O potrzebie refleksji filozoficznej w działaniach politycznych
О необходимости философской рефлексии в политической деятельности
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О необходимости философской рефлексии в политической деятельности
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The paper concerns the way how Giorgio Agamben deals with the paradigm of political theology in his Homo sacer project. The author compares Agamben’s ideas with those presented by Roberto Esposito – a thinker who apparently seems to have a lot in common with Agamben. In fact choosing different intellectual strategy Esposito’ ideas could be used as a critical tool against some parts of Agamben’s project (e.g. the concept of profanations). In spite of Agamben’s declarations and (or rather: precisely because of) unprecedented scope and deepness of his studies, he is not able to provide the way out of the political theology regime. The author tries to prove abovementioned thesis by examining the terminological level of Agamben’s ideas, the direction in which his thought is developed or the way how he conducts his genealogies. Consequently Homo sacer project seems to remind the silent language of the Impolitical.
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Lives that we are going to lead are not determined only by our bodies, they are also determined by the surroundings in which these bodies reside. The fact that the birth of a person of the same physical and mental abilities in different regions of the Earth leads to a completely different life opportunities should deeply concern us. While the sheer physicality cannot and should not be equalized to achieve fairness in opportunities that individuals have in society, relations within and among political communities could and should be changed if we want a fairer world. Cosmopolitics as a branch of political philosophy, through intertwining the ideas of cosmopolitanism and democracy, deals with the considerations of possibility and probability of creating the global political system that is at the same time just and efficient. This article will provide an overview of basic problems related to the establishment of cosmopolitan democracy, and finally, it will consider some of the concrete proposals for its establishment by the theorists such as David Held and Daniele Archibugi.
More...Filosofia italiană la începutul secolului XX
The social, economic and political developments at the end of the 19th century and the beginning of the 20th century, have produced an intellectual emulation phenomenon on the political ideas level which were the catalyst of the ideologies strongly remarked after the end of the First World War. The Italian cultural space, through the ideas promoted by Benedetto Croce, Giovanni Gentile and Antonio Gramsci, were strong integrated in this context.
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More than 20 years after the 1989 Revolution, the Romanian society continues to be patriarchal – and implicitly less democratic for women. This fact becomes more obvious if one looks towards the political sphere and at the way in which women’s interests are represented at the political decision level. In this social environment, civil society and especially the feminist movement have a particularly important role in terms of promoting women’s specific civic and political agendas. Our paper is an exploratory investigation of the strategies of political and civic actions used by the feminist movement in Romania during the post communist period. We will try to identify and categorize these strategies. Our aim is to explore a way of formulating a sort of typology (a methodological exploration) of the civil and political models of action used by five Romanian feminist NGOs, while trying to assess their activity. This study is one of a prospective nature, in other words, it is not an exhaustive attempt to analyze the entire specter of feminist organizations, but rather an attempt to test the methodological apparatus and to adapt the theoretical framework to the realities found in the field.
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The lecture engages the debate concerning the relation between politics and ethics. Ethics is the guardian of good practice and policy the guardian of the quality of life in the community. The author discusses their mutual historical development paying special attention to two dates. First in 1789, when the Bastille was demolished and the Republic founded with a slogan of ethical content (“Liberty, Equality, Fraternity”), but only in order to control it. The second date is 1989, the year in which the Berlin Wall fell, constitutes a turning point and the dominance of ethics over politics promoted by the triad: democracy, accountability, and human rights, which undoubtedly belong to the highest value. The problem with this is that ethical values can be used in an ideological way. In the final section, the Christian position on the proper relationship between ethics and policy and vice versa is discussed.
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From the perspective of “applied ‘machiavelistics’”, the paper deals with Machiavelli’s The Art of War (Dell’arte della guerra) and other works (The Prince, Discourses on Livy) in which the author, among other things, gives advice for successful struggle, military and political. It is significant that these advices of Renaissance philosopher have a strong impact even after five hundred years. Few relevant authors that are familiar with his work recently published several books that reactualize Machiavelli’s thought in the context of the struggle and decision making in the 21st century, whether it is about advising managers in the “wars” within the business world, or it is offering assistance to voters in elections in order to choose a better ruler. Analysing these works, which updated Machiavelli as guide and counselor in contemporary struggles and decisions, shows the extent to which this approach trivializes Machiavelli’s thought, but also in how many ways it contributing to new, creative reception of his work.
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Artykuł podejmuje problem tolerancji i jej znaczenie w świecie społecznym. Punktem wyjścia jest próba odwołania się do koncepcji Michela de Montaigne’a jako jednego z prekursorów nowożytnego postrzegania wspomnianej problematyki w kulturze europejskiej. Uwzględnione zostało tło historyczne, szczególnie okres wojen religijnych we Francji XVII wieku oraz ich konsekwencje społeczno-polityczne. Pokrótce zaprezentowana została również geneza pojęcia tolerancji na naszym kontynencie wraz z kluczowymi momentami jej formowania od czasów starożytnych do XVI stulecia.
