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Aim of this article is to analyze politician Bernie Sanders, who tried win nomination of theDemocratic Party to the White House. Sanders autoidentity is democratic socialist, he is admirer ofFranklin Delano Roosevelt presidency. This persona is strictly connected with an alter-globalistmovement, especially Occupy Wall Street. Sanders made great effort to promote in Americasocialdemocratic ideas.
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Migrant women are often stereotyped. Some scholars associate the feminization of migration with domestic work and criticize the “care drain” as a new form of imperialism that the First World imposes on the Third World. However, migrant women employed as domestic workers in Northern America and Europe represent only 2% of migrant women worldwide and cannot be seen as characterizing the “feminization of migration”. Why are migrant domestic workers overestimated? This paper explores two possible sources of bias. The first is sampling: conclusions about “care drain” are often generalized from small samples of domestic workers. The second stems from the affect heuristic: imagining children left behind by migrant mothers provokes strong feelings of injustice which trump other considerations. The paper argues that neither source of bias is unavoidable and finds evidence of gender stereotypes in the “care drain” construal.
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»Kulturni sektor«, sa svojom bogatom institucijskom artikulacijom i ideologijskim opravdanjem, temelji se u kapitalističkom načinu proizvodnje, ne samo historijsko-genetički nego i logički-strukturalno, na razdvajanju »duhovnih potencija« procesa produkcije od »materijalnog« rada, u užem smislu: manualnog rada.
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The Yugoslav ideological-theoretical concept of self-management does not provide any explicit definition of labour as the new constitutive principle of the community in the manner this is done in some other theories of the so-called council tradition ; nevertheless, its place in the system is indisputably of that character. There are three fundamental ideological-political conditions, as well as non- sequences, of the adoption of the concept »work constitution of the society»: (1) a reconstitution of the concept »the people», (2) a redefinition of the concept »the people», and (3) a redefinition of the concept »the working class». This procedure is found to be meaningful from a theoretical and ideological aspect as well as from the point of view of the political system. A critical scrutiny of the concept »the work society» requires the analysis of the internal consistency of the model and of the basic logical postulates of the concept »the work society» in general.
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Among theories which international relations view through the strength and struggle of political powers for predominance, there have separated "realistic" theories appeared in the USA after world war II. These theories separate themselves by explanation of the utmost cause which causes that power is fundamental determinant of the behaviour of states in international relations.
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Sve je više indikacija da se kapitalističko svjetsko tržište nalazi u fazi raspadanja. Osnovni element razaranja kapitalističkog svjetskog tržišta jeste činjenica da se odnosi koji se danas na njemu uspostavi jaju više ne stvaraju isključivo na osnovu kapitala. Samim tim i svjetsko kapitalističko tržište, kao izraz procesa kapitala, gubi svoj značaj.
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The central problem of Hegel’s philosophy of law is how to unite the convictions of different individuals into the common will permanently directed towards achieving the common good. Hegel finds the solution in relating convictions to social roles. This pluralism of roles is reconciled with the loyalty to the constitution through a free development of group behaviour and the institutional linkage of private, group and common interests on all the levels of social organization. It was difficult for Hegel to anticipate that the private views could be mediated through common will owing to political organizations.
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The paper has a character of discussion about the thematic definition of the meeting and its conceptual development. Refering to this the author emphasiye three questions: from which epistemological perspective we are approaching to the world and its definition; sociological questioning of different social interest from which we are observing the world around us and defining it and the third, practical-political question of locating ourselves in the world between the West and East.
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The #MeToo movement has had a profound cultural impact on US society, and notably on US party politics. While many studies have addressed the #MeToo-related controversy arising from the Brett Kavanaugh nomination to Supreme Court Justice in 2018, the relationship between #MeToo and US politics before this event has remained understudied. This article, therefore, addresses this gap by looking at the role of politics at the beginning of the #MeToo movement. Focusing on the first six months of online activity on Twitter (October 2017 – April 2018), over 2 million tweets with the #MeToo hashtag are analyzed to identify the main activity patterns across the dataset and to gain insight on user behavior and participation in the conversation. Results point to the weaponization of #MeToo in the political context from its inception. It is suggested that #MeToo reflects the polarized political climate in the US and that it can be conceptualized as part of the wider “culture wars” (Hunter 1991) that characterize the public debate.
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The article is focused on the issue of the representation of interests in the process of shapingpublic policies. In particular, it addresses issues related to regulatory management regardingrelations with interest groups and strategies used by stakeholders in consultationprocesses. In addition, we aim to discuss the role that interest groups play in public policies.The analysis concerns the activities of Polish interest groups in the area of copyright,which deserves attention due to the diversity of actors and the asymmetry of interests.The analysis makes it possible to state that the actions taken by stakeholders in strengtheningthe representation of their interests lead to “overrepresentation” of these interests,which – in the absence of appropriate regulatory management mechanisms for the participationof parties in consultations – increases the risk of the phenomenon of “regulatorycapture” by entities. The data was collected as part of the legislative monitoring of draftsof legal-copyright laws proceeded in 2013–2019, as well as semi-structured interviewsconducted in 2015–2018. In order to illustrate lobbying strategies, a method of analyzingsocial networks was used.
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Post-Cold War expansion of liberal order rested on three legs: the implosion of major alternative ordering projects, the enjoyment by liberal democracies of a ‘‘patronage monopoly,’’ and the dominance of liberalizing transitional activist networks and movements. By 2019, all three of those legs have been turned upside down. China and Russia, among others, offer new ordering projects, countries enjoy ‘‘exit options’’ in the form of alternative patronage, and illiberal activist networks are in the ascendant. A closer look at the ‘‘why’’ and ‘‘how’’ makes clear that illiberal forces have appropriated and repurposed the toolkit used to expand liberal order, which suggests an apparent paradox. While some forms of liberal order—primarily on the political side—are in retreat, other forms of liberal order—especially in terms of institutional and multilateral arrangements—are being reinforced. We are, therefore, looking not at the end of liberal order, but at a third great transformation in it.
