, which states that the process of democratization has reached its third, global wave, therefore democratic transition and consolidation have become the key terms of democracy theory. In the big euphoria of democracy, however, it was forgotten or marginalized that Huntington had also predicted recession or a counter-wave between particular waves, and referred that such a counter-wave might also follow the third wave described by him. The positive scenario of democratization remained valid until the late 2000s, moreover, the topic of recession was not discussed meaningfully either, as if global democratization had reached the point of no return. But in the 2010s there was a sharp turn in democracy theory and the global counter-wave has become the central topic of democratization. It has also produced the conceptual failure of the previously dominant American democracy theory. In such a way, the crisis of global democracy has come “home” to the US in the second half of the 2010s. This paper, from the huge literature of democracy research, only deals with the conflict between the mainstream concepts of US and European democracy research, and its implications for the East-Central European region.
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Kis János: Alkotmányos demokrácia. Kalligram, Budapest, 2019., 576 oldal, 5990 Ft
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Patrick J. Deneen: A liberalizmus kudarca. Ford. Kisantal Tamás. Libri, 2019. Patrick J. Deneen: Why Liberalism Failed. Yale University Press, 2018.
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The paper addresses the issue of complementarity between theoretical construct of agonistic democracy and left-wing populism in the works of Chantal Mouffe. Left-wing populism strategy has been implemented by Syriza, Podemos and France Insoumise. One of the premises of left-wing populism is that the radical right has been a front runner in offering an alternative to the alienated post-political and post-democratic political system claiming that it brings politics back to the people (e. g. FPÖ in Austria, Front National in France). This is one of the reasons why agonists advocate the return of the politics that establishes a clear political frontier (left-wing populism v. right-wing populism) so that the conditions for agonistic contestation and democratic alternatives can be created as well as that democratic actors can be encouraged to engage in the struggle over power and occupation of the political institutions.
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This article deals with the development of territorial conceptions in early Latvian nationalist thought. ‘Latwija’ (Latvia) initially appeared in the Latvian press in the early 1860s as an ethnographic term designating the territory inhabited by ethnic Latvians. However, it acquired a connotation of political and administrative autonomy around 20 years later, when, after a prolonged debate on reforms in the Baltic provinces, the Tsarist Government organized a revision of social, economic and political conditions in Livonia and Courland. The revision, conducted in 1882-1883 by senator N. A. Manassein, served as an incentive for the Riga Latvian Association (RLA), the organizational centre of the Latvian national movement, to formulate its territorial and political program. It also had to define its stance towards the already existing self-government rights of the Baltic provinces in the Tsarist Empire, until now exercised only by the Baltic German nobilities. In order to explore the crystallization of the politico-territorial views, special attention is paid to the memorandum written by prominent RLA members and submitted to Manassein in 1882. Starting from late 1850s, the ‘Great reforms’ of Alexander II galvanized lively debates on future developments in the Empire’s non-Russian Western regions. In the Baltic provinces these debates took place in a very specific multicultural and multiethnic setting. This can also be seen from the crystallization of the concept of a territorially autonomous ‘Latwija’. Initially, the proposal to divide the three Baltic provinces (Livonia, Estonia, and Courland) along ethnic lines and to create two (an Estonian and a Latvian) governorates came from the Estonian neighbours. A group of Estonian activists, led by Carl Robert Jakobson, suggested a similar idea in its address to tsar Alexander III immediately after his ascension to the throne in 1881. The RLA greeted this idea as a wise plan and included it in its memorandum to Manassein, inviting to name the new Latvian government ‘Latwija’. The idea that the future government ‘Latwija’ should inherit the political privileges of Baltic German nobilities has deeper roots. It was already extensively discussed in the so-called ‘reform debate’ of 1877-1880, when a group of liberal Baltic German nobles proposed to extend the Livonian Landtag, the aristocratic quasi-parliament, to include the representatives of Latvian and Estonian peasantry. The Latvian nationalist press joined the Baltic German discussion, whereby the enlargement of the Landtag was discussed along with the introduction of Russian zemstvos. Although these reforms were never put into practice, the autonomy and special status of the Baltic provinces vis-à-vis the rest of the empire became a significant part of the Latvian political debate. The first program of autonomy of ‘Latwija’, formulated in the RLA memorandum to Manassein, helped to set the stage for further development of territorial-political concepts in the Latvian public sphere. E.g., the later fights about the territorial autonomy among the Latvian Social Democrats around the turn of the 20th century have their roots in the same distinction: the confidence in the modernizing potential of the Russian state versus the awareness of the cultural and economic superiority of the Baltic provinces.
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Although emotional registers are often disregarded when it comes to the evaluation of conceptual projects, this article claims that, in the case of the Janez Janša project, which engages procedures of subversive affirmation, it is precisely its affective ambivalence which makes it relevant both artistically and politically. The name change of three artists to the name identical with the name borne by one of Slovenian political dinosaurs, Janez Janša, brought about complex reactions of their families, friends and the artistic context in which they operate. Those affective reactions are deeply relevant for the understanding of this project, which simultaneously attempts and refuses to present itself as artistic; in other words, it articulates itself through its own ambivalence.
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The main purpose of the article is to verify the hypothesis thatthe erasing of values from economics causes unfavorable social changesleading even to social stratification. Side by side, it will be considered ifhomo neuroeconomicus is already the leading paradigm in economic, andmarketing creates our attitudes, with the aim only to sell, not to distributewares. The article also aims to show the relevance of axiology in economics,because at its metatheoretical level its ontological status constitutesvalues implanted by recognized economists. Meanwhile, contemporaryeconomics tries to create an exact science, disavowing its normativeoutput. The record is mathematical, which evaluative value, emotionallyexcludes man as an important subject of economics. The loss of autotelismin the exemplification of a human being and its natural inclination toparticipate in the economy causes non-exclusivity in participation. The attemptof these changes also led to the creation of homo neuroeconomicus asa model example of a human-consumer who has three tasks: buy, buy, buy.An adequate method to show the issue is to use the descriptive methodto approximate the problem and comparative analysis, which indicatesthat there is no one way to look at the economy and to make it work inreality.
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Prof. István Stumpf: Reinventing Government – Constitutional Changes in Hungary. Budapest, Gondolat, 2017., 212 oldal
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MIKSER, Saša Ćirić: O jugoslovenskim labudovima i pionirima; ŠTRAFTA Redakcija ULUS-a: Zimski radovi; ARMATURA, Jelena Veljić: Redovno pranje ruku; BLOK BR. V, Studiostrip: Primeri
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A Fordulat aktuális a digitális forradalom tágabb kontextusát vizsgálja. Az itt megjelenő szövegek megpróbálják bemutatni, miként változtak a számítástechnikát és az internetet övező ideológiák a hidegháború kezdetétől napjainkig, valamint hogy az elmúlt két-három évtizedben milyen gazdasági-politikai folyamatokba ágyazódott az internet és a digitális ipar robbanásszerű terjedése.
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