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The main research intention of this monographic study is more comprehensive understanding of post- modernist discourse and refutation of the most common conceptual misconceptions and critical stereotypes associated with it. The first part deals with general epistemological and methodological assumptions associated with postmodernism, second part trying to define the basic principles of modernity and modernism, while the third part deals with the basic principles of post- modernity and postmodernism. Today, for a significant number of “theoreticians and practitioners”, of this or that academic orientation and rank, there is nothing that would attract so strong, persistent and blatant intolerance as is the case with the ideas of postmodernism. The intention of this monographic study, therefore, is to identify the focal positions of postmodern discourse and, in that process, to demystify or amortize all those superficial, ignorant and malicious interpretations that are associated with definition of postmodernism. This can, by changing perspective and by expanding intellectual horizons, contribute to a clearer siting of external and internal Serbian power construct, in which the Serbian state is „caught“ and by which Serbian state „hunts“, and complete understanding of the fragmentation of Serbian society and identity issues.
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This paper deals with Slobodan Jovanovic`s theory of state sovereignty. Following the tradition of the general theory of state (Allgemeine Staatslehre), Jovanovic stresses the sovereignty of the state as a person. The sovereignty of a state is the authority and power of the whole over its parts, and hence the state is superior to the sovereignty of any one of its members, bodies or organs. Jovanovic criticizes Rousseau’s theory of popular sovereignty and the theory of natural rights. The aim is to consider specificities of Jovanovic’s theory of sovereignty of a state and his criticism of the theory of sovereignty of people.
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This paper forms the first part of a project of inquiry to understand the theoretical and practical potentials of Occupy through the recent wave of occupations that have emerged in response to the politics of austerity and precarity around the world. We do this as educators who are seeking to ‘occupy’ spaces of higher education inside and outside of the institutions in which we work. Occupy points to the centrality of space and time as practical concepts through which it is possible to reconfigure revolutionary activity. By dealing with the concept (Occupy) at this fundamental level of space and time through a critical engagement with Henri Lefebvre’s notion of ‘a new pedagogy of space and time’, we hope to open spaces for further revolutionary transformation by extending a critique of the politics of space and time into the institutions and idea of education itself. Lefebvre considers the ‘pedagogy of space and time’ as a basis for a new form of ‘counter-space’. He suggests that ‘deviant or diverted spaces, though initially subordinate, show distinct evidence of a true productive capacity’ (2008: 383), and in doing so reveal the breaking points of everyday life and the ways in which it might be appropriated as exuberant spaces full of enjoyment and hope. In the Production of Space, he identifies the space of leisure as a site within which such a resistance might be contemplated and activated. In our work we replace the principle of leisure with the concept of Occupy. We consider here how attempts to occupy the university curriculum, not as a programme of education but as the production of critical knowledge, may also constitute ‘a new pedagogy of space and time’. We will describe this occupation of higher education with reference to two projects with which we are involved Student as Producer and the Social Science Centre, the former at the University of Lincoln, and the latter across the city of Lincoln.
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This article studies the phenomenon of overcoming and provides a rationale of the understanding of the totality of human experience that integrates the situation of over-coming as that of the transcendence of human existence. As the basis of the research we use an integrated model of archaic cultural overcoming of the life–death dichotomy— a metaphysics of overcoming. A result of this metaphysics is a specific dialectical on-tology of myth, represented as an ontology of return. Manifestationism, holism, alo-gism, metamorphism, animism, cyclism, and sacralism are the general principles of this ontology. Return ontologies are in conflict with the ontology and metaphysics of the finite present in the religious and scientific worldviews. The author sees the prospects for a further study of the phenomenon of overcoming in using the subjective energistic approach that leads to understanding the phenomenon of overcoming at the biosocial level. The results of the research can be used as a philosophical basis for the develop-ment of an archaeological activity theory, in particular, a unified integrated approach to the ancient burial ritualism. They also allow to deepen the theoretical concepts of man, society, and culture.
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The author explains some terms being neglected in the last few years. War is one of many ways for implementing policy, but actually it is self-breeding and at the same time its own last source. The hypertrophy of available means for warfare creates the atrophy of its functions and consequently even its reason. War is still an extreme choice, bringing about the danger of total devastation of humane environment. It's strange that environmentalists do not put their protests to this centre of gravity. On the contrary, many of them regard wars as a natural thing, originated in the very nature of humane dispositions. It has its source probably in the fact that there is no self-contained theory dealing with war and peace, the so-called paxology—the theory how peace can be maintained in the world.
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Televizijske vijesti, novinski naslovi, politički govori i tweetovi i koji su fokusirali i ventilirali tjeskobe i strahove javnosti danas su prepuni referenci o "migracijskoj krizi", koja je navodno zavladala Europom i najavljuje slom i propast nalin života koji poznajemo, prakticiramo i cijenimo.