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Televised political advertising appears in very different national political communication contexts. Sweden is an interesting case study. For many years, political ads on TV were not allowed at all. However, with the transition from analog to digital terrestrial television the public service obligations of the “hybrid” channel TV4 were dismantled. In the 2010 national election campaign, all Swedish parliamentary parties bought advertising time on TV4. This article intends to shed new light on political TV ads as a new campaign feature in a rapidly transforming political communication environment. The study relates to the concept of hybridization of election campaigns and intends to increase knowledge about hybridization processes by focusing on a critical case where one of the most adopted campaign practices worldwide is finally implemented within a specific national context and deviating political culture.
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The labels we attach today to distinguish political regimes have histories. Applying them without understanding these histories is sometimes anachronistic and ethnocentric. I have little new to say about “democracy” and “dictatorship”, so that the discussion of these concepts is just a reminder. “Authoritarianism”, however, is a dubious neologism. I advance two claims: (1) In all regimes the power to command and be obeyed entails some dose of reason-giving, (2) What distinguishes regimes is the form and the extent to which the authority of rulers is monopolised by physical force. I conclude that the concept of “authoritarianism” adds little to the distinction between democracy and dictatorship.
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Wilma A. Dunaway is a researcher affiliated with the Fernand Braudel Center Research Working Group on Households, Labor Force Formation and the World-Economy. A particular conception of the household, helping to grasp the process of the accumulation of capital at world-system level, was developed in this working group, as a result of the critiques of Wallerstein’s early historical works. This conception, also applied in this study, exposes the household as the fundamental site for the reproduction of the labor force, which combines various forms of labor, and integrates into the capitalist world-system by maintaining hierarchy between these forms. Through the maintenance of this hierarchy, the household allows capitalists to extract surplus from the household itself, and renders the reproductive or informal labor of women publicly invisible. Here, Dunaway puts forward a systematic analysis of how these two processes take place.
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The ruling paradigm of democracy research for decades has been formulated by Huntington in his book on the Third Wave, which states that the process of democratization has reached its third, global wave, therefore democratic transition and consolidation have become the key terms of democracy theory. In the big euphoria of democracy, however, it was forgotten or marginalized that Huntington had also predicted recession or a counter-wave between particular waves, and referred that such a counter-wave might also follow the third wave described by him. The positive scenario of democratization remained valid until the late 2000s, moreover, the topic of recession was not discussed meaningfully either, as if global democratization had reached the point of no return. But in the 2010s there was a sharp turn in democracy theory and the global counter-wave has become the central topic of democratization. It has also produced the conceptual failure of the previously dominant American democracy theory. In such a way, the crisis of global democracy has come “home” to the US in the second half of the 2010s. This paper, from the huge literature of democracy research, only deals with the conflict between the mainstream concepts of US and European democracy research, and its implications for the East-Central European region.
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Kis János: Alkotmányos demokrácia. Kalligram, Budapest, 2019., 576 oldal, 5990 Ft
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Patrick J. Deneen: A liberalizmus kudarca. Ford. Kisantal Tamás. Libri, 2019. Patrick J. Deneen: Why Liberalism Failed. Yale University Press, 2018.
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In contemporary Italian political philosophy, Roberto Esposito is the author, besides Giorgio Agamben and Antonio Negri, who attributes a central role to the biopolitical approach in his works. Esposito’s standpoint is special. By Agamben’s interpretation, biopolitics has exclusively negative connotations; Negri uses the same expression in a mainly positive context; Esposito represents a third standpoint. Sometimes the positive, sometimes the negative side of the linking of life and politics appears in his writing, depending on the actual situation. Esposito interprets the actual appearances of biopolitics in the connection of two fundamental concepts, namely communitas and immunitas. Communitas means the historically changing practice of political cohesion of community; immunitas is a summarised expression of the different versions of individual endeavours and ambitions. It is clear from the beginning of the modernity that the political contests can be interpreted as an opposition of the principles of common and own. Besides the concepts of communitas and immunitas, the impolitical has an important role in the works of the Italian thinker. The aim of the idea of impolitical is to preserve the foundational function of the political, in the form of immunisation, for the neutralisation of the conflicts and the political itself. Consequently, the impolitical is a kind of mediator between the political system, i.e. institutionalised politics and the diffuse content of political, which can only be explained in the level of conceptual representation with a deficit.
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The most common way of articulating educational problems and questions is by speaking the language of social sciences, and using the grammar of political logics. What is the proportion of disadvantaged students? Does this and that project for inclusion appear to be effective? Since when has the school been reproducing inequalities? And so on. What I would like to discuss here is that it is possible to talk about education educationally and along educational logics. While the logic of the political refers to the way the social is born, the logic of the educational signifies the way birth becomes social – namely, our collective and political attitude toward the fact that newcomers are constantly coming into our common and old world. I will present four educational logics characteristic of our epoch, which are discussed in depth by the proponents of an experimentative critical pedagogy. They do understand these logics of the educational in a radically different, twisted way if compared to the mainstream educational discourse, thus laying the groundwork for a new kind of radical left-wing pedagogy. In agreement with them, I want to argue here that pedagogy is not the praxis of the future, but of the present, in which it is more important not to know certain things than to want to know everything, because this is how we can break the chains of the prevailing order here and now: by putting gods and masters into brackets, and ignoring the expectations of the society, as well as the hopes of yesterday which constantly defer revolution.
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