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In this paper, author tries to analyze complex character of the relation between law and morality in contemporary law philosophy. There are three approaches to the issue of relation between law and morality: natural law theory (identity thesis), positivist (separation thesis) and Anglo-American analytical jurisprudence (polarity thesis). The identity thesis-law and morality are basically identical, although basic principles of morality are subordinated to the positive legal rules; the separation thesis-law and morality are quite different system of norms; positive legal rules are completely deprived of any moral content; Polarity thesis – law and morality are different systems of norms which complement to each other. The polarity thesis is exemplified in theories of Herbert Hart and Ronald Dworkin’s. At the logical level, polarity thesis overcomes and specifically synthesizes abstract character and reductionism of identity and separation thesis. At the socio-historical level, the polarity thesis is result of historical development of legal and political institutions.
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Komunizmi shqiptar është një fenomen politik i periudhës së Luftës së Ftohtë, e cilau zhvillua midis bllokut komunist dhe atij të demokracive liberale perëndimore. Kjo luftë nisi me të përfunduar Lufta e Dytë Botërore. Zanafilla e komunizmit shqiptar mund të gjendet që në vitet e sundimit të Ahmet Zogut, tek grupet e vogla që kishin përvetësuar idetë komuniste, grupe të cilat dy vite pas pushtimit të Shqipërisë nga Italia fashiste ia dolën të formojnë Partinë Komuniste të Shqipërisë, në nëntorin e vitit 1941.
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The aim of this paper is to outline the development of the “just war theory” in the Christian tradition, especially in Catholic philosophical and theological thought. Special emphasis will be on the classic authors, like Augustine and Thomas Aquinas, who outlined basic coordinates of the “just war theory”. This article is also exploring “just war theory” in the context of the most relevant documents of the Magisterium of the Catholic Church (Catechism of the Catholic Church, documents of the Second Vatican Council and various documents related to Catholic social teaching).
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The purpose of the research is to analyze the peculiarities of humanistic mentality of the Northern Renaissance. The authors suggest a modern consideration of the formation of the humanistic mentality in Europe of the XVI century, analyzing treatise by Thomas More ‘The Utopia". The article presents the characteristics of the country Utopia, as an original form of the society, where the main factor is the understanding of social and spiritual ideal. In this context there presented a figure of Thomas More as a first humanist of the period of the North Renaissance. The methodology of the research lies in usage of historical, cultural, systematic, bibliographical, cultural and theoretical and generalizing methods. Mentioned above methods allow to present the dynamics of cultural and historical process of development of the Northern Renaissance, systematizing separate culture events in England of the XVI century, to analyze vital and creative way by Thomas More in the context of this epoch, to comprehend the dynamics of general cultural process in Europe of the XVI century and to resume the research. Scientific novelty is caused by wide usage of the biographical method, based on which the analysis of the ideals "The Utopia" and the life of Thomas More are united. Personal life of Thomas More and his behavior before the death turned out to be a certain embodiment of the humanistic moral ideal, realization of the conception of dignity and studies about person’s freedom. Conclusions. Having analyzed ‘The Utopia’ there becomes evident its inclination to the basis of the Renaissance humanism. It synthesizes everything that humanistic thought achieved, including new impulses for the development of society conscience of the epoch. In the form of Utopian statehood there worked out economic, political, moral and juridical structure that corresponded to the concept of man, formed in the Renaissance culture. In fact, the way of Utopian life, where there were canceled private property, money usage, inherited privileges, became a certain culmination of humanistic conception about organization of society that raises educated and honest people. Namely, humanists infinitely ardent in learning sciences and arts and upbringing of civility, were meant to play the first role in the state, based on the principals of unity, without overburdening with the dependence from the benevolence and fancies of richness and gentility. Though future history of the development of world civilization did not formulate "ideal society" in practice, "The Utopia" by T. More became an attempt of the answer of humanistic thought to the tragic contradiction of the epoch with ideal of the classless society organization with dominating philosophical, ethic, social and political ideals of humanism. Forming and maintaining them, Thomas More relied on the principals of the worldview, gained by the development of the culture of Renaissance epoch.
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The democracies of today can remain democracies only if they are able to negotiate pluralism and communality, conflict and justice, rationality and identity. What must we do to meet this challenge, asks Göran Rosenberg and presents a possible answer: federation. But where are the political thinkers and leaders who could formulate and win popular support for a power-sharing treaty in Europe?
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According to the main thesis of this article, repetition in one of the main mechanisms of ideological influence. Thanks to that circular motion, the ideological images can be effectively instilled into people’s bodies and minds. Because of the phenomenon of totalization, ideology is melting into different spheres of social life (it cease to be the case of philosophy alone) and throughout another repetitions its impact is strengthened. Thanks to this, the whole process is functioning outside the consciousness of the subject. The reconstruction of described phenomenon is based on the theories of the four thinkers linked to the marxist/post-marxist tradition.
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